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VOL. I.
ms ©EJX&biiA IM2jii
i< published, every Saturday luorninp, in Macon, (la. on the follow-
CONDITIONS :
if paid ttrirt.'g in adreinee ~ - aO per annum
If not so paid - - -3 00 “ “
l,ei;al Advertisements will be made to conform to the following pro
isions of the Statute: —
x a l„ of [.*,|,i Slid Negroes, by Kxeentors. Administrators and CJuard
aus. are required by law to he advertised in a public gazette, sixty
davs previous to the day of sale.
These sales must be held oil the first Tuesday in the month, between
be hours of ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the
•Conrt Mouse in the county in which the property is situated.
The sales of Personal Property must he advertised in like manner for-
Notite to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must he published forty
that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary foj
>Hvr to sell Land and Negroes, must be published weekly for four
months. ,
Cite lion* or Letters of Administration must be published thirty dn V s
—fnr Dismission from Administration. monthly, sic month* lor liis
mission from (luardiauship./rty any*. .
u'. ,-fnr foreclosur. of mortgage, must be publislied mnmthly.for
fovr months— for establishing lost paper *. for the full sp-ee of three
msNtns—for cMupeiling titles from Executors or Administrators where
a bend has been gix on hv the deceased, the foil .-pare of three month*.
Professional and llusiness Cards, inserted, according to the follow
"tor 4* dies or less per annum - - S5 oin advance.
“ r, hues 7 ‘ ,O “ “
.. w .. ..... - 3iooo“
c-jT Transient Advertisements will he charged 31. I” r square of 12
lines or less, f>r the first and 50 cts. for <* a eh subsequent nsertio n .— ’
<>u these rates there will he a deduction of 20 percent, on settleme.ut
when advertisements are continued 3 months, without alteration.
s-jr* All lifters except those containing remittances must he post]
paid or free.
Postmasters and others who will act as Agents for the “Citizen’
mav retain 20 percent, for tueir trouble, on all cash subscrqitions tor
warded.
OFFICE on Mulberry Street, East of the Floyd House and near the
Market.
Cnrhi.
kEL LA M J. BELL,
Attorneys at Law and General Land Agents,
Atliiula, Gil.,
Will practice in 1)< Ixail) and ;iljotiiiii£ eoniilies : and in
the Huprome (bunt at Decatur.—Will also visit any part of
the country for tin* sett iemeut of claims. \c. without suit,
il r Bounty Land Claims prosecotkii with despatch.
Office on White Hull St., over Dr. Denny's Drug Store.
A. K. KKI.LAM. *• A * BKI.L.
3. &. R. P. KALI,
Attorneys at Law,
Macon. Georgia.
]>l! MTICE in Mibb, Craw ford. Houston. Ir|ison,1 r |ison, Monroe, Macon.
Dooly. Twiggs.Jones and Pike counties: and in the Supreme
Court ;■! Macon, Deentur,Ta!botton and Americas.
SZtjOOn ick c.,kr Scott, CaRH.vRT }c Co.'s Stork.
April 4, 1.250. ly
Wm. K. dfiGRAFFENREID,
Attorney & Counsellor at Law.
MACCN, GA.
Iy'OTfJCE Mt’I.iIERitYSTEET, NEARLY OI’I'OSITK WASHINGTON
MALI..
Midth 21, IS.’O. ‘ I—'ly
~~ JOHN M MILLEK
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
SAVANNAH, GEORGIA.
Jnne 28th, 1850. Id—ly
2> A V l n iE %%S , 7 & k P a
AND NOTARY PUBLIC,— MACON, GEO.
CNOMMISSiONEU OK DEEDS, Ac., for the States of
J Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Texas, Tennessee,
Kentucky, \ irginiu. North Carolina. South Carolina, 1* tori
da ,Missouri, New York, Massachusetts. Connecticut, Puun
sylvsnia. Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Arkansas. Maine, Ac.
Depositions taken. Accounts probated. Deeds and Mort
gages drawn, and a!! documents and instruments ol writing
prepared and authenticated for use and record, in any of the
above States.
Uksuience on Walnut street, near the African church.
O’ Public Office adjoining Dr. M. S. Thomson's iiotan
ic Store—opposite Floyd House.
Macon, Jane 23, 1850 14-—ly
RBBGE3SBER!
A'IT’M.F.N in your extremity that Dr, :*T. S. THOMSON is
V\ -till in Macon. Georgia, and when written to, sends
Mi i ‘iiic by mail to any part of the country,
t>*>rs’ give up all hope without consulting him.
June 7,1850* H —ts
BOUNTY LANDS 3
■ TO OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS
Win sepred in the war of 1812 with Croat Britain, the
Indian want of 1700, and 1836, and Lhc war with Mex
ico of i 847-8-
r rHE UN DF.iIS IONKI) has received from the proper Dr-
A purtniPnts. the neees-a ix papers to estnldisli all or any
ol die alwne claims, under (lie recent nets of Congress. lie
“ill also make out claims under the Pension Act, as well as
all others again.-t the United States for Lost Horses, Hag
gage, esc.
Information furnished gratis. Charges moderate.
Ulaims of Widows, Heirs, etc., particularly atteniiedjo.
“Cl 11 Gt JOSEPH’ A. WHITE.
Cljf ]kA'j Cornrr,
- - • 1 : - •
For the Georgia Citizen.
The Student Girl.
S'.vo si beneath a southern vine,
Her dark eyes veiled with silken lashes long,
M liieh hid the pensive grief they ever wore,
Her form was full of si ft clastic grace,
And on her brow a fairness which bespoke
Her of a Northern clime —A faded lose
That ’ncath that burning zone had not its birth,
With perfume still, though all else had fled,
Ly on her slender hand, and tears fell fast
And hot upon its leaves, for it had cotne
AiVith haunting tones and words upon that worn
breaking heart—to crush it in hitter agony.
A'bat doth she here on lone Pacific’s isle ;
A weary stranger on a stranger soil;
Come read the tale of that fair gentle girl,
She was from famed New England dime,
A lovely home was hers within the vale,
V here winds the crystal stream of Merimac’s
Rippling waves—The rose and myrtle sweet
and wined in union close around the trellised pdTeh
Beneath whose arch there came no sound
Save the joyous mirth of happy hearts.
Iler mind was of a mystic mould,
Tho’ full of sunny tones and smiles, there lurked
Beneath that gay exterior a depth of soul
M hieh lent the charm of thoughtful care,
Her lovely face unto—while tef our hearts it came,
But as a sign of future sorrow,
her brightest flowers bend first beneath
Cold autumn’s chilling blast, and souls of love
h irst drink the dregs of disappointment.
ears passed, her soul had met a kindred heart,
“” *th noble brow and kindly tones, whose eye
Beamed on her, continually, with love,
Aet tongue revealed it not. It took a form
Dt deeper impress than words couid give it.
***3 ■■ -*■ ■■ -tt*. ■■ ‘■ _ - w l9 ” -y, ..... -i ■- “Utlgjn" iir;- ■**■■ w ’ -•• ~~ —■—— ——
They pondered o’er the same enchanted book
A\ bother of legend or poetic tale,
l util their spirits blent like living waters
Os two streams, in perfect harmony.
Oh ! who would think there lay within that dream
The germ of future grief,
Yet change swept o’er that heart’s devoted truth,
And crushed in death the hopes of that fair girl,
lle who had won her heart's first tender love,
Unfeelingly forsook the beauteous maid
And left her heart a blighted desert.
Oh ! is there no truth in this wide world of hearts?
No shadowing dim of that bright Heaven
We fain would reach, where all is love and truth,
-Mas, life hath too many tales like this !
One brief glad day of joy breaks forth
.And then a darkened pathway,
There came no murmur from her breaking heart,
Shesought for peace before the throne ot God,
And neath devotion’s light pursues her path
So early clouded.
She had crushed back the grief
That sapped youth’s early hopes, and left her native sky
For distant coral isles—there mid fragrant groves,
She sat, with brow of snow among those dark,
Sad forms, and told them of the heart’s sweet rest
In worlds above. Ah 1 little did they know.
That she who taught them thus, was dying
Os a slowly breaking heart, as thus she pour’d
A soothing balm into their wounded souls.
That rose had called up anguished memories,
Os him she loved with such enduring truth,
And this the last sad relic of his love
Came like whispers from the past to crush
That fragile reed, in silent agony.
She died
She of such beauty rare, and gentle soul.
Upon that stranger land, in her last hour.
Unci leered by those who watched her early bloom.
She sleeps beneath the vine where she so often sat,
And naught hut flowers of fairest blooming
Those dark-hrow’d maidens plant upon her giave,
Os earthly love is this the end ! ah sure,
An hour will come when Heaven’s just reward
Shall meted he to cruelty and wrong,
When no sling shall mar the spirit’s peaeo
Like that of having broke a trusting heart.
M. 11. OLMSTEAD.
Otego, N. Y.
For the Georgia Citizen.
Seek Heaven.
When thy heart is sad and weary,
Burdened with the cares of life,
Book above where naught that’s dreary
Clouds the spirits inner life ;
Seek ye that path with earnest faith,
’Twiil lead to joys that know no death.
W lien thou'st laid some fond loved treasure
In the cold unhghted tomb,
Look above] and think thy* treasure
Wears •• richer brighter bloom ;
Seek ye that clime where love ne'er dies,
But burns more pure in yonder skies.
All of life is changing, fleeting,
Nothing sure that is of earth,
Less of smiles than bitter weeping,
Follow us from early birth;
Then seek the land of seraph lyres,
Where mind relumes its wasted fires.
M. H. OLMSTEAD.
Otego, N. Y.
.political.
Howell Gobi, of Georgia.
( The constituents of this gentleman, at present
Speaker of the House of Representatives of the U.
States, have invited him to partake of a public din
ner at Athens, Georgia,\the place of his residence,
and he has accepted it, and lived t!m 14th day of
November as the time. They do so for the purpose
of manifesting their “approbation of the manly
stand lie has taken in the adjustment of the excit
ing and momentous questions which so lately agi
tated the public mind.y The dinner is offered and
will be given by gentlemen of both the great par
ties, and the invitation is signed by ninety-eight citi
zens. In the meanwhile, Mr. Cobb has taken the
stump in favor of tlie Union, and is announced to
speak at ditierent places, at stated periods, in his
Congressional I listrict.y
/There is something in the character and in the
bearing of Mr. Cobb, that makes*him an interesting
study to the young men of our country. His mod
esty, liis prudence, his sagacitV, his eloquence,—all
so fully developed —are rare elements in one of his
years; for Mr. Cobb is one of the youngest men in
the House. He wins affection by his gentle man
ners ; lie commands respect by his unaffected dig
nity ; and those who differ from him, no matter
how vehemently, have the good sense never to un
derrate his unquestionable abilityAYe have close
ly contemplated him during the most acrimonious
and lengthy session of Congress in our history, in
the Speaker’s chair of the House of Representatives.
The session itself will be among the most memora
ble in our annals. Its proceedings aroused an in
terest among the people that never will be forgotten.
Some of its scenes were full of the gloomiest omens
to the common weal. The whole fabric of the Un
iou was intertwined with its discussions, and upon
more than one single decision, depended the ques
tion whether we should long survive or speedily per
ish as a free people. In this protracted and terrible
crisis, Mr. Cobb had the helm. Often assailed by
the violent spirits of the floor—nearly always sur
rounded by tempests of contention that included the
whole body in their rage—he nevertheless remained
at his post uuterrifled and undisturbed —seeing eve
ry question through the storm, and recalling the
House to its duty by the clearness of Lis explana
tions, and the courage of his decrees. On the dark
est hour of all, when it seemed as if the compromise
measures were lost beyond redemption, liis voice of
encouragement was heard in all quarters, and
when Anally these measures were revived, it was
in a great measure owing to his tact, energy,
and perseverance, that they were triumphantly car
ried through the popular branch of Congress. Since
tliev have become laws of the land, he has been bit
terly denounced at home, in his own State of Geor
gia, by those who regard the compromise measures
as injurious and insulting to the South. In this
new crisis, he is found to be as calm, as resolute,
and as patriotic as ever : and forgetting the fatigues
that have w’asted him during a ten month’s session,
he is now seen on the rostrum, in Georgia, battling
for the Union with all the powers of his manly and
stirring eloquence. The spectacle is one, as wo re
marked before, filled with peculiar interest?)
People of the North! It is such men who are
battling for the Constitution in the South. It is
“Juiicpcniicut in all tljings—Neutral iu Notljiug.”
MACON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 9, 1850.
! such men whose hands will be weakened, whose ef
forts will be powerless, whose political ruin will be
consummated, unless you throw yourselves into the
breach, and breast the waves of the new fanaticism
in the North, that threatens first to resist, and then
to repeal an important item of the recent measures
;of Compromise. Howell Cobb has no carpet war
riors to tight in liis great battle for the Union in
Georgia. Bold, able and popular men, have enter
ed the lists to contend against him. Will you al
low these abolition ultras to give these men new
cause for agitation in tbe South i Is it not our duty
to say to the whole Union that we will stand by !
the recent measures with resolution and constancy,
and to the South, especially, may we not appeal tW
a just and patriotic judgment, in view of the efforts
we now make, in favor of that feature of the Com
promise which so nearly concerns her vital interest?
[Pennsylvanian.
The Pkesident and the Abolitionists.— The
scenes in the Whig Convention assembled at Syra
cuse in the State of New’ York, of which an account
was given in our paper yesterday, demonstrate to us
that President Fillmore is perfectly sound upon the
i question of slavery. The Seward or freesoil party
have rejmdiated his opinions on this subject. Men
who look for a realization of tiieir frantic hopes in a
disregard of the constitution and a violation of law
can And nothing congenial between them and the
President. His opinions on this vital question are
all in accordance with the constitution and the ad
mitted rights of the South. He knew —and every
other well informed man knew—that to sanction
the fugitive slave bill, would be to arm the entire
freesoil party in the North and West against his ad
ministration. And in his future political career—
for he is too young for his usefulness to stop here—it
was certain that they would bay at his heels and
hang at his skirts. For unscrupulous and wicked
men, when they are ready to cast conscience over
hoard and attain their objects by any means, never
pardon the honest men who debar them of their
pk*y. We think that the man who is willing to
jeopard that which is so valuable to every politician
—his popularity—in the conscientious discharge of
his duty, is a man worthy of trust and conAdence.
Such, we think, Mr. Fillmore has already proved
himself to be. He deserves, in consequence, the
entire conAdence of the Southern people; and we
not in the least doubt that be has received it. The
stringent provisions of the fugitive slave law have
begun already to produce the fruits expected by
those who designed and enacted it. By its active
provisions a fugitive slave, if captured and a prop
erty is proved in him, can, without doubt, be recov
ered, and carried back to the State from which he
fled. The North is no longer considered a secure
asylum for fugitive slaves; and in consequence
they are emigrating in hands of hundreds to! the
British possessions. This determines the eflicaov of
jhe Jaw. Let Southern -fanatics cease now fer~,
against Congress. Here is practical proof of the
respect which the North has for tho rights of the
South and the constitution of the country. This
shows, too, the protection that the Union affords to
slave property; and the prompt and rapid immi- j
gration of escaped slaves to Canada proves likewise !
that in foreign States, beyond the jurisdiction of the I
Federal laws, fugitive slaves from the South are per- ;
fectly secure from recapture. Let all this redound
to the credit, not only of the Union, but to the cred
it of Congress and the President. The latter has
surrounded himself with a cabinet that commands
the full conAdence of the country. There is Mr.
Webster, its head and front. We all know how
i with his heavy club, lie mauled the abolitionists, a
short time since. His presence in the cabinet, with
his well known hostility to abolitionism, and the nat
; ural sway that he holds there and every where, is
’ of itself, and independent of his own action, eou-
I vineing proof of the soundness and conservatism of
| the President. The other component parts of the
1 Administration are not less entitled to conAdence ;
and the presence thereof our own man, A. 11. 11. ;
: Stuart, is a guarantee to the whigsof Virginia that
; the President’s opinions are all safe and .right. Un- |
tit something is done to forfeit it, we trial the Whig
| party in Virginia, and the w hole South, will enter
-1 tain no fears of the Administration. — Richmond ‘
Wh i<j.
The C risis—Abolitionism.
The Day Book has taken its course and will pur- \
sue it, and we confess onr high gratiAcntion at re- \
coivingfrom all quarters entitled to our regard in
: this matter the warmest thanks. For the Arst time
j since the adoption of our glorious constitution, abo
| litionism regardless of consequences has assumed
a show’ of respectability, not caused by the arrant !
knaves and fools of the Garrison stamp, but j
! brought about by such merciless demagogues as I
Greeley, Seward and Weed, who have lived upon
the credulity of a gullible people until they think
themselves safe in joining the ranks of the nominees |
for President and Vice President of the United;
States—Gerrit Smith, white, and Samuel Ward, 1
black. They succeeded in getting the votes and
money of the poor Irish until the Slievegammon
explosion, and now they are trying the poor negroes
and their infatuated white allies. They may thrive
for a time, or until their fanatical followers shall at
tempt resistance by force to the United States’
laws —then may God have mercy on their souls!
It will he the signal for such a rising of whites a
yainst the blacks as never was before witnessed in
this now happy country. Talk of ‘‘the blacks ar
ming,” as is seen paraded daily in the Tribune! If
there is not an extermination of the biacks they
will be shot down like dogs. Aye and their abet
tors white or black if found using force against the
laws. Reflect for a moment. Think of the awful
storm created by the Tap pans only a few years
back, when if he and his mad followers had not de
sisted many if not all the black domicils in this city
would have been razed to the ground. Such a
whirlwind of popular indignation has seldom been
seen. The truth is, and century after century illus
trates the fact, that the whites cannot live on an e
quality with the blacks—one or the other must be
slaves, or as is tlie case in all our large cities, worse
than slaves. It is as true as that the sun shines,
that morally and physically the slaves at the South
are in a better condition than the free blacks as a
body at the North —aye, and more respected. There
is not half the antipathy to the skin, color or per
fume at the South as exists at the North. What
in Heaven’s name would the abolitionists do ? No
one know T s, and themselves don’t pretend to know,
only let them loose to rapine and murder. The
consequences are too awful to contemplate for a mo
ment. This is a time for every lover of his country
to take his stand boldly against the wretched, mad
schemes of the crazy, foolish abolitionists backed by
those devils incarnate who live upon the excitements
of the day, many of them originating in their own
futile brains. Time so far has thwarted their devilish
projects, as it is hoped with the assistance of com
mon sense, will be the case in this matter. Mean
while we shall do our part fearlessly, regardless of
winnings and yelpings. —AT. Y. Daybook.
The Shorter Catechism of Disunionists— a
writer in the Sumpter Whig, shows up the inconsistencies of
many of those now engaged in the disunion movement, iu
the following capital hit, ‘'or shorter catechism,’’ to be pro
pounded to all persons suspected of being unsound on the
Southern question :
Ist. Do you believe in the doctrine of “non-interven
tion ?”
2d. Do you believe in the doctrine of double intervention ?
3d. Do you not assert that the Missouri compromise was
a violation of the constitution ?
4th. Do you nt believe that tho constitution ought to be
violated again iu the same way ?
sth. Did you say, with Gen. Cass, that the people of the
territories have a right to regulate their own domestic con
cerns ?
fiih. Do you believe, against Gen. Cass, that the people
of thu territories have no right to regulate their own domes
tic concerns?
7th. Did you not say, with Mr. Folk, that the Wilmot
proviso to tiie Oregon bill teas constitutional ?
Bth. Do you not tww say, with everybody , that the Wil
mot proviso is unconstitutional?
9th. Did you not say that the Mexican law abolishing sla
very in the new purchase was repealed by the constitution ?
10th. Do you not now say it is necessary the Mexican law
be abolished by an act of Congress ?
11th. Does it not require Congress and the constitution
both to kill it?
12th. Are you not in favor of State lights?
13th. Are you not opposed to California abolishing slavery
if she desires it ?
14th. Do you not believe that the admission of California
into the Uniouwas unconstitutional under the clause of the
constitution giving “Congress power to admit new States”?
15th. Were you uot willing to admit her os a free State,
provided she would slice off’ a little of her boundary?
16th. Were you in favor of the “Nashville Convention” as
a means of preserving this Union ?
17th. Are you not now in favor of the re-assembling of
the “ Nashville Convention ” as a means of dissolving the
Union ?
IStli. Were you not with Gen. Jackson on tho doctrine
of secession ?
19th. Are you uot with Mr. Rhett, of South Carolina,and
in favor of secession?
29th. Did you not believe, with Gen. Jackson, that “in a
Republican government a majority ought to govern”?
21st. Don’t you believe now that a majority ought not to
govern?
22d. Did you not think once that a State hud a right to set
her own boundaries and sell her own land ?
23d. Don’t you think now that a State has not a right to
fix her own boundaries and sell her own land ?
pLjU-th. W'X. -ja, 1 ” *>'•’- ; v. f“v r of disqolriug the Union, if
the \Y ilmot iso passed into a law, and Congress exercis
ed power over slavery in the territories?
2.>th. Are you not now in favor of dissolving the Union bc
’ cause Congress did not exercise power over slavery in the
j territories?
Unless the accused e3n answer all these questions affirma
tively, and whatever others may arise to suit the times, he
shall be condemned and considered as unsound on the “South
ern Question.’! If he says, they, or either of them, are in
consistent with each other, he must but the more believe
them all; for each is a subject of such vital importance, faith
must not be held in subjection to reason, but reason to faith.
Cnrrwpnniirnre.
LETTER TO GOVERNOR TOWNS.
To the iommauder in Chief of the Army and
Navy of Georgia and the Militia thereof.
Honored Sir: —Your letter of 3d instant to
certain gentlemen of Murray County lias been pe
rused. You evidently, illogically and cunningly,
make your own answers and then propound the
questions.
By it you stand charged with endeavoring to ex
cite and inflame the public mind, by your feigned
and imaginary aggressions and fears of the future.
Your construction of the constitution and the
powers of Congress is as lucid as were those of a
certain member in Congress from Georgia in 1835,
when he voted to receive Abolition petitions, for
which great deed lie was consigned to public obliv
ion, fort lie space of ten years, until dragged from
obscurity he was placed in preferment equal to the
one you now enjoy.
You seem to be surrounded by a cabal of parti
zans, some of whom are fanatics who are ready to
break through all rules of respect and morality, and
throw the country into confusion and anarchy for the
propagation of that zeal to “rule or ruin,” and some
hypocrites, who for hire have apostatized from all
that is honest, and now overact their part with a
zeal characteristic of Neophytes. Both the fanati
cal and hypocritical courtiers are generally destitute
of all true American feeling, and in their apparent
and disguised devotion, they endeavor to extinguish
every national respect and sentiment. Your South
ern Congress (alias the Hartford Convention of
Nashville) is responsible to no one; no powers of
sovereignty and perpetuity have been delegated to
it by the people. There are no obligations or guar
antees thrown around that body to protect the
Rights of Man, which God alone created. The
members are not more wise, vigilant, and just, nor
are their obligations and responsibilities more sa
cred than the legitimate members of Congress to
whom the people have constitutionally delegated
powers. They have no right or power to issue
nuncias, make treaties, appoint foreign ministers,
grant reprisals or vend out offices to the highest
bidder, nor to forgive or grant absolution to the vio
lators of their official and constitutional oaths.
When any or all of these things are done, by this
perpetual and designing picket guard of anarchy
and Despotism, w ho will with the rapidity of light
ening, send forth their false and secret alarms of in
surrection, then will the Federal and State Con
stitution and the sovereignty of the State and peo
ple be plainly and palpably violated and usurped.
It will then be for the sovereign people to decide,
whether an elevation like those who closed a career
at Tyburn or Tower Hill will be most appropriate,
for they will deserve one or the other for their pains,
or whether they will then tamely submit to their ty
ranny or resist them with halters in their pockets,
and knives by their sides !
The feelings of the whole people have become so
agitated that they cannot, without much discompo
sure bear longer the effrontery heaped upon them,
especially from one who stands closely and sacredly
related towards the Federal and State Constitution
and the laws of the land. You should have “pour
ed oil upon the troubled waters,” instead of brand
ishing the torch to light up feuds to destroy our
dearest interests and desolate our country. The lat
ter belongs not to the duties of the Executive, the
former is a component part of liis obligations.
“They who have sown the tempest must reap the
whirlwind.” You have chosen your position with
your coffin on your back and your grave at the Mis
souri line ; you can be supplied with the Arst with
out carrying it, and the latter you can have to your
order at home. To advance in your career is not
without imminent peril, to recede is not without hu
miliation and disgrace. Your Cabal must share a
like fate.
You must not be so absurd as to think yourself
personally affronted, because others think tit to be
guided by more patriotic motives or more conserva
tive judgments, or because they believe any one else
rather than you. It would be as easy for you to
convince the people of the truth of your illogical
and cunning catechism, as to make the world be
lieve you bad squared the circle , or that they should
cut their throats because they must ‘sometime die.’
There are thousands who have not bowed to your Baal
and “who will not serve thy gods nor worship thy
golden calf which thou hast set up.”
You are strongly suspected of trying to win pop
ularity at the expense of your authority and digni
ty. The public voice loudly accuses you of tryfng
to gain favor and preferment at the expense of their
own honor and the general weal. Your cabal at
tempts to propitiate you by affecting to be reconciled
to you. In spite of mortification and humiliation
they cling to self made regal power, with the grip
of drowning men. There arises a strong presump
tion against the sincerity of a conversion, by which
the convert is to be directly gainer. There is a
point at which you ought to have stopped. Had
you only went to the verge of destruction and seen
its dangers and then recoiled, the people would
have granted you a liberal amnesty, in consideration
of your firmness and integrity in refusing to take
your final step of Disunion.
Sometimes seared consciences have tender spots,
but unscrupulousness of conscience, insensibility to
shame and excess of baseness leave no room for a
tonement fora violation of confidence blindly placed
iu another.
At some future day you may gladly wish you bad
in time, recanted your words, and retraced your
steps, as did “Jeffries” (when recognized in the Ale
house) from the ravages of an infuriated mob urged
to deeds by his own pandering acts. It will be then
too late to play apostate any longer.
Had your only fear been, that the “Fugitive slave
bill” will not be repeated before your dissolution
takes j dace, that might have been avoided by being
fully satisfied that it will not. Let it no longer dis
ease your mind or prolong your miseries. It will
probably be your fate to depart hence in inglorious
peace, for there is too much steel iu a sword, and
too much metal in a gnu, fur you to die by-UtheT.
Yours with the highest respect and regard
BALDWIN.
Capitoline Hill, )
Nov. 2, 1850. )
LETTER from CLEAVELASD O.
Cleaveland, Ohio, October 25, 1850.
Mr. Editor: —l have perused your paper for
some months past with some degree of interest.
This interest has been greatly increased of late in
view of the peculiar state of the country growing
out of the agitation of that all absorbing question
of slavery. Not in this country especially, Mr Edi
tor, which boasts so much of the liberty of the press,
of the right guarantied, under the constitution, to
every individual to print and publish what he may
think proper, being accountable for the same, did I
expect to see any attempt made, by menace or by
force, to abridge said liberty. Much less did 1 ex
pect to hear of an attempt made to intimidate or as
sault an Editor for upholding and sustaining the in
tegrity of the Union which has been and should
continue to be the pride and glory of the country.
You can judge then of my surprise upon reading
the account you gave of the proceedings of the mob
recently assembled in Macon. Why sir, I could
scarcely believe the evidences of my senses that any
individual should be so insane and fanatical as to
suspect, much less to charge a pro-slavery paper,
and such a pa]>er too as tlie “Georgia Citizen,” with
being inimical to Southern interests. Why sir, just
such a paper as you publish, in the North, would be
denounced from end of the country to the other as
advocating sentiments which abolitionists would
consider subversive of all that they hold dear and
valuable. Advocating such views it could not exist
a day depending upon this class for support. It is
here almost certain death to an editor, politically
and pecuniarily, to support even the great measures
of the compromise. The late fugitive slave law es
pecially is denounced as wicked and damnable and
will be resisted by the ultras North at all and every
hazard. 1 doubt very much if any individual from
this section who voted for the law will ever be re
turned to Congress. Not a man from Ohio, save
one, of this class, has as yet received even a nomina
tion.
You can judge of the feeling in the North upon
this subject from the manner in which Cass and
Webster have been denounced. They are anathe
matized for betraying the interests of the North in
advocating the great measures of the last Congress
intended for the pacification of the country; and
you on the other band, it seems, are anathematized
for sustaining the same measures, which are consid
ered by the ultras of your section as inimical to the
interests of the South. Can inconsistency go far
tlier than this ?
It was thus in Congress upon the passage of these
measures. The extremes met. The Abolitionists
of the North united with the “Fire-eaters,” as you
have termed them, of the South, in opposition to
any and every measure that looked to the peace of
the country —to the salvation of the Republic. It
was indeed a singular sight to see the northern ab
olitionist and southern ullraist, unite in the work of,
demolition—walking up arm in arm, and laying
their sacrilegious hands upon that temple of free
dom rendered doubly sacred by the blood ot a noble
and gallant ancestry. This, of itself, should be suf
ficient to satisfy every reasonable man that those pa
triots and statesmen who sought to adjust, in a spir
it of compromise, those great measures which con
vulsed the country from oue extremity to the other,
were infiuenced by the purest of motives and the
most exalted patriotism.
Asa friend to the Union, lam glad to perceive
that you properly appreciate their services in behalf
of our common country. Persevere in the support
of the cause you have thus far so ably defended, and
the result cannot be doubtful. Your exertions, and
those of your coadjutors, must be crowned with
complete success which those of your enemies must
eventuate in utter dismay and infamy.
That was a noble sentiment of a gallant Senator
from my native State, (Kentucky) uttered in reply to
the Senator from South Carolina during*he penden
cy of these questions. Mr. Butler said that “the
Southern delegation had been deliberating, in cau
cus, ujion the measures which should be taken forth©
: honor and safety of the South.” Mr. Clay respond
ed that “he had no doubt of it; and that while they
were thus deliberating, others were deliberating al
so, not particularly for the North nor for the South
—the East nor for the West —but for the hoaor and
safety of the whole country —for the honor and safe
ty of the Union.” KENTUCKY.
LETTER from COLEIBIS.
CoLUMBirs, November 4, 1&50.
Dear Sir —ln compliance with my promise in
my hist, I shall give you an account of the Union
j Meeting, held at Temperance Hall, in this city, on
last Saturday, the 2d inst. That magnificent and
spacious Ilall was tilled to overflowing, by the La
dies, and Unionists and Disunionists.
The lion. Alex. 11. Stephens addressed the as
semblage with truthful words and extraordinary
ability, notwithstanding the frequent interruptions
ot a tew unmannerly and disorderly Salamanders.
| Conviction followed his argument, and many con
victed tire-eaters left the building with repentant
hearts.
It was understood before the meeting, that the
Salamander party, e. the disunionists, would at
tempt, as they did, to break up the meeting, be
cause the L nioii committee of arrangements would
not allow them to meet them, (the Unionists) in de
bate. Various reasons impelled the committee, I
suppose, to dissent, and I know I breathe the senti
ments of hundreds, when I say that it was perfectly
right to put a check on such unblushing treasou as
the Salamanders wished to emit from their lips.
\\ believer the speaker was interrupted he gave
such repartees to the imprudent interrogators, as to
bring forth the applause of all true hearts. His ex
positions ot all the great measures passed by the
last Congress were plain enough for auv one, who
had the tceling of an honest Southron, to under
stand. Extracts from his different speeches were
circulated by the understrappers of the Salamander
party, but their desired and intended effect was of no
avail, when the speaker explained their real mean
ing to those who professed to believe these extracts
meant what they did not treat of.
Mr. Stephens said he was now willing to act up
on all lie had said in the halls of Congress or out
of them, if the causes spoken of in his speeches had
transpired. “ That Federal gun had never been
tired,” said he, and had it tired, we would have had
cause for dissolution.
It is impossible for me even to give you an out
line of his masterly effort; but it is enough to say,,
that it threw the ranks of the Salamander* into ut
ter disorder; and won for him the highest respect
of all the except the disappointed organizers. Suc
cess to him ! May he ever upbear “the bauner oft
freedom,” and surely his works will meet with ade
quate rewards of honor from highminded and up
right freemen.
The lion. Robert Toombs next addressed the
meeting, and it was done in his own peculiar elo
quent manner. He fully acquitted himself from tho
charges that the Lord John Clique have laid at his
door, and told them truths, which, if adopted by
them, would give us a respite from continued agita
tion.
The cause that those distinguished statesmen are
vindicating wjll, beyond doubt, succeed. It is a
cause of freedom and equality and happiness, ana it
needs no prophetic eye to see how the contest will
terminate. It will result in a final defeat of the dis
unionists.
\\ hat better form of government could these
quixotic disunionists give us i Could they make a
better code of laws for the protection of our slavo
interests than Congress lias given us 1 Could they
cause the States South of Mason’s and Dixon’s lino
to make greater progress in commerce, agrieulturo
and manufactures, than they are now making ?
Could they trust Great Britain to lie the protector
of a Southern republic without fearing she would,
extend her dominion over it, and rule it with a scep
tre ? They may say they could do all this if all the
South could unite.
Yet, thank Heaven! the majority of a free South
ern people are not disposed to tear down a govern
ment that has, since its foundation until the present
day, been the cynosure of every country on the
globe.
On Saturday night last the “Bombastes Furiosoes”
held a meeting to counteract, I suppose, the effect
that reason and truth had upon some of their con
sciences on the same day, when Stephens aud.
Toombs spoke a little too loud for some of them.
The Union party in this section are in the highest
spirits ; but I warn them not to sleep upon their
posts or trust their country to their opposers, or else
they will be shorn of their strength as Sampson was
shorn of his, by the effeminate Delilah.
“ What is allowed to those boys who pound tho
floor with clubs at every Salamander meeting ?” is.
a question often asked. Can you tell us, if any of
your correspondents hereabouts have given you the
information ?
Messrs. Toombs and Stephens have accepted the
disunionists’challenge, and will meet them in debate
at this place this day week. There will, no doubt,,
be much bravado exhibited by the Salamanders, but
it will do no harm to our cause in this section.
Cotton is coming in freely, and has advanced
somewhat above the rates mentioned in my last.
1 )ry-Goods Merchants have received “their fall
stocks and are making good sales. Groceries are
high, yet people must live cost what they may.
On Saturday last N. M’G. Robinson was elected.
City Marshall by a large majority over Clias. Ken
dall, his opponent.
COLUMBUS.
LETTER from GRIFFII,
Griffin, Ga. Nov. 4, ISSO.
Dear Doctor : —lf I was fully satisfied that all the people
of Georgia understood the precise position of parties, and
that they all knew that the admission of California as a State,
was the only cause for the call of the pending Convention,
(which I consider an antitype of the Hartford Convention,).
I should not trouble you with anything more in the way of
polities. Bnt I conceive this to be an important and dangerous
crisis in the history of our country, one in which every indi
vidual should feel a deep interest. When our country is in
vaded by bad men, who seek to destroy our happiness and
prosperity, as a great nation, we should simultaneously rise
up and support the Union against such evil-designing dema
gogues, at all hazards, and to the ** last extremity.” That
there are such characters, none dare deny.
Then let the people of Georgia remember that the admis
sion of California was no aggression— was no violation of the
Constitution. If it was, let our ‘‘fire-eating” friends point
NO. 33,
