I, piihlislied, every Saturday morning, in Macon, (la. on the follotv-
If paid strictly in advance - - 92 50 per annum
If not so paid • • - - 300 “ “
|*<al NdverUseinonts will be made to conform to the followim; pro
ton* of the Statute: —
Siht of Laivl and Negroes, by Executors, Administrator* and Guaril
are required by law to he advertised in a public gazette, sixty
‘jjn previous to the day of sale.
These sales must be held on the first Tuesday in the month.between
hr hours of ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the
pvirt House in the county in which the property is situated.
The sales of Personal Property must be advertised in like manner for
yaticeto Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty
Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary foj
;ve t sell hand and Negroes, must he published weekly for four
antic** r I.etter* of Administration must li” published thirty t'.cys
neinn from Guardianship,/erty day*.
Ruler (or foreclosure of mortgace, must l>e published monthly* for
fnr month* —for establishing lost pA(>ers. for the full rp*re of three
months —for compelling titles from Executors or Administrators where
has tieen eivrn by the deceased, the full spree of three mouths.
Professional and business Cxut>*. inserted, according to the follow
ford lines or less per annum - - $5 Os) in advance.
“ fi lines “ “ * - - 7 on u u
.. 10 “ “ “ - 810 0(1“
J-Jr” Transient Ndvertiwnipnts will becliwgtsl 81, per square of 12
; or hrss. for the first and 50 cts. for each subsequent nsertion. —’ j
Oil these tales there will lie a deduction of 211 percent, on scttleme.ut !
*tirn advertisements are continued :t months, without alteration.
j-y- All Letters except those Containing remittances must lie pout\ 1
pniil r free. I
p-.itmasters and others who will act Agents for the “Citiz-n’ |
•ny retain 20 percent, for their trouble, on all eaxh subscriptions for
or PUT. on Mulberry Street, East of the Floyd House and near the
.■ —l 1 .... -■!.!’ -■ ■i'JI'J.LLLULI'i. HJiS™S*s™l
KELLAM * BELL,
Attorneys at Law ami Gnirr.il Lind Agents,
TTill practice in DcKalb counties: and in
thef*!*prrnteCourt at Decatur. —AA ill also visit any partot
the mnmtry for the settlement of claims, fc. without suit.
;j r Bounty Land Ci.mms rHosr.ct tk.i> with despatch.
Office on White Hall St., over Dr. Denny’s Drugstore.
A. K. KIIXAK. M. A. BKI.L.
S. & R. V. HALL,
Al! or nr ijs at how ,
PRACTICE in lli'oli. Crawford. Houston, I'pson. Monroe. Macon.
||.inly. Twiggs,Jones and Fik’- counties; and in the Supreme
U..*rl at Ma-o:i, Herat or, Talhotton and Americus.
VJTOrrwv: ovkr T. ot-i, Carhart N Co.’s Store.
April t. 1850. lv
Win. K. (1( GU A1 *LITN RKI i),
Attorney & Counsellor at aw.
OFFISH XtfLKEARY XTff/.T, \KARLY OlTOiilTi: WASHINGTON
JHareli Jl, I ~ I T j
JOM M MILLENI *
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
ixv 28th. 1850. 14—ly __
*>ATT 123 BKiD, £>. ? M
AND NOTARY PUBLIC —MACON, GEO.
/Commission f.u of deeds. &c., for tite states of;
V Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Texas, Tennessee,]
Kentucky, Virginia. North Carolina, South Carolina, Fiori- :
<i.Missouri, New York. Massachusetts. Connecticut. I’ann- j
sylrsnia, Ohio. Indiana* Illinois, Arkansas. Maine, Ac.
Impositions taken. Accounts probated, Deeds and Mort- ;
pys* drawn, and all docmiieiits and instruments of writing t
prepared and authenticated for use and record, in any of the
IL:siukace on Walnut street, near the African church.
V.’ Public Ofsice adjoining Dr. M. S. Thomson's Botun- I
ie Stor.—opposite linvri House.
Macon, June 28, 1850 14—lv
l\ril.E\ in your extremity that Dr. VI. S. THOMSON is !
still in HfEacon. Georgia, and when written to, semis
Kulieiiie by Mail toany part <d the country.
Itontsive up -a hn;ie without consulting him.
Jane 7, is:,if 11 —ts
TO OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS
RAij served in the jr ir of 1812 with flreat Britain, the .
Indian tear* of 17'JH. and lSjti, and the tear with Mr.r
e# nf 18-17-8.
r PHE I'XDEIISICiNKI) Ins received from the proper De
-1 |irtmenis, tlie u ‘cessti r\ papers to establish nil or any
“1 the KUive claims, under the recent acts of Cotijtress. lie ,
* ill xlpii innke nut elaims under the Pension Act, as well as .
*h atlicr* against the United States for Lost Horses, Bug-
iwtannatinn furnished gratis. Charges moderate.
< mini. „f \\ id j wh, I le;r*. ifcc., tin r tie,nlnrl v a trended ito.
’ H 6t JO(ISPU A. WHITE.
\*ssirt#*,l Pots, Ox'rx*, ririiißßs, Skit-i-ETs, in store, ano i
*• (a sal,. t, y HU \Y, CARII ART & CO. i
■—.■a . .. . ‘ ‘
‘(Tijf IWt's fmm,
I KzmL -
rite camp has had its day of s<tng;
The sword, the bayonet, the plume,
Have crowded out of rhyme too long
The plough, the anvil and the loom!
U. not upon our tented fields
ire Freedom’s heroes bred alone;
H of the work-shop yields
•dfelieroes true than War has known 1
drives the bolt, who shapes the steel,
*'%, with a heart as valir nt, smite,
-V lie who sees a foeman reel
ht blood before his blow of might!
she skill that conquers space and time,
That graces life, that lightens toil,
•'day spring from courage more sublime
R Rian that, which makes a realm its spoil.
Ld Labor, then, look up and see,
1 I’m craft no pith of honor lacks;
Ihe soldier's rifle yet shall be
Lss honored that the wood man’s axe!
D‘t Art his own appointment prize,
Nor deem that gold or outward height
f an compensate the work that lies
la tastes that breed their own delight.
And may the time draw nearer still
hen men this sacred truth 6liall heed,
and hat from the thought and from the will
Must all that raises man proceed!
I hough Pride should hold our calling low,
■ hor us shall Duty makq it g< >od !
And we from truth to truth shall go
HU life and deatjj arc understood.
The following lines were published several years ago in
the Southern Literary Messenger:
Not thine! not thine! is the glittering crest,
The glance ot the snow-white plume—
And the badge that gleams from the warrior’s breast,
A star ’mid the battle’s gloom.
Nor is thy place amid the host
M here the war steed champs the rein,
Where waving plumes are like sea-foam tost,
And the turf wears a gory stain.
Not there—not there is thy glorious dower,
But a holier meed is thine—
Where the proud have fallen in triumph's hour,
And the red blood flowed like wine,
To wipe the dew from the clammy brow,
To pillow the drooping head.
To cool the parched lip’s fevered glow,
And to smooth down the lowly bed.
Not thine—not thine —is the toW’ring height,
Where ambition rears her throne—
The timid dove wings not her flight
Where the eagle soars alone!
Butin the hall and in the bower,
And ’round the humblest hearth,
Man feels the charm, and owns the power,
That fetters him to earth!
Judge IVisbct’s Letter.
Maccx, Ga., Get. 17, 1850.
Gentlemen :—I am in receipt of your favor of the
14th instant, inviting - me to a Mass Meeting of “the
friends of the Union,” to be held at Kingston on the
Sth of next month.
Since 1 have had the honor of a seat on the Su
preme Court Bench, 1 have attended no political
meeting of any kind, believing it my duty to stand
wholly aloof, from the party contests of the State,
j Andi intend to pursue the same course so long as
> l am entrusted with the administration of the laws.
The question soon to be settled in our State, is how
ever, no mere party question. It rises above party,
fur it involves the integrity of the Union. In a con
test which will vitally affect the cause of free gov
ernment throughout the world —Christianity, civili
zation, education and the domestic security, andper
! sonal happiness of every citizen, I hold it the privi
lege—nay the imperious duty of every man to en
gage promptly, frankly and fearlessly.
1 should not therefore hesitate to accept your in
vitation, and mingle “my counsels with those of my
fellow-eitizeus at Kingston, if official engagements
(would permit. Rut they will not, for during the
week in which the mass meeting is to be held, the
Supreme Court holds its Fall session at Milledge
1 find it difficult, gentlemen, to realize the fort
that there are in Georgia, at tins’ moment, men of
influent!;! 1 , character and political position, and
presses of extensive circulation, “whose serious pur
pose it is to dissolve the Union.” It is notwith
standing true. Two years, indeed one A ear ago, I
would have scouted sueh an imputation as a vile
slander upon our great growing State. However
melancholy the truth, yet no sensible person can now
fail to recognise it. That leading men, in a sister
State, have for years, deliberately contemplated the
dismemberment of the confederacy, I have long be
lieved. Those persons can now claim, and justly
too, in a project so inglorious, the earnest co-opera
tion of gentlemen of high standing in Georgia, and
some four or five of her presses. Georgia has been
invoked to follow Carolina in her crusade against
reason, common sense and the Union, but a few of
her sons are listening to her invocation, and enlisting
under her banner. A banner, without, the stars
and stripes. That will I never do, until Southern
wrongs become far more aggravated than they now
1 am as intensely a Georgian as any man in Geor
gia. lam also the citizen of the wisest, most be
iij<r|)—most efficient government, that has ever
yet been organized amongst men. I na
tive State and I also love the paternal protecting
power of the Union. So long as I enjoy the rights
which 1 at this moment possess as a Georgian, I
shail honor and adhere to the Union. Ibis disaffec
tion to the Union is unfortunately not confined to
this State and South Carolina. It pervades to some
extent other Southern States. But lam sure that
lam not mistaken when I say,that it is limited to
ambitious and reckless leaders, ‘l’he people are not
prepared for disunion* or for any measure which
looks to such a result. They are not prepared to
break down a government endeared to them by the
memories of the revolution, and necessary to them,
on account of the numberless “blessings which it
guarantees.’’ Warned by the ominous signs which
have been recently exhibited of popular disappro
| val, the agitators arc now shrinking from the issue
] w hich they have labored for months to make, of L
nion or disunion ; and with tamed and subdued
zeal they tell us that they are now for constitutional
resistance, and prospective measures of relief, ihey
are not to be trusted. This is a ruse to get the pow
er in the convention; and then to precipitate the
State upon some revolutionary action. Allow me
to say, gentlemen, that right here lies the danger.
There is danger that the people may be deceived by
these pretences. They are not to be judged by their
present avowals, but by their past actions and decla
rations, and by the open oft repeated assertions ot
their organs. At the mass meeting in this city, one
of the orators, less violent than others, ventured to
praise the protecting power of our country’s flag a
broad, when he was interrupted with shouts of dis
Secession has been, by their chief speakers and
by the press openly and repeatedly avowed. What
are we to believe ; why we are to believe that they
intended and do yet intend either at once or at some
early day to attempt the organization of a Southern
confederacy. There is no safety for the people, but
to vote only for men pledged against any measure,
which diirectly or remotely looks to a severance.
Another of the arts of delusion, is the promulgation
of the idea, that secession will not result in collision
but may be, indeed will be, peaceful. In my judg
ment, such a thing is utterly out ot the question.
Wheresoever and whensoever, the laws of t.ie L nion
are obstructed, then and there will the government
attempt their enforcement. When that is attempt
ed, the seceeding State will be left the alternative o
going back into the Union or of fighting. Ihe for
mer will brand her with ignominy, the latter will
subject her to the perils of a contest, no matter who
are her allies, in which the odds will be fearfully a
gaiusther, and out of which even if she comes vic
torious, she will be in a condition infinitely worse
than she now occupies. At no time within the last
“JitbcpenhctU in alt tilings—Neutral iu Notlpttg.”
MACON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 1(5, 1850.
fifteen years have the indications at Washington
and at the North, in my opinion, been so favorable to
Southern institutions as at this moment. The North
ern mind is more favorably disposed towards us
than it has been. Ido not speak of the abolition
ists proper. We have nothing to hope from that
relatively small and rabid crew.
I speak of the people of the North at large- An
ti-slavery as a political element has lost ground with
in the last nine months. Congress has repudiated
the W ilinot proviso and left slavery untouched in
the District of Columbia, arranged the Texan ques
tion upon terms which her own representatives ac
cepted and passed the most stringent law for the re
covery of fugitive slaves, which the genius of the
South could devise. The action of Congress upon
the whole is a southern triumph. What is the com
plaint ? Two causes of complaint are alleged. One
founded on the fact that California is admitted, with
a constitution of her own making, excluding slavery;
and the other founded on the conjecture that the
rendition bill will not be enforced. As to the for
mer, California had the constitutional right to frame
her constitution as suited her. The power of Con
gress over it, is limited to the right to see to it, that
it is a republican constitution. She came in accord
ing to the usage of the government. She can change
her constitution, when her intererest demands it,
and change it she will, so as to admit slavery, if
slave labor proves profitable there. Suppose she
does not, are we to revolutionize the government
and take the horrors of an inevitable civil war in or
der to force slavery on the shores of the Pacific at
the point of the bayonet? The question may be
put to every voter of Georgia, wherein are you to he
| benefited by all this ? As to the latter, how much
reason, justice or magnanimity is there in procuring
the passage of a law to suit ourselves, and then to
| turn round and denounce it before it is tested, upon
| the ground that it cannot be enforced! If a nulli
! ty, why were the whole Southern delegation so
merely childish as to vote for it! Were they dupes
or did they get up an impracticable law, just to cre
ate a cause for disunion—neither I am sure. Our
course as reasonable men is to give it a trial. If it
is resisted and rendered nugatory, then will be the
time, to resort to measures of redress. I believe
that however it may be impeded at some points, it
will be enforced.
It has been already, whenever attempted ; my o
pinion is, that the present Administration will lend
to its enforcement, all the legitimate powers of the
I feel as much indignation at Southern wrongs
as most men, but 1 trust notwithstanding, that my
common sense ; my sense of what is just, my regard
to religion, humanity and liberty, above all my re
gard to my own happiness and that of my children ;
will be spared me. If I were not benevolent e
nougli to be an union man I still would be too sel
fish to be a disunionist. 1 will not wantonly throw
away iny blessings. No people ever were, in the
_\vhole range of human hUtorv,■ iiVoTe'blessoti of God 2
than we are. Shall we peril what we arc and what
we possess for the remote and contingent good of
disunion ’ A conflict with the Union, would visit
the country with devastation, for three generations
If our disunion friends succeed —say that without
bloodshed a Southern confederacy were organized.
Would our condition be then improved ? Would
our slave institutions be more secure ? But I for
bear. You perceive gentlemen, that I do not pre
tend to argue these propositions. My object is only
in the briefest space, to express opinions.
1 have but one more remark to make. When
Georgia deliberately, through the clearly ascertained
voice of her people, takes her final stand, I shall ad
here to her fortunes, be they what they may. At
this time, in my humble view of the matter, a dis
union movement, would be equivalent to a causeless
destruction of the richest and most numerous bless
ings, with which Providence has ever yet crowned
a people. Respectfully vour friend.
” ’ E. A. NISBET.
Messrs. Milxek, Johnson, and Word, Cassville,
Correspondence of the Louisville Journal.
Lexington, Oct. 17th, 1850.
The great barbecue, just over, was attended by an
immense concourse. It was truly a glorious Union
meeting. Whigs, Democrats, Locofeeos —all sects
in party and religion, cordially united in honor of
mail, and those who co-operated with him in com
promising and adjusting our national difficulties. —
The rain, which continued the whole day, greatly
marred the pleasure and beauty of the scene, and
doubtless prevented thousands from participating ;
but the arrangements were carried out without the
least diminution of enthusiasm.
Gen. Metcalfe, as President of the meeting, open
ed the ball in an appropriate speech. The resolu
tions which I send you, were next read by M. G.
Johnson, Esq., and unanimously adopted. The
toasts (also enclosed) were then read and heartily
cheered. The one in reference to Mr. Clav, was
preceded by a speech from John Breckenridge, Esq.
exceedingly complimentary to Mr. C., but in the
best taste, and delivered in admirable style. His
part of the play could not well have been better exe
Mr. Clay’s response was not elaborate, but em
braced the topics of a large national speech and a
history of the measures adopted by* Congress. The
pattering of the rain prevented a large portion of
the crowd from hearing, but his voice is still clear
and strong and musical, and if he had not complain
ed of being wearied and in bad health, nobody
could have perceived any change in his person or
manner for ten years past, lie was erect, and his
delivery was animated and nervous, as in his ear
Mr. Morehead followed, and delivered an inter
I have not time to speak of the festive board. —
It was sumptous and rich to an extent unknown in
any other section of the Union.
Resolved Ist , That this meeeting desires to ex
press its profound gratitude to Almighty God for
His protecting care over our beloved country amid
the dangers that encompassed it, and its conviction
that His providence has arrested the dissolution of
2d. Thet the bills of adjustment reported to the
Senate by the Committee of Thirteen, and after
wards separately adopted by Congress—taken to
gether as a system of measures for the settlement of
the whole question of slavery, and based as they are
on the principles of strict non-intervention by the
general Government —meet the almost unanimous
approval of the people.
3d. Tliat to the plan of settlement reported by
that committee, and the debate consequent thereon,
is the country chiefly indebted, under Providence,
for the peaceful and honorable adjustment of this
4th. That to the authors of service like these there
can be no reward like that derived from the con
sciousness of good deeds and the contemplation of
the happiness of a great people preserved by their
exertions, yet it well becomes us publicly to express
to them the deep and abiding sense of gratitude
with which their services were regarded, and to as
sure them of the affectionate remembrance in which
their names will ever be held by this people.
That a severance of these States could never
have been effected without a civil war, attended by
a sacrifice of life and property unparalleled in the
history of nations, and resulting in the prostration of
industry—in the disregard of law, in the misery of
Americans as people, and their extinction as a na
Gth. That this meeting, composed of every party
and sect in polities and religion, entertain the warm
est affection for the Union and the Constitution as
they are ; and that as Kentuckians, lovers of our
country we feel an honest pride in the declaration
that “under the auspices of Heaven and the precepts
of Washington, Kentucky will be the last to give
up the Union’.’
1. The Union : It must be preserved.
2. Millard Fillmore, President of the U. States :
He faced the perils which threatened the Union as
became his position and the magnitude of the dan
gers, with moderation, patriotism and firmness.
3. Kentucky: Geographically in the heart of the
Union. While that heart beats it will never falter
in its devotion to the Union, the country, aud the
4. Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts —Ilis noble
conduct in the Senate well illustrates his devotion to
the motto, “ Liberty and Union, now and forever,
one and inseparable.”
5. Henry S. Foote, of Mississippi: The ardent ad
vocate of Southern institutions: his heart is still
large enough to embrace tbc whole Union.
6. Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York: A fear
less statesman, who looks to the constitution and to
reason, not to passion for his guide.
7. Lewis Cass: Trammeled by legislative in
structions, he stood upon the floor of the Senate, a
fettered giant, but keeping his eye with a patriot’s
courage upou the eternal principles of justice and
the constitution, and arming himself with truth
and reason, he dissolved the fetters that bound
him to a section, and gave himself to the country.
8. Henry Clay: Kentucky, with one heart and
one voice, places Henry Clay where, during the late
session of Congress, lie had placed himself, high a
ibove the platform of party, and on this lofty emi-
Wqivi; shy him feiwthe-jnP'suration
o. J; i y g ages. The priceless hon
or is tent y, but of his country* for his
sj\ rit- M ‘ t lAA AA£, his lofty patriotism and no
ble co,V r L ... , * ,oe of our beloved Union, the
last liopfi 1 liverefl in V Riwl of mankind. Nobly has
he won thonofro —long maybe wear it.
9. The Kentucky delegation in the present Con
gress: in their united support of the measures of
compromise, they showed themselves faithful repre
sentatives of the will of their constituency.
10. The friends of the Union in Congress, of
whatever section or party.
Kopiy of IVIr. Cass to tho Clay Festival.
Detroit, October 12, 1850.
Gentlemen: I have received you invitation to at
tend the festival to be held at Lexington, on the 17th
instant, in commemoration of the adjustment of the
questions which have recently agitated our country,
and in honor of Mr. Clay and of the other public
men who have aided in this great work of compro
mise. It will be out of my power to be with you
upon that occasion ; but I am not the less obliged to
you for this token of your remembrance, as one who
rejoices with heartfelt joy in the hope that the ac
tion of Congress will ere long, if not now, be accepta
ble, not to any peculiar section of the country, but
to the whole country, and that it will restore that
harmony and good feeling without which this Union
could never have been established, and without
which it cannot he preserved.
I should have been happy to join you in the man
ifestations of regard for your distinguished fellow
citizen, Mr. Clay, whose former and whose recent
service in the cause of his country commend him to
the respect and to the gratitude of his countrymen.
I witnessed his exertions during the past session
with feelings of admiration ; exertions dictated by
the highest patriotism, and displaying talents and
energy worthy of the best days of his power, and
which will ever place his name on the roll of public
We have passed through a fearful crisis; indeed,
we are yet passing through it; for there are ele
ments of trouble in operation, both in the North and
in the South, which, if not wisely dealt with by man
and mercifully overruled by Providence may yet
rend asunder this Confederacy, leaving its fragments
no one can tell where, but all can tell that they will
he memorable proofs in after times, as similar exam
ples of national folly have been in times that prece
ded us, how easily human blessings, the highest in
deed after the religion of God, are sacrificed to hu
man passion, as well by communities as by individ
uals. Whilst rejoicing with you and every lover of
his country, East, West, North and South, that we
arc thus far safe, permit me to remark that our busi
ness is with the present and the future, and not with
the past; or with the past only as far as we can de
duce from it useful lessons of experience. We can
only hope to heal our internal dissensions by bonds
of kindness and conciliation : by a strict determina
tion to adhere to the provisions and to the true ob
jects of the constitution —that law which is high
enough for any American citizen in the regulation
of his rights and duties; and by a spirit of mutual
regard ready to conclude as well as to demand
when sectional questions arise with no common um
pire but the patriotism of the country. Fortunately
in the recent adjustment, no triumph has been attain
ed, no pride of character has been wounded, and this
is as true a cause of rejoicing as the adjustment it
self ; and whenever we come together to interchange
congratulations upon the result, if we do so in that
enlarged spirit of patriotism which looks to each as
well as all, thanking the God of our fathers, and our
own God, that we are yet one country, one people,
one Government, we may look forward, with the
blessings of Providence, to a most glorious career
than any recorded in the long annals of history.
I am, gentlemen, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
Letters from Senators Dickinson ami Web
To the yew York Union Committee.
Binghamptox, Oct. 29th, 1850.
My Dear Sir —A most painful domestic affliction
causes me to decline your kind invitation to attend
a “ Union Meeting” of the citizens of New York, at
Castle-Garden, to-morrow evening; but I approve
its patriotic purposes and sympathise warmly with
I thank you for the complimentary manner in
which you are pleased to allude to mv humble ef
forts in the Senate, and assure you, thatl long since
determined to stand or fall, “survive or perish, live
or die,” with those who would maintain the integrity
of the Union and uphold the genial spirit of our
Yours, D. S. DICKINSON.
To F. S. Latiirop, Esq., •
Chairman Committee, &c.
Franklin, N. 11,, Oct. 28th, 1850.
Gentlemen—Nothing in the world but regard
for the state of my health prevents me from accept
ing at once your invitation, and assuring you of mv
presence at the “ Union Meeting,” at Castle Gar
den, on Wednesday evening next. I rejoice to know
that such a meeting is called; I rejoice to know
that it will be attended by thousands of intelligent
men, lovers of their country, party men doubtless,
but abject slaves to no party, and who will not suf
fer either party clamor or party discipline to dry up
within them all the fountains of love and attachment
to the Constitution of their country. The voice of
such a meeting will be heard and respected ; it will
rebuke disobedience to the laws, actual or threaten
ed ; it will tend to check the progress of mad fanat
icism ; it will call men who are honest, but who have
been strongly misled, back to their duty, and it will
give countenance and courage to the faithful friends
of Union throughout the land.
When the commercial interests of the Great Me
tropolis speaks, with united hearts and voices, ex
pressing its conviction of the presence of the great
danger, and its determined purpose to meet that
danger, to combat with it and overcome it, the ex
ample is likely to arouse good men everywhere;and
when the country shall be roused, the country will
1 concur, gentlemen, in all the political princi
ples contained in the Resolutions, a copy of which
has been sent to me; and I stand pledged to
support those principles, publicly and privately,
now and always, to the full extent of my influence,
and by the execution of every faculty which 1 pos
sess. The eminent men whom you mention, and
with whoso names you have done me the honor to
associate mine, are well worthy of the praise which
you bestow upon them. I shall never forget, and
I trust the country will never forget, the patriotism,
tho uiauiLm^^i^Ue acourageu-manifested by them, in
an hour of difficulty and peril. ,
The peace measures of the last session are, the
Texan Boundary Act, the Act for establishing the
two Territorial Governments of New Mexico and
Utah, the Act for the Abolition of the Slave Trade
in the District of Columbia, and the Fugitive Slave
Law. This last measure, gentlemen, is not such a
measure as I had prepared before I left the Senate,
and which, I should have supported, if I had re
mained in the Senate. But it received the proper
sanction of the two Houses of Congress and of the
President of the United States. It is the law of the
land, and as such is to be respected and obeyed by
all good citizens. I have heard no one whose opin
ion is worth regarding, deny its constitutionality,
and those who counsel violent resistance to it, coun
sel that, which, if it take place is sure to lead to
bloodshed, and to the commission of capital offen
ces. It remains to be seen how far the deluded and
deiuders will go on, in this career of faction, folly,
There were honest and well meaning members of
Congress, who did not see their way clear to support
these great and leading measures of tho last session.
You are quite right in saying that the motives of
these gentlemen ought not to be impeached. But
the measures have been adopted, they have beconfe
laws, constitutionally and legally binding upon us
all, and no man is likely to oppose them.
No man is at liberty to set up, Or affect to set up,
his own conscience as above the law, in a matter
which respects the rights of others , and the obliga
tions, civil, social, and political, due to others from
him. Such a pretence saps the foundation of all
government, and is of itself a perfect absurdity: and
while all are bound to yield obedience to the laws,
wise and well disposed citizens will forbear from re
newing past agitation, and rekindling the flames of
useless and dangerous controversy.
If we would continue one people, we must acqui
esce in the will of the majority, constitutional)’ ex
pressed ; and he who does not mean to do that,
means to disturb the public peace, and to do what
he can to overturn the government.
Gentlemen, I am led to the adoption of your last
resolution, in an especial and emphatical manner, by
every dictate of my understanding, and I embrace
it with a full purpose of heart and mind. Its senti
ment is mv sentiment. “With you, I declare that I
“range myself under the banners of that party
whose principles and practice are most calculated to
uphold the Constitution, and to perpetuate our glo
Gentlemen, I am here to recruit my health, en
feebled as it lias been, by ten months of excessive
labor and indescribable anxiety. The air of these
my native hills renews my strength and my spirits.
I feel its invigorating influences, while 1 am writing
these few lines; and I shall return shortly to my
post, to discharge its duties as well as I can, and re
solved, in all events, that so far as depends on me,
our Union shall passthrough this fiery trial, with
out the smell of smoke upon its garments.
I am, Gentlemen, with very sincere regard,
Your obliged fellow citizen,
And obedient servant,
An Executive Anecdote.
The following anecdote is told in a letter from the
Washington correspondent ot I uesday s Richmond
Enquirer. It confers credit on the President, and it
gives us pleasure to transfer it to our columns :
“A distinguished gentleman from the West—an
ex-senator—called on Mr. Fillmore, and after ex
changing the usual courtesies, was asked by the
President how the fugitive slave bill was received in
the West. The reply was, that the law, although
unpopular in his State, would doubtless be enforced.
The remark was playfully made that, as the Presi
dent was sworn to * preserve, and defend the consti
tution and laws,’ he (the ex-senator) presumed Mr
Fillmore would execute this law. *To the very let-
ter, sir,’was the instant reply of the President—‘to
the very letter, sir, whatsoever may be the conse
quences.’ This reply was worthy the palmiest day*
ot 4 0!<1 Hickory ’ himself.”
It gives us pleasure to state another anecdote -
bout the President, for which we vouch, as we had’
it from two gentlemen from the West, with whom
the President had just been in conversation yester
day morning. They were applying to him for the
appointment of a gentleman as attorney for the Uni
ted States in one of the western States. After dis
cussing the qualification of the candidate, Mr. Fill
more remarked that there was anther thing which;
he deemed indispensable, lie said he was deter
mined to execute faithfully the fugitive slave law,
and would appoint no man to office, who might be
called upon to assist in the administration of that
law, who would not zealously co-operate in its exe
On another occasion, we understand from good au
thority, that the I’resident declared the law should
be executed at every hazard even at the risk of
This is the spirit alone in which the Union can be
preserved.— -Washington Union.
The Stars and Stripes in Foreign Lands.
We notice in our exchanges the following extract
from a gentleman on board the U. S. frigate Con
stitution, now in the Mediterranean:
Stezzie, October 1, 1850.
“We have just received on board the Flag Ship
a party of Hungarians who recently arrived here. —
They were officers in the Hungarian war of liberty,
and were forcibly reduced by the Austrians to the
ranks. They recently arrived at Tuscany, in the
ranks of a large Austrian reinforcement, (20,000,)*
and took the first opportunity of escaping here,
where they arrived after great hardships; and as
they could not get out of the country in any other
way, this government would have been obliged to
give them up to the Austrians. They appealed to
the Commodore, and are now safe under the stars
No true friend of his country can read this para
graph without feeling a thrill of pride at his heart.
However much the revolutionists may deride our’
time honored Union, there is a magic power in its
flag for the protection of the exile, wherever it floats,
whether on the land or on the sea. It is a sign of
refuge for the oppressed. Beneath its ample folds
the struggling Hungarian, the fair-haired German,
the open hearted son of Erin, the sturdy Scotch
man, the gay Frenchman, the Italian, the Spaniard
—all may be sure of finding protection. It is an
emblem of Union and Liberty and Strength wher
ever it waves; and the wretch who would causeless
ly strike, it to the earth, is an enemy to bis nice, to
his country, and to his God. That flag was made by
Men. It was the work of Washington, of Franklin, ,
Hancock, the elder Adams, Jefferson, Carroll, Rog
er Sherman and Hall. It was baptized in the best
blood of the revolution. It floated over Washing
ton and Lafayette, over Greene and I’ulaski, over
Jackson and Jasper. It was at Bunkerhill and?
Yorktown, at Trenton and Savannah—the same flag;
that was given to the breeze at Buena Vista and
that streamed from the capital of the Aztecs. It
was under this flag that the gallant Hungarians
sou ihi refuge ; and is a sure protection to the exile
and the oppressed of all nations. It is the vine and
tig tree for the world, beneath which all men may
enjoy religion and liberty unmolested.
Yet, we regret to say, there are restless spirits in
the land, who would erase these “stripes” and blot
out these “stars”. They would tear down the tem
ple of liberty, which was erected upon the bones and
cemented with the blood of our forefathers. Shalt
the friends of the Union and of the South stand idly
by as the witnesses es this destruction? Hoes our
honor or our rights require the destruction of the
Government ? The patriot ashes that repose upon
Mount Vernon the cause of civil and religious liber
ty, and the suffering of the poor and the oppressed
of other lands, cry aloud against the monstrous act.
Blood B*ii.es.—A subscriber of ours, residing in Talla
dega and namod Biles, lias given us a specimen of his politios
by “seceding” from our list of subscribers. lie says we are
not “Southern” enough. Well, we are sorry to lose friend ’
Biles, because he and we have been Whigs together, bat
we’d rather be covered all over with liis namesakes—as big
as those wherewithal the Lord smote the jiatriarcli—than
go like him for the dissolution of the Union, whereof our
friend Hugh Crawford said, the other uight, in his speech at’
Tuskegee,it was like ‘"The Old Ship of Zion''—
“It lias carried many thousands
And ’twill take as many more.
Oil Glory” fcc.— Chambers Tribune:
The Company of Woman. —lie cannot be an un
happy man who lias the love and smiles of a wo
man to accompany him in every department of life..
The world may look dark and cheerless without—
enemies may gather in his path—but when he re
turns to the fireside and feels the tender love of
woman, he forgets his cares and troubles, and is a
comparatively happy man. lie is but half prepar
ed for the journey of life, who takes not with him,,
to soothe and comfort him, that friend w ho will for
sake him in no emergency—will divide his sorrows
—increase his joys—lift the veil from his heart, and
throw sunshine amid the darkest scenes. No; that
man cannot be miserable, who has such a compan
ion, be he ever so poor, despised and trodden upon
by the world. —Exchange Paper.
Think of this, ye rusty old Bachelors about town.
One of our religious exchanges has the following’
strong remarks on this subject. They drive the nail’
on the head and clinch it:
“Men may sophisticate as they please, they never
can make it right for them not to pay their debts..
There is sin in this neglect as cHaf and as deserving
church discipline, as in stealing or false swearing,.
He who violates his promise to pay, or w ithholds
the payment of a debt, when it is in his power to
meet his engagements, ought to be made to feel
that in the sight of an honest man he is a swindler.
Religion may be a comfortable cloak under which
to hide, but if religion does not make a man deal
justly, it is not worth having.”
jCS?” “TV hat are the chief ends of man ? ” ask
ed a teacher of one of his pupils. “Head and lieet,”
was the prompt reply. The teacher fainted.