Newspaper Page Text
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.1. E. RK V »!v r. - - Editor.
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Official Organ U. S. Government.
Official Organ of the - Georgia
Educational Association,
2>V* Ail C(UIIMUUi« Gti.ilis foi I'il
lion mint be written onh on one >i*l« <»1
i lif paper, itiivi accODipiinictl with tin- iuhim*
ill tli< writer. AW will not 1 lie
name, unless tin- writer w : 1 1 ** - us to tlo
>O, but \re mil-t have it :e i e of
Hie trutiiJulncb:- of the ;»rti< 1 .
The Principles we Advocate.
Reconstruction in accordance with
the laws of Congress.
The equal political and legal rights
<•1 all citizens of the United States,
except those who have lx on convicted
el crime, or those who have vol
untarily attempted to destroy the
Govern incui.
The enactment ol State laws for the
inauguration and support of ; system
of common schools.
The elevation of labor, cud tin- pas
sage of such laws as will protect the.
toiling masses of sociot v in their just
and legal rights.
Laboring Men, Rcmanbei !
That Hen 11. Hill in bis “ i'mh ”
t !) speech at Atlanta spoke in lavor ol
“a lauded itruilon a<cirihrueing
■ ■ iitinlii Jew /a o/di ■
Keiueltibcr that three hundred thiiu
■•iiiifl slaveholder.- the Imuhil mis
loiTin '/” of I In: Ninth—have hcrelolbre
ruled the Southern Slates, driving the
laboring while men from the good
laud.- into the pine, barrens, keeping
the great mass of the,people 111 iglio
i,iuce and poverty-
Koutomber that Ibis •'land'll ails
ton !'• / " Inoiigliton a war lodtstroy
the Govorutnvnt- established a “ reign
el terror." and ront i:i> the poor nteii
to tight lor them.
Ucmembcr Hint tliis “ landed iiiis
, lit' / " have always despised labor
ing men, an i have erushed them by
oppresstae law;.
Ileineinbei llr,it ihe Union liepiibli
i an putty is pledged to elevate labor,
and to the passage of such laws as
will protect the toiling masses ut
society in their just and logal rights.
Colored Men. Remember!
That the Hehel-t opperhead parly
romelimes called the Democratic party
fought to keep you in slavery ; ami
llmt the leaders of that party have
done all they could to prevent you
1 1*111 voting.
Urimutl-i r. that the nioin lh publi
can party has gi\• n you freedom and
the right to vole: that il has protected
vou, and will continue to protect you.
Koineml'i r till this, and do what you
can to dolcat. the b’oliel Copperhead
party, and place the Union Ifeptthli
can party in powsr.
Organize and Register.
Wo agziu call the attention ol in r
readers to the itnporlanee of having
their names registered. He sure to
see that every man who w ill vole the
liepuhlicnii belief Inis his name regis
tered. Do not fail.
lit order hi make il uhsnlulrlii rn
/arn that, all of our friends have been
registered, it i* necessary to have some
kind of a society orgtnizetl. The
•• fit ion League" is the best organi
zation,'hut if it is impossible to have
a Leogm ” organized, establish a
l.'epubhcan Club. Vou will find a
Constitution for the organization of
such Clubs on the outside ol our paper.
In organizing Clubs, we would
advise that a few true luon conic to
gether. choose temporary olliecrs, and
adopt tie- constitution. Alter that,
let names he proposed and referred to
a eemmitlce who shall examine to see
if thev are true men. Let the Com
mittee repurl whether they are friends
or enemies. Then have a vote ol the
Cluli. and let a majority decide. 1! a
majority vote against the candidate,
lie is. of course, rejected ; il a majority
tote for, then have him sign the Con
stitution ami enjoy all the rights ol
other member!* Allow none hut
members ol (republican Clubs lo at
tend meetings. Have a sentinel to
keep out persons not members When
a sufficient number of persons have
been elected, have permanent olliecrs
elected in accordance with the Consti
tution .
friends' the time has come lot
work. The enemy are organizing to
defeat iis Let us work as hard as
they .
Tin. Cons ri i r i ion for the organi
zation of Hepuhlieau Clubs was crowd
ed out this week It will he published
in our next issue.
OUR PAPER.
Again wc have enlarged onr j*ai»or.
Tin iin|Kirlalice <d the campaign is so
great, that wc fed it absolutely neces
sary tn lay belore our leaders each
week move reading matter than we
were able tu crowd into the little sheet
with which onr readers have been so
long familiar. When we find that we
need mere space, wc shall again en
large our paper
AYe have succeeded in establishing
a paper that dare advocate reform.
’The establishment ol a free press in
this Slate i; nu longer an experiment.
PRICE REDUCED.
It gives its pleasure to iofonit our
leaders this week that the publishers
have decided lo reduce the price of the
Loyal Georgian to two dollars per
year. We shall try to make it the
best, a? it is now the cheapest paper in
the South.
Hon- j Imddeus Stevens ami lix-
I’reshl -at Buchanan were together at a
wedding in Lancaster last week.
GREAT REPUBLICAN VICTORY
IN TENNESSEE
Thirty Thousand Majority.
The election iu Tennessee, about
which so much lias been said, has
passed. There was no riot—no blood
shed. Colored men voted for the first
time since llieir late enfranchisement;
but there “ was no war of races.”
y were not controlled by their late
masters. Neither threats nor bribes
could induce them to vole against the
party that gave them freedom and the
ballot. All voted for the Republican
party, and assisted to elect the “ nolo
i> ii. s ” liriuvnlow and eight Congress
men ■
Those who suppose that colored men
do not know enough to vote for friends
will find out their mistake hy-and-hy.
REPLY OF Ex-GOV BROWN
TO BEN H HILL
We call the al tent inn of our readers
to the able letters of Governor Brown
whiclt we publish this week—they are
copied from the Ohrnniiie. His re
ply to the papers of Mr. Hill is keen
and unanswerable. The latter was
bombastic -and abusive. With him.
denunciation took, the place of argu
ment. The former is dignified and
courteous. He can well afford to re
frain from denunciation, for he has
truth on his side-; and argument,
founded on truth, is tlio only weapon
lie needs.
The keen logic of Brown, and his
exposure of the bombast of Hill, make
the latter appear ridiculous.
The Position of the Democratic
Party.
We liavelYeijiiently told our readers
that, the Democratic party (so called)
more properly the Rebel-Copper
head parly—is in favor of re-esta
blishing slavery ; in fact, that it holds
that slavery hits never keen legally
abolished.
lion. Benjamin (4. Harris, of Mary
land, one of the lenders of the Cop
perhead parly, uses the following
language :
The institution of slavery, iu theory
at least, still exist« ; anil it, docs not
become (Stir Slate to say a word against
that theory, when she reflects by what
arts of the tyrant ami the robber our
people have been practically deprived
of llieir rights in this refliiect. The
thief of properly ilocs not destroy the
title of the owner. Besides, if this
aiiiciulmcnt could ho constitutionally
made, >c ltd! bn villi ', nt our claim for
i ow.jii iisntiiiii for the slaves of which
the United Stutea lU-privod us, or con
verted to their ow n use ?
W ill colored men support such a
parly !
"Red, Yellow, and Black-'
The New York '/'lines closes a long
and able artiolo concerning the dill'e-
I lent races I hat inhabit this country
j with the following paragraph :
It is an ciipy. task for legislation to
protect immftrutitK wfim cross The
I'acilk to laud on our western shores,
and one which the local feeling, at
least in the well settled parts of Cali
fornia, seems disposed to aid. But
late instances have occurred of eva
sions ol the acts of Congress restrict
ing the importation of coolies into the
Southern States—instatio sol most
unwise competition with Immo labor
that is cheap ami abundant. We want
no modified Slavery introduced where
| we have just done away with its logal-
I iz.od form. We have enough to do in
| the guardianship of the blacks, without
Inking anew class of wards upon our
j hands. Tile forms into which that
i guardianship will settle, Iho regain
i t ion of its details, the share which the
! several States shall lake iu it, and
above all Ihe diffusion of that eduea
lion which nlono cum terminate it and
emancipate the negro race from its
min nity. are subjects that will engage
tin- anxious thought of Ihe nation for
many decades. 'They aio subjects too
large to he more t han touched upon
hero—subjects w hich concern the hon
or ami welfare of tinr people more than
any other questions of race. Fur the
negro will share the continent with us
and bea part of our people so long as
we are a people. Wo shall eliminate
tlio Indian—un shall not assimilate
the Asiatic—hut the African was im
porled, as wo Europeans were import
ed, lo Income an American. Ilis
iiiitnrali/atiuiipatent eamelrom I’rovt
donee, like our ow n, and lie lias the
right to look to us to help him to Ins
true place and hold him in it, on nor
common continent ■
v Saluave. the newly elected
Haytian President, may lie pronounced
\t it limit any exception, the most popu
lar ruler in the world. llow this
comes about we can hardly tell : hut
the fact is beyond question. When
G eff'raril tvas forced to abdicate, the
people of llayti with one voice called
on Uetievre Snltiave to govern them,
lit* refused. They prayed him to take
what title he pleased He declined
again, as Cicsar thrice tefused the
■ • kingly crown " mi the Lupercal, but,
as it appears, from purer motives;
and he asked to lie allowed to live in
strict retirement. The citizens would
not allow another name to lie pro
posed, aud begged him at least to be
come “ Protector " for a while. 11c
consented. Again they importuned
him to lie President. Then, at length,
lie yielded, because the Presidency inul
meanwhile been limited to four years,
instead of lasting, as before, through
life. Universal joy prevailed. The
people went through the farm of au
election last month. No other name
was mentioned but Salnave’s, and he
was unanimously elected. Even Wash
ington was not* made President with
sttelt universal spontaneity of choice.
One would at first suspect Salnavc's
coyness to be consummate art, just
as Buckingham advises Gloucester to
“ he not easily won to our requests;
play the maid's part; still answer
nay, and take i:.” But the accept
ance seems to be a pare sacrifice to
patriotism. May Salnave’s four years
lie throughout as prosperous as at
their beginning. His accession to
power has acted like a charm ou
troubled llayti.—.V. Y. Tinas.
l iie Mobile Register says that, while
opposed tu a State Convention to recog
nize the Government, if there must be
one, it is in favor of a fair share of
colored vepresentatives.
The Tyranny of the Federal Gov
ernment
It ih the fashion among the disunion
leaders and orators, following the key--
note sounded by Andy Johnson in one
or two of his score of vetoes, to de
nounce the Federal Government as the
most \iliainous of despotism*. Their
dupes follow the fuglemen in the same
way and tone, and one would think
that nothing was more common at the
South than to see an immense Da,stile
in every village, and a gibbet at every
cross road. That these leaders do not
believe what they teach, is sufficiently
proved by the eagerness with which
some of them returned to the protec
tion of the American flag after having
absconded to Mexico and elsewhere, in
anticipation of the punishment their
conscience told them was justly their
due. Hut they have returned, and
under the miraculously animating
iiitliieiu sos Kxceutive pardon, have
recovered the use of their tongues and
pens. They have inaugurated a regular
and organized campaign of resistance
to the government, and deception of
tin 4 people, similar to the secession
campaign of ISbO, and probably for
the same end. They bring a general
charge of unconstitutional despotism
against the government. Ask them
for the specifications, and amid a
torrent of’ empty words and a deafen
ing clamor, no ground is discovered
for the charge except that the govern
ment chooses to protect itself against
destruction by disfranchising some of
those who once attempted to destroy
it. Never before lias the press been
more licentious, never bus speech
been more free, never have the rights
of person and property been more
sacred than now, under the .abhorred
military rule. We bear of fewer riots,
fewer mob , less lynching, than under
the regime of that much yearned for
civil law.
! Can the proas complain of want of
liberty? No one interferes, not even
j by enforcing the law of libel, while it
j villi Cos and maligns every one who
j dares to advocate the adoption of the
terms of settlement which Congress has
proposed, 'flic press has il all its own
way, for there is no means by which a
contradiction of its slanders can he got
before the majority of tlio people—lew
organs by which its malignant influence
can be neutralized. It runs its muck
uncontrolled and nnrest rained. Govern
ment officers, to say nothing of State
and County officers, who nre nothing
if not scccnli, but Federal civil olliecrs
sutler the government to bo villilied. and
the misrepresentations of the press to
be repeated, in llieir presence without
a rebuke. Are their mouths so full of
government bread that they can say
nothing in favor of the hand that feeds
them ? The government permits the
press freely to stab private charac
ter and to sow treason broadcast,
to proclaim a war of rnces. It
allows il to cxefte the people to rebellion,
without a word of remonstrance. The
press destroys as fust as the government
attempts to build up, and this terrible
despotism quietly succumbs, and its
mhuips the commanders ol’tlic military
districts—seem as powerless as the first
king of .Ksop’s frogs a very suggestive
table, by the wav.
Is there any re.traint upon the
liberty ot speech? Hen 11. Mill is
allowed to preach sedition and incite to
revolt, almost under Gen. Pope’s
windows! The general may not
consider Hill’s speech as dangerous
enough to notice, because there is in it
about the same proportion of reason to
nonsense as there was of bread to sack
iu FallstafV’s tavern hill. Hut many peo
ple are to he caught with chaff, and mis
take vituperation for argument : so Hen
exerts his malicious influence, un
checked. It the military law is powerless
to reach such orators is there no law
iu Georgia against common scolds?
Has personal liberty been umvarraut
ably invaded by this tles/mthm ? When
and where in Georgia lias any citizen
been punished or tried by military
authority sinco I lie present rule was
established? Whets the man that lias
hern deprived of life, liberty or property
except by sentence of civil law? True,
there lias been less cause for die inflic
tion of punishment, but if the fear of
the military law restrains from crime, it
is far better for all good citizens, than
our old fashioned civil law, which no
evil doer feared or respected.
In line, this is the "mildest mSiuior
cd" of despotisms. Not a man has been
punished for treason or treasonable
sentiments—they are permitted to be
proclaimed from lliehoti.se tops. Would
those who so vehement Iy denounce its
oppressions have been better satisfied
with the massacres of Queretaro? Yet
they would have us believe that the
rule of General l’ope is worse than the
cruel tyrannies of Juarez and Esco
bedo ! Congress might have refused to
admit us into the Union upon an;/ con
ditions, and held the South as con
quered territory, subject to such
penalties for treason as il saw
til ; now, when it proposes to restore
us to all our rights and equality in the
l niou, upon terms the most lenient
ever ottered to any conquered people,
it is met by the howling of Tray,
Blanche and Sweetheart, “little dogs
and all,’’ about the tyranny of the
terms and their uneonstitutionality:
and it takes no pains to sileuec its
revilers—those deceivers, misleading
the people again to their own destruc
tion. As if we, who had repudiated all
allegiance to the Federal Constitution,
and fought four years to overturn the
Government founded upon it, had any
right to claim its protection. It cer
tainly is impudence of the coolest kind
in those leaders, so suddenly embold
ened by the President’s pardon, to
prate of the sacredness of Consti-
tuiions, when they have never
under one, Federal or Confederal*,
that they have not violated, or voted In
violate. Men who could submit quietly
to, and even approve of, the grinding
tyranny of the Confederate Govern
ment ; who could see, without a remon
strance, their neighbors immured in
filthy prisons for months ; shot, hanged
banished without a trial, upon a inert
suspicion of love of the Union, ha#
no reason to murmur at the inadequate
retribution exacted by the Government
they sought to overthrow.
The Controversy Stated.
Ju 1&65, says the KI burton (Jasilfa
the Confederates surrendered to the
Union armies, and the authority of the
Union was thereby extended overtime
Southern States. ,
The Government of the United Stales
held that no lawful State Government#
existed in the South, and therefore
undertook to govern, according to its
own notions, the people who lived here.
This was done at first through the
federal military ahm *, and then through'
them conjointly, with such of the ofd
civil officers as they permitted to :njt.
After a time, President Johnson ap
pointed a Provisional Governor in every
Southern Stale to exorcise some of the
most indispensable executive functions,
of a civil nature.
Through these Governors, the Presi
dent ordered elections fur Conventions
to frame new Constitutions for flic
States. He prescribed the qualifna
tions ol voters in those elections, denying
suffrage to all of the ancient voting
class who did not take a certain test
oath, and to all who were excepted *
from his general amnesty and had not
received hi.s special pardon. The last '
ground of disfranchisement was after
ward modified in favor of those whose
pardon had been recommended by Jj*c
Provisional Governor.
The elections were held, tho Conven
tions sat, Constitutions were formed, ami j
officers were elected under them. In j
Georgia Mr. Jenkins was chosen Gov*
ernor : hut when the time for hi.s inaug
uration arrived, the President intli
posed and prohibited it; and thus Vic
organization of the new State Govern
ment was delayed for several
until the President withdrew his prohi
bition, and permitted tho Governor eket
to take bis office on the 11th day ot De
cember, 180.).
lionet; it appears that the President
held that the old State Governments
were destroyed by secession and the
war; that he claimed the right to
govern us by arbitrary military power
until new civil governments should bo
formed ; and also the right to direct,
when he eho.se, the framing of now
Slate Constitutions ; to allow to whom
he citosc, ami to withhold from whom
ho otiose, tlu: privilege ol voting in tlm ,
initiatory election, imd to allow of prp- .
hi hit ntjiis pleasure Un: ffniufjuratjjn |gf j
tin: new governments: Tt also appears:
Hint his nets were conformed to these !
pretensions. •
On Ihe other hand. Congress, while |
agreeing with the President that the
old State Governments were destroyed,
and that the power of reconstruction
Belongs to the United Stales Govern
ment ; and that, until reconstruction,
we must he ruled by that Government
at its pleasure ; that it belongs to that
Government to determine what part of i
our population shall vole in elections
for the t'onvenlions that are to form j
the new Constitution, anil when the 1
new governments may go into opera
tion ; yet differs from him in this, that
it claims ail those powers over the
Southern States for the federal legisla -
ture, whereas lie claims them lor the
federal executive. Both agree that the
general Government possesses all these
powers ; the disagreement is as to the
department in which they are lodged.
In support ol (ho President's claim,
it is argued that he commands the
military, and as the military power
destroyed the old governments, it j
should erect new ones in their stead.
In support of the claim of Congress,
it is argued that the ease of a State
rebelling against the United States is
not distinctly provided for in the Con
stitution, and therefore we must reason
from analogy; that the authorization
of a now State government i- in its
nature a law, and therefore should
emanate from the Legislature; that
Congress has undoubted power to
admit new States and to organize
governments for the Territories—acts
very much like what is required in the
present case; and that the President
has no more right to make law in his
military than in his civil capacity.
It is difficult to answer this reason
ing, if wc admit what both parties
assume—that the Southern States were
without lawful governments after the
surrender. The supposed disposition
of the President and the supposed
indisposition of Congress to respect
our feelings in the rules which thev
prescribe cannot be considered in an
inquiry into their respective power
The usurpation, if there be any, ,on
sists in the assumption of the power,
and not in the way the power is
exercised. If the President has a
right to determine who shall vote, there
is nothing in law or Constitution to
prevent him from enfranchising and
disenfranchising at pleasure.
To some minds the present govern'
ment of Georgia has a better title in the
consent of the people on whom it ope
rates than in its origin. Most of us
would prefer that this government should
stand, with such modifications as would
be necessary to ensure justice to all
classes ot people. But Congress chooses
to set it aside, and the right of that body
to do so is supported by arguments
that are plausible, if not conclusive.
And if the majority of our people
should ratify anew government, organ
ized under the recent legislation ol Con
gress, wc cannot see that any very
deadly blow would he given lo the prin
ciples of constitutional liberty. We do
not see why the people of Georgia may
not as lawfully make a government for
themselves under the call of Congress as
under the call of President Johnson.
About thirty seven thousand men voted
at the election e>S Governor Jenkins
under the Johnson Constitution. Il
twice thirty seven thousand white men,
and almost as many black men vote.(as
they probably will), at the election of
bis successor, under the Constitution
which is soon to be formed, that succes
sor will have at least as good a title to
the Executive chair as the excellent
rnan who now presides over the State.
An Old Fallacy.
‘ They (the negroes) are an inferior race,
incapable of self-government, and Professor
Agassiz, of Massachusetts, has recently
made manifest that they had a different
origin from the white race/'— Huh. li. /•’.
Perry's />•*( Letter.
We believe the theory of the learned
Swiss Professor has been misunder
stood or misrepresented, but granting
his theory and the arguments by which
lie supports it to be true and valid,
those who are so much afraid of negro
equality ought to be the last to use
them, lor their sequence is not only to
make the negro equal but superior to
the white, a position that wc flatly
deny, for though we wislt the negro to
advance, we intend to keep ahead of
him if possible. Those who have reason
to dread negro equality or superiority
are those that shamefully stand still
ami permit him to overtake and sur
pass them.
That the theory of the Professor, as
stated by Mr. Perry, tends to establish
the superiority of tho black race over
the white, we think can bo concisely
demonstrated from a source whose
authority none deny—the teachings of
Scripture. If the blacks hud a (Efferent
origin front the white race, fhey bad
another progenitor—an Adam of their
own—if they did not descend from our
Adam they did not partake of his
sin, or the condemnation pronounced
against him and his posterity. If they
are nut therefore subject to the curse
pronounced upon him, they had no
need of a Saviour—the great atone
ment for sin was n needless sacrifice
as concerns them—- missions, churches,
sermons, religious instruction, however
necessary to a white man’s salvation,
are works of stipe irogation to the
black—unless their first father con
ducted himself as imprudently as ours,
in which case they may perhaps need
a similar atonement; if their Adam
sinned, they need a Messiah of their
own, for it is not to be supposed that
these learned ■damns and self-conceited
politicians who deny the negro an
interest in our Adam, are going to
allow him an interest in mir Messiah.
It is difficult to treat the sacrilegious
«tl.s»ir.lr(frr. ..f fhcsr- svbv* t.i.sn
in so serious a manner as stu b subjects
should be treated. But if there ap
pears to be impiety in our remarks, it
is theirs, not ours. Their theory, fol
lowed farther, undermines the whole
foundation of slavery, which lias been
based upon Scripture. Not for the
black man does the earth bring forth
thorns and thistles; and, if Perry and
Agassiz are right, it was wrong to
keep him eternally, hoe in baud, chop
ping them down. That was the white
man’s business ; that curse was his
curse, and so of all the others. In fine,
those who pretend to think that the
negro is of a different primeval origin
from the white man, had better stop at
llam ; it is not at all safe to go so far
back as Adam. We advise the be
lievers in the doctrines of Perry and
Agassiz to have resolutions passed at the
next Democratic Convention, amenda
datory of the Holy Scriptures, so that
many passages may be made to rettd
according to their ideas. For instance.
“As in Adam all irhlk men died, and
so,’* etc. ‘ And God said let us make
a it’llih‘ man after our own image.”
“And he took a irhitc man, and put
him into the garden to dress and trim
it,” etc., etc. As Democratic Conven
tions do not generally stickle at any
thing to advance their party cause, we
suppose they would make short work
of the Bible, if there is any one of the
party sufficiently acquainted with that
Book to find the defective passages.
Republican Doctrines Ably Set
Forth.
The speech of Senator Frelinghuy
sen before the Republican Convention
recently held in Trenton, though com
paratively a brief one. contains some
of the best thoughts upon the subjects
of equal rights and of tho elective
franchise that have lately found ex
pression. He places the doctrine of
equal rights upon the broad basis of
the unity of the human race; and this
unity he asserts to be at the founda
tion of Christianity itself. He says :
“ The doctrine of the unity of the
race is essential to the maintenance
of the true relations of the race
to God and to the maintenance
of the true relations of man to
man. If this utility bo admitted, if
wc all have one origin, one nature,
one law, one ransom, one destiny,
then all have an equal right lo those
immunities tu society which are essen
tial to development, elevation, and
happiness, essential to protection from
oppression and defense from impo
sition.'’
The ballot- Mr. Frolinghuyseu con
siders essential to enable a man to
enjoy that “pursuit of happiness”)
which the Declaration of Indepeu •
douce asserts to be the “ inalienable
right ” of all men. “ IIow,” lie asks.
“ shall a titan iu this country pursue
happiness who has not the ballot ? By
it alone he challenges the considera
tion and courtesy of society ; by it lie
asserts and defends his rights and
vindicates his manhood. Let it be
known iu this land that no German or
no Italian can vote, and their nation
ality is at once degraded ; they and
theircbildnn would feel it and bow
down under it; they could not strike
a bargain for a day’s labor but the
overbearing superiority of their votiug
employer would be impressed upou
them. And the case is the same with
the colored man.”
The ballot is also an educator. It
causes men to think, to reason, to
discriminate. The voter becomes a
national juror to decide public issues.
“ He learns how causes far removed ia
their workings affect his very home.
He learns the importance of knowl
edge. His reason works. Ilis mind
is enkindled. lie discusses with his
associates. The desire for information,
as well as a manly pride not to be
thought ignorant; prompts him to
learn to read, and practice the acqui
sition. He sees, too, that his children
learn, The man’s whole status is
changed. The newspaper and open
Bible make him a citizen, make him
more a man.”
Xor is it just that he who pays taxes,
does military service, and obeys the
laws, should he denied all voice in the
Government. ‘That is not a democ
racy,” adds Mr. Frolinghuyseu,
“ where there is a privileged class, he
their title to the privilege the posses
sion of money or land, or he it blood.
Tho only true dcmocract is a govern
ment of all, by all.”
Alter aptly answering the common
objections winch are urged against
manhood suffrage, and alluding to the
generous terms upou which we have
extended citizenship to persons of
foreign birth, the orator closes with
the following eloquent words :
“ Wo are now to takcauotbcr stride.
The colored ntau, born and reared in
our midst, acquainted with our habits,
and with the spirit of our Government,
if not with the letter of onr law. hav
ing proved himself loyal and brave,
extends bis hand for privilege. We
liavo tried the experiment of the ballot
under circumstances less favorable,
and it lias proved a success. Wc
cannot withhold it from him. Say to
every miser of liberty, stand back!
he is an immortal man; he shall have
a chance. This vast continent will
teem with myriads of people elevated
by the influence of liberty, of educa
tion, and of the Gospel; and, con
nected by telegraph and ocean steam
ers with other lands, the pulsations of
the great American heart will, I hope,
give ficcdom and religion to the
world.”
The Republicans of New Jersey
have placed themselves upon the
foundation of truth. The doctrines
so ably expressed in this speech are
the doctrines of pure democracy, and
arc bound to be universally adopted
in this country. Agitation, discussion,
and public enlightenment will make
them speedily dominant in our sister
State. — Philadelphia. Telcsrtjih.
President-Making by Guess.
The following article from the New
York Tribune we fully indorse :
Fifteen months hence the people of
the United States will be called to
elect their President fora term of four
years, commencing on tho Ith of
March, JBGl>—almost two years hence.
Meantime, wc have to deal with the
great and difficult problem of the re
storation of ten States, still but parti
ally solved ; we have to reconcile local
self-'goverumcnt with the permanent
sway of Nationality and Loyalty; wc
have an immense National Debt to
i-oro fw ; Maiuurs furithc repeal of the
Cotton and other taxes to consider,
and the ever-present perils of an Irre
deemable Paper Currency to guard
against, and, if possible, overcome.
These problems may well tax the best
resources of statesmanship, and ought,
to secure general attention. In lull
view of their imminence, a few poli
ticians by trade are inti nt on opening
the Presidential canvass—bringing
forward General Grant as their candi
date.
We neither affirm nor deny the fit
ness of this choice. There arc fca
lures of General Grant's character
which incline tts to regard him with
favor, especially his magnanimity to
ward the ex-rebels. Time may prove
that he is the man for the place ; but
that question cannot now he determin
ed. We need to understand more
clearly the issues on which that elec
tion is to turn, and the views of the
rival candi lates relative thereto.
The people are not iu the mood lot
trying any grab-bag experiments. They
will insist on having a President who
fully knows his own mind with regard
to the political situation, and who has
not essentially another mind from
theirs. They have once or twice
taken can lidates on trust, and have
not been encouraged to repeat the
venture. And, when they see that
General Grant's name is the Shibbo
leth of a number of the most discredi
ted of the camp followers and shoddy
patriots of the late war, who barked at
the heels of tho sorely beset Republic
whenever it was constrained to take
a step forward in the course which led
thiough Emancipation to triumph,
they will be more strenuous in their
demands for light than if the General
were not cursed by such backers.
Many things are forgiven to a party
which has not outlived its ideas and
its work ; but otic thing is never for
given, a;.d that is distrust of the cor
rectness and value of its own princi
ples. The Whig party was badly
beaten in the defeat of'Clay by Polk
in 1844 sorely to its own amazement
and grief ; yet its vitality was so little
impaired that it elected the next House
of Representatives and the next
Governor of New York. Four years
later it succeeded with General Taylor,
hut lost the House of Representatives
chosen along with him ; was beaten
out o! sight in the next one, and never
recovered its vitality. And the reason
was, that in the contest for Mr. Clay's
election it boldly proclaimed and de
fended its convictions, asking a ver
dict t hereon : while in that for General
Taylor’s it rather concealed and eva
ded a distinct issue of principle, trust
ing tor success to fictitious appeals
and clap-trap instrumentalities.
Let us repeat, to rep*l misrepre
sentatiou, that we do not call in ques
tion the fitness of choosing General
Grant ;ts the Republican candidate lor
President. We will consider that
point in due time. What we do say
is, that the Republican candidates must
represent and embody Republican
principles, and be neither atraid nor
ashamed to avow bis faith iu them and
his willingness to stand or fall by them.
Ilis personal qualities and popularity
are important considerations, but his
fearless, explicit devotion to Republi
can ideas is a primary and essential
requisite.
—An old miser having listened to a
very eloquent discourse on charity, re
marked : “That sermon so strongly
proves the necessity of almsgiving,
that —I’ve almost a mind to beg.”
WILLSON’S
SCHOOL'AND FAMILY SERIES
OF
HEADERS AND SPELLERS.
FROM MAJOR GENERAL HOWARD,
Commissioner Freedman’s Bureau.
‘ \ oar exeeellmt aeries has been received ;uid examined
with great interest. I like the works very much, and am
especially pleased with the Charts ami Primary Ho -ks,
believing them unusually adapted to aid the child in
making a start.”
o
WILSON’S PRIMARY SPELLER.
A smiiile and progressive course of lesions in Spelling,
with Heading and Dictation exercises, anti the elements
of Oral and Written i imposition. By Marcias Willson.
1 mo., 80 pages, 5G cuts. 15 cent;.
WILLSON'S LARGER SPELLER.
A progressive course of lessons in Spelling, ar
ranged according to the principles of Ortheopy and
Grammar, with exercises iu Synonims for Reading,
Spelling and Writing; and anew system of Definitions.
By Marcius Willson. l2mo, 168 pages, 36 cuts. 35
cents.
WILLSON'S PRIMER.
The school and family primer. Intro hictory to a series of
School and Family Readers. By Marcius Willson. l2mo,
48 page*, I<)7 cuts. 25 cents.
WILLSONS FIRST READER.
I lie I'irst Reader of the School and Family series. By
Marcius Willson. l2mo, 84 pages, 132 cuts. 40 cents.
WILLSON'S SECOND READER.
The S cond Reader of the School and Family series By
Marcius Willson. 12mo, 154 pages, lOt l cuts. 60 cents.
A THIRD READER: INTERMEDIATE SERIES.
A Third Reader of a grade bet ween tlio Second and Third
Readers of the School and Family series. By Marcius
Willson. l2mo, 216 pages, 70 cuts. 80 cants.
WILLSONS THIRD READER.
The Third Reader of the School and Family series. By
Marcius Willson. l‘2mo, 264 pages 142 cuts. 90 cents.
A FOURTH READER: INTERMEDIATE SERIES.
A Fourth Reader of a grade between the Third and Fourth
Reader* of the School and Family iSeries. By Marcius
Willson. l2mo, 360 pages, 05 cuts. sl.lO.
WILLSON S FOURTH READER.
Ihe fourth Reader of the School and Family series. By
Marcius Willson. 12mo, 350 pages, 164 cuts. $1.35.
* i * i j ■* <
WILLSON S FIFTH READER.
Ihe Fifth Reader ot the School aud family Series. By
Marcius Willson. 12mo, 540 pages, 208 cuts. SI.BO.
(Extiuct Hum Letter of Major Saxton,
ordering Headers.)
\VAsm noton, I). (J., April 24, 1807.
It was thought liy some tlull wc had
licttcrgct tlie Barker ,V Watson Series,
wiiit-fi i- the most used in the Schools,
imply because some had got it, for the
sake of uniformity ; lint my recommenda
tion prevailed. One gentleman present,
who had used both, stated tbat lie bad used
tire other as long as lie eared to, and con
sidered tlie Willson Series as ran supe
rior, giving an example of the difference
of time required in reaching anew pupil,
the preference being decidedly in favor
of the latter series. So we, starting this
new movement, have decided to get the
best hook extant, so far as we knew them.
* * * #
(Signed) S. Wili.aki) Saxton.
From the American Freedman (Rev. Ly
man Abbott.)
“The peculiar characteristic of this
Series lies iu the fact that they aim to im
part, as furasjpossible, useful information.
For this purpose they contain a series of
articles un various subjects of science and
history, graded to the capacity of different
pupils, and so arranged that when the five
volumes have been carefully read, the
student, in addition to a knowledge of
reading, will have acquired a considerable
knowledge in many departments of t study,
such as will lay the foundation for more
complete instruction afterward."
They are therefore peculiarly adapted to
tlie pressing needs and quick perceptive*
ot the colored children. Each book is
profusely and handsomely illustrated, and
t lie illustrations are all intended to ren
der the comprehension ot the reading
matter more easy. Tlio following testi
monials have been selected from a large
mass of a similar nature :
Bcueac If., F. and A. L.,
Office Siteristendest Education,
Richmond, Va.. Dee. 13, ISOti.
Dear Sir—l have been familiar with
the Readers from their first publication,
and am free to say to you, as I have uni
formly said to teachers, superintendents,
and others, that, all tilings considered, 1
regard them as the best Series before
the public. The leading peculiar feature
of this Series was a happy inspiration of
the author, and the execution of the plan
so well done as scarcely to admit of im
provement. Mr. Willson’s style of compo
sition ill the lower numbers of the Scries,
and some-tiling of his plan in the higher
numbers, have been imitated by some
later writers of school readers with deci
ded advantage to their works, jllcncc. Mr.
Willson has not only made a peerless Se
ries of his own, but has elevated the
general standard of such works. When
ever my choice has not been constrained
by circumstances, I have always used
t his Series both in the white and colored
schools with which I have been in any
way connected.
Yours, truly, K. M. Manly,
Superintendent Education.
From IV. M. CoiJiV, General Superinten
dent Freedman’s Schools iu Arkansas.
I never made belter readers than from
those books. The Charts are unsurpassed
tiv any.
Harper & Brothers, Publishers,
FRANKLIN .SQUARE, NEW YORK.
lIAKI'KU lV IIKnTIIKKS will m-ih! any ot* the above works by Mail, poetanu free, to
any part of the United" State?, on receipt of tin price.
J. K. BRYANT,
AGENT FOR THE STATE OF GEORGIA, AUGUSTA, GA,
mv29 '
I'mmW. K. Mitchell, Superintendent
ol I reed men’s Schools (in charge of
Pennsylvania Frcedmcn’s Association.)
forMiddleTenncssce and Nortlicrn Ala
liama.
Willson's Headers arc unsurpassed l>▼
| any in the English language.
[Copies will be sent, postage paid, to
parties desiring to examine them with a
view to introduction, on receipt of half
I price.
Hauio ii ,v liuoxiiiiics also publish a
Series of
SCHOOL AND FAMILY CHARTS
Twenty two iu number, by .Martins
Willson and N. A. Calkins.
These Charts are designed, in connec
tion with the accompanying Manual ol
Instruction by Martins Willson (12nto,
•-T 50) and the Primary Object Lessons
:by X A. Calkins, (12mo, #1 50) to fur
nish the teacher with the requisite aids
for the practical application of a true
system of Elementary Instruction. In
the six Heading Charts the type is suffi
ciently large to tie easily read at a
distance of.twenty feet. These Charts
will be furnished either separately or in
full setts, either mounted or iu sheets, and
also, for Family Use, in neat atlas form,
at the following prices. When mounted,
twoaruon a card oftlia size of <urh Chart,
about 23 by 30 inches. They arc scut by
mail, in smu ts, at the prices named :
.Vo. In Mat*.
]. Elementary : Sixtv Illustrated
Words. 35 eta.
11. Reading: First Lessons... 35cts.
111. Reading: Second Lessons 35 ct*.
IV. Reading: Third Lessons.. 35 cts.
V. Reading: Fourth Lessons. 35 its.
VI. Reading: Fifth Lessons... 35 cts.
ViL Elementary Sounds 35 cM
t ill. Phonie Spelling 35 cts.
N IX. Writing Chart 35 i ts.
X. Drawing and Perspective.. 35 cts.
XI. Lines and Measures 35 et».
XII. Forms and Solids 35 els.
XIII. Familiar Colors, aeeompa
niedby a duplicate sett of
Handsome Color Cards $1 50
XIV. Chromatic Seale of Colors 120
XV. Animals: Economical Uses
XVI. Classification of Animals.. i;0 i ts.
XVII. Birds : their Classification <lO ct».
XVIII. Reptiles and Fishes 00 cts.
XIX. Botanical Forms, Xc 00 cts.
XX. Classification ot Plants... «o.cts.
XXI. Economical Uses of Plants fid ci -.
XXII. Economical Uses, contin
ued 00 its.
Price of the entire Sett, in SlicetsSll TO
“ “ “ “ Mounted.. 18 00
“ “ “ “ Atlas Form 21700
Calkin's Primary Object Lessons.. SI 5#
Willson’s Manual of Object Teach
ing 1 50
There has been nothing published in
the educational line for years that, to our
mind, is such a means of cornering know
ledge as these Charts and the Manual that
accompanies them.— loicn Instructor.
Willson’s Manual is the’truest American
expression of the principles of Pcstatot
tzzi that has yet been made. Mr. Willson
U legitimately carrying out iu this Manual
and tlie accompanying Charts', the basis
of his admirable system of School Readers.
—.V. Tcnchcr.