About Weekly Columbus enquirer. (Columbus, Ga.) 1861-1873 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 28, 1868)
t their Why itf qui etus from the refusal of Congress to ap prove it, we cannot perceive, but such appears to be the case. The Republicans in Congress have been very chary in alluding at all to that Constitution; but we perceive that on the 17th inst., in the House of Representatives, Mr. Kelly of Pa. (the same Radical Kelly who came so near being “kilt” in the terrible riot at Mobile) intimated pretty plainly what would be its fate in Congress. Mr. Brooks was commenting upon the disfranchise* (the South so as to najority, and allu- ae disfranchising fea- ical Constitution of Ala- Kelly interrupted him with the significant remark that “the Con stitution of Alabama had yet to come before Congress,” and that the number disfranchised in the whole South by the legislation, of Congress did not exceed fifty thousand ! Possibly tbe number would not have exceeded fifty thousand (though we believe it would have doubled that number) under a fair interpretation of tbe acts of Congress; but under tbe rulings of tbe military commanders and the registrars (sustained by Congress) there is every reason to believe that Mr. Brooks’ estimate of two hundred and fifty thousand whites disfranchised was not too large. Court Decisions, condense from tho head rendered in tho Su fi Georgia, and published geville Recorder, such de- of general interest: ps vs. Gaston, from Randolph, defendant tendered Confed- money in payment of a note execu- prior to the 1st of June, 1861, and the plaintiff refused to receive it, giving as a reason therefor, that “he had become paymaster for come heirs” : Held that this was not such a legal tender as would stop the running of interest on the note. In Graves vs. Stozier, from Lee.—An attachment may issue upon the affidavit of the plaintiff that he has instituted suit against tbe defendant in which he claims a certain specific amount of damages in an action ex delicto, the same being a money demand within the provisions of the stat ute. Bosdair vs. Jones, from Randolph. Where a trustee mortgaged the trust property to secure his individual debt, and upon a motion to foreclose the mort gage as against him. Held that the mort gagor could not set up a defence against tbe foreclosure of the mortgage against himself, that the property so mortgaged by him is trust property. Robertson versus Vason et a!., from Dougherty.—Fraud in the procurement of a note, as stated in the Code, means fraud in tbe procurement of it by the holder thereof and not fraud in its pro curement as between the original parties, of which the bolder had no knowledge. Meyer vs. Reed & Co., from Fulton.— Interest on the notes sued on in this case, was suspended during tbe continuance ol hostilities in the recent war between the citizens of Pennsylvania and of Georgia, and is not recoverable for that period of time. Southern E x press Co. vs. Barnes, from Richmond.—In this case tbe Express The Convention Distrustful.-Thg Hu omp>I1 , claimed that, because no notice speeches and proceedings in the Atlanta Convention on Tuesday, which we copy to day, show that that body is distrustful of Gen. Meade, and appeals from him to Congress. The General has as yet surely done nothing that any honest Radical tif there are such in tbe Convention) should object to. He has only told Congress, very truly, that it would be impossible to find in Georgia a sufficient number of competent men who can take tbe test oath to fill tbe offices into which tbe Conven- tion wants to have "trooly loil” men put without delay; and be has granted com missions to investigate alleged frauds and bad administration by Radical officers and managers. But be did not put brawl ing Radical office seekers in the places of Governor Jenkins, Treasurer Jones, and Comptroller Burns, and it may turn out that some great rascality will bo exposed by the investigations permitted. This is what grieves and alarms the clamorous conclave at Atlanta, and prompts the ap peal to Congress to permit them to do what Gen. Meade has undertaken. It is not so much loyalty at self that they want in office and power, and they will keep a how) as loud and incessant as that of a pack of famishing wolves on scent of a wounded horse or buffalo, until they reach the prey. Last week Gen. George A. Custer and Lieut. W. W. Cook were put upon pre liminary examination at Leavenworth, for the alleged murder of Charles John* son, a private in the 7lh United States Cavalry. Tho evidence on the first day was to the effect that Johnson and several other men had left the camp near Fort Wallace, and General Custer ordered two mounted parties to pursue them and “bring none of them in alive”; that Johnson and two others were shot and brought in, and that Johnson subsequent* ly died of his wounds. The evidence was not positive as to whether Johnson made any resistance or not. Two of tbe party who surrendered ware brought in unhurt. One witness testified that Lieutenant Cook shot Johnson. From the tenor of cross questions asked, it is inferred that an effort would be made by the counsel for (joQomi ouster -to prove tbatlho General gave another order to bring in the de serters alive. A lieutenant commanding one of tbe pursuing parties testified that the order to him waB not to bring the deserters in alive. The Chattanooga Union of tbe 21st inst. gives an account of the death of two young ladies in that city, caused by the bursting of a can of oil. They attempted to quicken the fire in a stove by pouring some “Aurora” burning oil on the embers; the oil blazed up when it came in contact with tbe coals, communicated to tbe oil in the can, and an explosion followed, scat tering the burning oil over the two ladies and throughout the room. The flames, of course, enveloped everything ia the room, burning and suffocating tbe unfortunate inmates. They were taken from the room, and the fire extinguished, before they died, but the death of both ensued in a few hours. Their names were Misses Mary Daily and Kate Harrington. This sad accident should be a warning to all in the handling of burning oils. A Federal soldier named Taylor was shot by a negro man in Macon on Wed nesday night. The wound is supposed to be mortal. The negro made his escape. The Augusta Chronicle £ Sentinel of the 22d, noticing tbe testimony that has been submitted to tbe commission sent to investigate tbe charges against tbe muni- cipal authorities of Augusta, says: “Of one thing our people may rest satisfied, the charges made against Blodgett and Bis Council have been fully sustained, and whether they are dismissed from office or not, their acts of mat-administration will be thoroughly ventilated and exposed." The New York World, in a very ener getic article denouncing tbe two bills now pending in Congress to consolidate power in that body at the expense of other de partments of tbe Government, says “These men are traitors, and this is revo lution”; and it concludes as follows: “The people of tbe United Stales, be it known to these Revolutionists of the Rump, regard tbe form of their govern ment and the natural three-fold division ot its granted powers, as the chief security of their laws and liberties, next to their own determined will. They conceive that that engagement and solemn compact of the people, the Constitution, obliges the constituent parts of tbe nation to hold their public faith with each other, tbe Legislative with the Executive and tbe Judiciary, obliges each to maintain the others dutifully in an undiminished func tion and authority. “The people of the United States, be it known to these usurpers of the Rump, be it known to all would-be military dicta tors, look upon President Johnson, with all his faults and whatever his errors, if errors there have been, as their lawful and chosen Chief Magistrate; upon the justices of the Supreme Court as the highest ex pounders of their laws and sever tt^^-ill; upon the powers lodged with tk\SBg§jlk him as the pledge and not tbe pVHH their liberties. Him and them in all their rightful and granted authority they will uphold, support and defend, whosesoever bodies are carried to jail, whosesoever necks are stretched.” Taui^ Oh Ex-Kino 1—Special disa patches from Washington to the Hew York press say that Gen. Ord, in an inter view with the President on tbe night of the 16th inst., informed the latter that “negro suffrage could never be success fully consummated in the Sooth”; that “this was bis belief from a thorough can vass of tbe situation.” ompany claii of tbe loss was given till two years after the loss occurred, and because the receipt specified that they were not to be liable unless notice was given in ninety days af ter shipment, they were not liable. Tbe shipment was from Memphis just before tbe Federal army took it and cut off com munication with Augusta, Ga., so that tbe consignee knew nothing of the ship ment. Judgment affirmed. [Not knowing what was the judgment of the Court below on the points thus raised, we are not advised what tbe Su preme Court affirmed.] Horne et al. vs. The States, from Sum ter.—In all caseB when parlies are jointly indicted for an offence which does not re quire the joint act of two or more persons to commit, the defendants, upon applica tion, have a right to sever on the trial; aliter as to those offences which require joint aetion of two or more to commit them. Southern Express Co. vs. Purcell, from Richmond.—An Express Company which pursues, continuously for any period of time, the business of transporting goods, packages, &c., is a common carrier, and in case of loss the presumption of law is against it, and no excuse will avail it un less the loss was occasioned by tbe act of God or the public enemies of tho State. When the Southern Express Company gave a receipt acknowledging the delive ry of certain goods “to bo forwarded,” and expressing in the receipt that, the company would not be liable for any loss from any cause whatever except for fraud or gross negligence, and that when tbe value of the property kss not specified in the receipt, the Comppby would not be liable for a sum exceediifg fifty dollars for each package: Held the receipt is evi dence only of the reception of the goods by the company for tbe purposes therein specified, and is not evidenco of any ex press contract. Held also, that an express contract such as is contemplated by the Code. % 2041, cannor.be proved in this way, and that the giv^fcoL such . eceipt and tho acceptance^rj^by the shipper does not relieve the company from the liability imposed by law upon common carriers. Tbe liability of tho carrier commences when he receives the goods, und if they a. io«t h« mast show such facts aj will re lieve him from liability, or he wili bo held responsible. The Move Against Bradley. A committee has been appointed by the Georgia Convention to investigate a charge that Aaron A. Bradley, a negro delegate,was once sentenced to two years’ imprisonment in Sing Sing prison ; and a Radical fellow-delegate made tbe decla ration, when the committee was ordered, that if the charge should be proven, “Bradley was no longer a member of that Convention.” It is a significant fact that Bradley did not want tbe article that made the charge against him read, and that no denial of its trnth has been published by him. Nevertheless, the question arises, why do his white colleagues turn upon him in this furious manner? Why do they in tend to expel him from the Convention? —for we have little doubt that the inves tigation will result in his expulsion. Charges of perhaps as serious a character as that on which Bradley is said to have been imprisoned, have been freely made against several of the white Radical dele gates, and the Convention does not inves tigate them. Against two or three of them prosecutions for infamous crimes are understood to be now pending. Why, then, is Bradley alone included in the investigation? We are half suspi cious that his color has something to do with it—that somebody, either in Georgia or at Washington, is tearful that Bradley intends to run for Congress, and that bis influence with the negroes of his district is so great as to arouse tbe apprehension that the means that are to be used by White Radicals to prevent the election of other negroes to Congress will not an swer in his case. Is that the “cat in the meal tub” ? The Now York Evening Post (Radical), edited by Wm. Cullen Bryant, says of the new amendment to tbe Reconstruc tion bill which proposes to set aside the Supreme Court: * * * * Congress got into a quarrel with the President; it took counsel of its resentments, net its wisdom; more oner ous conditions were imposed; until this legislative folly culminated in ihe military despotism which has produced no solitary good effect, which has widened the chasm between the races at the South, and which has at length run to such an extravagance that unless arrested it will provoke a gen eral and most disastrous reaction. It is an extremity into which we shall not fol low any leaders; but on the other hand, we shall continue to protest against it until the voice of reason shall once more make itself heard amid the noisy clamors of Washington. The Washington correspondent of tho New York Herald of the 17th says :— “Governor Jenkins is expected in this city in a few days. He comes here to take out from tbe Supreme Court of the United States a co oreates sgainst the appointee 1 of General Meade to the gubernatorial of fice of Georgia. Judge Jeremiab S. Black will have tbe management of tbe case.” Gnu. Grant is represented by Washing ton reporters to be particularly anxious that Mr. Stanton should resign. He is re ported to have called upon Stanton two or three times and urged him to take this course. The General had not probably reflected upon Stanton’s persistent reten tion of the office, against the wishes of tbe President, for a year before his suspen sion, when he permitted him to get into | the position again. The New Move Agaiust the Supreme Court. Our telegraphic columns yesterday morning contained a bill agreed upon by tho Committee on Reconstruction, the ob ject of which was to prohibit the Supreme Court from passing upon the constitu tionality of any of the acts of Congress concerning Reconstruction. We regard this as significant of tho defeat or aban donment of the bill to require the concur rence of two-thirds of the Court to pro nounce any act of Congress unconstitu tional. The very strong protest from the North, even from many Radical papers, against the last named bill has probably sufficed to convince Congress that it will not do to pass it. The new bill, however, is even more clearly an attempt by Congress to exalt itself above tho constitution and its bal ances of power than the old one. Its very partiality discloses the purpose to prevent the constitutional judgment of another department of the Government upon acta which are known to be of very doubtful legality. It excepts from the jurisdiction of the Court tbe very legislation which the people have condemned and the best jurists have pronounced unconstitutional If this precedent L allowed to be set, what is to prevent Congress from also excepting from the jurisdiction of tbe Court any acts whose constitutionality is questioned— from even attaching to any bill, whose constitutionality ia doubted by its oppo nents, a proviso or appendix that the Su preme Court shall have no power to decide the question of its legality? And if this is done, what is the Supreme Court worth ? what is left of one of the great depart ments of the Government established aa a cheek upon legislation “outside of tbe constitution ?” Mr. Stevens has at last brought his party in Congress up to a confession some time since made by himself—that its legis lation in reference to tbe reconstruction of tbe Southern States is all "outside of tb« constitution.” The new bill Is an unmis takalde admission of that fact. This being the case, we prefer the bill just agreed upon to tho first one. It presents tbe issue of Congressional usurpation more sharply asd plainly before tbe country, arid will greatly aid a constitutional party in keeping squarely before the people the true issue to be tried in tbe elections of this year. Down Upon It ! The Atlanta Opinion (organ of the Chase wing of tbe Georgia Radicals) is out againBt the call for a “Republican State Conven tion” to be held in Atlanta on the 19th of February. It charges that it was put forth by tricksters of the party, and pub lished only in a paper that does not pro fess to belong to the Radical party—the New Era. On this point it says: “This wbolo scheme looks very much like an imposition, if not n downright swindle. In the first place, there has not been, bb we aro reliably informed, a meeting of the Committee of the Republican Party. A meeting was called last week, but there was no quorum present, and no action taken. Nor has there been any regular meeting since. The wholo thing is gotten up by Bryant and Blodgett, and forms a part of a scheme in the interests of the Augusta clique. Foiled in their efforts to place Colonel Bullock in tbe Gubernato- rial chair; foiled in their effort to obtain possession of the Stato Road ; defeated in their purposo to gain undisputed posses sion of the State, its Treasury, and its great Thoroughfare; and failing to con summate a scheme to build up the broken and desperate fortunes of the Loyal Geor gian and Few Era newspapers out of the plunder of the State, they now resort to this scheme to securo to themselves und their al.ies a portion of the minor civil offices of tho State.” It calls upon certain members of the Committee, individually, to say whether they participated in the call and signed their names to it, and asks: “Is this underground proceeding, this snap judg ment, this flank movement in the inter ests of tho plunder faction, this treachery, to bo ratified by tho Republican Party of Georgia? Is this to be tbo future tactics of the Republican party? If it is, we have no hesitancy in saying that the party will soon go to perdition, and that its memory will bo a reproach before all honest men—a stench in the nostrils of the whole community. If this is to be the future policy of the Republican party in Georgia, decent men will not tarry long on tho threshold of its temple, but will make haste to wash their hands of the whole concern ; nay, they will shake off the very dust from their feet, and blush to own that they ever belonged to such a party. Such a course will kill any party—it will break up and destroy any politioal organization; because no party, no organization can prosper which is based upon fraud, trickery, treachery, ingrati tude, and individual lust for plunder.” The Conservative Press. The Macon Telegraph well says: The Conservative press of our State, with manliness, dignity, self-abnegation and adherence to principlo worthy of all praise, has boldly maintained tbe rights, honor and true interests of the South. At a time when it had nothing to hope for, but much to fear from those in power, it struggled to save a conquered people from degradation and contumely worse than death. Amid abuse and misrepre' sentation, and beneath showers of malig nancy, it has still stood up for "the land we love,” and sought to avert the evils that false-hearted and selfish men and cor rupt politicians woulcftmpose. The wa* vering and smitten public opinion of a crushed land has been strengthened and infused with life, and unity, and power by the boldness and consistency of tbe Con servative press; and if it should ever hap pen that from beneath these clouds of gloom and disaster these military districts are to emerge and step into the glorious sunshine of prosperity and success, it will be in a great degree due to the efforts of those pa-.ers that would not succumb to threatening ruin, nor cringe at the foot of power. Hereafter these States will take pride in pointing back to the course taken by their own journals that consulted their trun sectional interests, and will say: “These manifested the real spirit of tbe South. They represented us and spoke our sentiments, and in times of fear and gloom stood up for our rights,” So we predict. Let tho record show, likewise, that tho people of the South gal lantly stood by their representative papers and sustained them well—sustained them nobly. They are fighting not for pelf nor for power, but for right and justice—for the true interests of the South, and for tbe highest and best honor and glory of the □ niton at largo. They deserve, and have a right to ex pect, a supDort from their countrymen.— They ask it, and they confidently expect it. Such support may bo rendered by subscriptions, by advertisements, and by throwing in the way of the press any busi ness that may add to their support. We speak as unto wise men—hear ye what we The Case Bfcfore the Supreme Court. bur dispatfihes published yesterday mentioned a caso before th£ Supremo Court of the United States, iff which the State of Texas is a parly, and which in.t volves the question whether Tjxas is a State of the Union. We learn from our exchanges that the case carried up arose in this way: Whj^^if northwestern boundary of TexffawJWSxedl^y which a part of the terNfopy. as was incorporated in tbe newly acquired Mexican territory of New Mexico) the United States issue^vo-^ja^indemnity bonds amounting t?'several millions of dollars. These bonds were b6ld by the State of Texas until some time during the war, when the Confederate State Gov^ eminent of l%xas"sold^bem to White, Childs & Co., of Kentucky, and to other parties in New York and elsewhere.— Early in 1867 Mr. Merrick, of Washing ton City, counsel for the State of Texas, made application *3*t1ijf'Supremo Court for an injunction to prevent tha negotia tion of tbe bonds tbussold- This injunc tion was granted, and now the original purchasers come into Cotfrt and ask that the injunction be dissolved, on the ground that Texas is not a Stale in tbo Union, and has, therefore, no right to be heard in the Supreme Court as a State. It will be seen that this case does not immediately involve the constitutionality of tbe Reconstruction acts. IL» owaver . Texas is decided to be a State in the Union, possessed of the full powers a °d rights of tfl<* othe^&rtgMjl^ w)l)J>0 lay* ing a pretty safe^fflH^^^ -r a subse quent opinion declaring the Congressional acts subverting her government and put ting her under military rule unconstitua tional. But may not tbe Court restrict its .judgment merely to a deoision that tbo bonds are tbe property of the State of Texas, and that the existing government is one capable of disposing property and making contracts ? The Nevr Reconstruction Bill. We have already published this bill in full, but as we have, within tbe last day or two, been asked what were its provi. lions, we copy it again as it passed the House. It will be seen that it takes from tbe President, and vests in Gen. Grant, the appointment of District Commanders for tbe Southern States, and that he may select the Commanders from any officers not below the rank of Colonel; tb it ex press power is given to the General of the Army, as well at to tbe District Com mander, to remove any or all civil officers; and that it is made the duty of Gen. Grant to remove all subordinate military officers who do not execute the acts of Congress as he may constn a them. Itsupersedes the President as tbe executive of Federal laws in the Southern States, and devolves that duty upon an officer not known to the constitution. Tbe following is the new bill: Be it enacted, <fc.. That in Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, MissisBipp, Louisiana, Texas, Florida and Arkansas there are no civil State governments republican in form, and that the so-called civil governments in said States respectively, shall not be recognized as valid or legal State Govern ments, either by the Executive.or Judi cial power or authority of the United States. Sec. 2. And be it further enabled, That for the speedy enforcement of the act eq» titled “An act to provide for tbe more efficient government of the rebel States,” passed March 2, 1867, and the several acts supplementary thereto, the General of tbe array of the United States is hereby au thorized and required to enjoin, by spe cial orders. upbii all officers in command within the several military deparlmer ts within said several Stales, the perlormance of all acts authorized by said several laws above recited ; i3 authorized tqroiove, at his discretion, by his order,coni; mand any or all of said commiffA.r.a, ami detail other officers ofJ.be States army, not below tbegrank of C«rwt-el, to perform all duties Ala exercise all power authorized by said several acts, to tho end that the people of said several States may speedily recognize civil governments, re publican in form, in Eaid soveral Slates, and be restored to political powt- in the Union. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the General of the army may rewrote any or all civil officers now act!>-g*u»tfer the several provisional governments within tbe eaid several disorganized States, and appoint others to tbe discharge of the du ties pertaining to their respective offices, and may do any and all acts which by said several laws above mentioned are au thorized to be done by the several com manders ol tbe military departments with in said States; and so much of snid acts, or of any act as authorizes tbe Fresident to detail the military commanders to said military departments, or to remive any officers who may be detailed as herein provided, is hereby repealed. Sec. 4. And belt further enacted, That it shall be unlawful for the Preadent of the United States to order any!part ol the army or navy of the United itates to assist, by force of arms, the authority of either of said provisional governaents in said disorganized States, to oppose or to obstruct the authority of the United States, as provided in tbe act and acts to which this is supplementary. Sec. 5. And be it further enaetd, That any interference by any person, with in tent to prevent by force the execution of the orders of the General of the Army, made in pursuance of this act, an! of the acts aforesaid, or any refusal or willful neglect of any person to issue any order or do any act required by this'act, or Scvcnty-jivc Mules at Auction.—On Friday, the 31st inst., C. S. Harrison & Co., will sell at auction, at Thompson & Boyd’s livery stable, opposite old Ogle thorpe House, seventy-five head of fine young mules—well broke—and jastfrom Kentucky. Messrs. Harrison & Co. will sell at tbe same place and time fifteen head of well broke saddle and harness herees, all warranted a»„.represented. This, to p enters, is an important sale,and - -."fT . they should not permit it to go unattend- be held yeaterd,y 10 ed. We wili remind them of it again be- lion, > but wa n< j fore it comes off; 1 - ■ * other of tbe acta to which this act s addi tional and supplementary, with ii tent to defeat or delay the due execution of this act, or of either of the acts to which this is supplementary, shall be held to be a high misdemeanor, and the party guilty thereof shall, upon conviction, be fine., not to exceed $5000, and imprisonment not to exceed two years. Sec 6. And be it further enacLd, That so much of all acts and parts of!acts as conflict, or is inconsistent with tbe pro visions of this act, are hereby replied. The Republicans of Alabama fire not discouraged by the efforts of tbe rebels, but are selecting their candidates fir Con gress, Circuit Judges, and other oncers to be voted for at tbe ensuing election [Forney’s Iress. - The Radicals of the South “not dis couraged” in their wild and unscrupulous bunts for office 1 That is pretty good. It reminds us of the saying of a 'Western orator, in allusion to tbe office-seeking propensity of his opponent—that be would “march up to the public crib with ill the intrepidity of a jackass to a peck of oats.” The Radicals of Russell County, Ala., had a pow-wow at Girard on Friday. Probably about two hundred negroes were in attendance. Wa, B. Martin;was made chairman, and Healy, Bureau agent and Yankee schoolmaster, secreta ry. These two, it is said, were tbo inly white men of Russell county that partici pated. There were, however, several whites from other counties in attendance, who are candidates for office. Among them was Mr. Norris, of Maine, candi date for Congress in the district of which Russell forms a part. Ho made a long speech. There was, we understand, con siderable canvassing for tbe nomination of candidates for county offices, but no nominations were made, probably be cause the intense loyalty of the several aspirants inspired each one with the no tion that the country would be utterly ruined unless ha himself was chosen to the position be desired. It is reported that the general sentiment was to elect white men who can read and write (if they can be found in the party) to county offices absolutely requiring such qualifi cations, but to give seats in tbe Legisla ture to negroes 1 There was talk of another meeting to make tbe nomina- not heard whether it [was held or not iFrom the Atlanta Intelligencer. Proceedings of the Georgia Uncon stitutional Convention. TWENTY-FOURTH DAT. Tuesday, Jan. 21st. J. R. Parrott resumed bis discussion of tbe resolutions of G. W. Ashburn this morning. (Asking Congress for as full powers as the District Commanders have to make removals and appointments of State and local officers, &e.) He went on to say that be thought tbe action of tbe Convention in passing such resolutions would be detrimental to tbe reconstruc tion movement, and to the interests of tbe Republican party. He knew wbat they were sent to the Convention for. He knew that tbe constituents of tbe delegates sent them there to trams a great Constitu tion, which should go down to posterity with tbe blessings of generations upon it and upon its framers. He trusted be was acting and speaking in all sincerity on the question before the House, and he im plored the delegates to tbe Convention to weigh well beiore they took such a step as that proposed to be taken. He did not want to have it said that that Convention wanted to monopolize the offices of tbe State to themselves altogether. Ha thought that Gen. Meade was invested with suffi cient authority to remove any official wbo may have acted illegally. It was not tbe proper course to say turw out all the offi cials because tbey were opposed to recon struction. The way which wisdom and justice would suggest, waa to name tbe man or number of men, to present them to tbe Commanding General and have proper action taken. He knew there was law enough still left in the State of Geor gia to see that justice was done. He hoped there was, for be intended to live amongst bis oeople—tbe people of his native State —and be loved ber past bistory, be loved ber glory and the patriotism of ber child ren, and was unwilling that any class or body should seek to invest themselves with an arbitrary power. Such an act was not on tbe record ot tbe State. It was never known that any body, such as tbe present, had ever (ought such powers or made such a request, and he appealed to tbe patriotic men of tbe Convention and the State to see that this did do so eith er. Wbat would tbey be able to tell their sons and their daughters wben tbey re turned to their homes, wben they woald ask them wbat tbey bad done wbilesitting so long in Convention? Would tbey be able to tell them that tbey bad acted as honest and patriotic men, wbo bad tbe in terest of their State and of reconstruction at heart,or dill tbey act only with an eye to self? Would tbey be obliged to tell them tnat tbey bad acted in such a manner as would cause them to blush for shame at their conduct? They would go home, ami wben their sons asked them wbat bad tbey done at the Convention—how bad tbey benefited the Slate and the country, would it be their lot to say that tbey bad tried to elect a Governor, and nothing more? Would they go home to their constituents without having accomplished anything farther? Tbey bad been nearly thirty days in session. What had they done? They bad done very little else than keep up long discussions, all of which amounted to nothing. They were an ex pense of from two to three thousand dol lars a day to the State, and he hoped they would show to the people that they know bow to act with wisdom and with states manship. Tbey bad boen sent there for tho purpose of framing a constitution that would be substantial in its benefits, bring credit upon them, and he trusted they would do ibis and set aside every other consideration but that one great object. The speaker here went into a statistical elucidation of the offices and officeholders of tbe State. He said that most of tho officeholders who were placed in office by the Republican party would bo opposed to reconstruction, because it would not serve their interests to favor it. Republi cans, be said, were as eager to get offices as other people. They would all of them wish to be in office, and he was sure that if be had the power to apppoint certain officials he would have numerous appli cants for the positions. Each one would think that he had done more than any body else to elect him, and if he could not put them all in offices they would not be satisfied. He could onlv give an office to one, and there may be twelve applications, and he contended that tbe other eleven were so many enemies or dissatisfied per sons towards the Republican party. Tbey would say each to himself, “Well, I have worked harder than anybody else to put him in office, and now I find ha has not fulfilled his promises.” In this way the Republican party would be diminished throughout tbe country; whereas, if they (tbo parly) kept their hands clear of all offices and went solely to the work of re construction, there would be no danger of this evil, and they would accomplish their objects and place the Constitution of the State and the interests of the party on a Bolid and substantial basis. Persons look ing for offices were like bo many hounds in pursuit of an old stag; when they caught her, all fell on the carcass with greed and quarreled about, the spoil. G. VV. Ashburn wanted to know if the gentleman pretended to compare tho great Republican party of America to tb* dogs thus on the ground? Speaker—No. Ashburn—What do you compare it to? Speaker—I don’t compare it to this Convention. [Laughter.] I compare it to a great and good party that proposes to reconstruct Georgia. The great Republican party that was going to reconstruct the country was tbe one to which he belonged, and if it fell he would fall with it. He trusted the res olutions would be voted down. He did not wish to impute any bad motives to tbe movers of the proposition, but be did not think it would be beneficial in its effects. He believed they were honest in their intentions, but their reasoning was bad, and it was on that ground he differed with them. It was his desire to believe that they wanted to do the best they could for the country, but they were not taking the proper course to do good. G. W. Ashburn—The object of the res olution is to advance tbe best interest of tbe people of Georgia. The Speaker—I am very.glad to bear it. By advancing the interests of the Repub lican party we advance the interest of tbe Slate of Georgia. That was wbat tbe Republican party proposed to do, and if it did not he would not belong to it one hour. He wanted to get back once more into the Government of the United States, for that was tbe only sure road to hap piness and to peace. What did they want to turn the Convention into an election eering precinct for? What did they want to elect a Governor for? Had not Gen. Meade got tbe full power to control the State, and bad he not already appointed one? Why, then, should they, not be satisfied ? He wished them to go to work. He did not want to see them here day after day doing and undoing and doing again until they had accumulated a debt f millions of dollars. He implored them to think of those things, and to ask themselves what they were going to do. Would they like to have Washington, and Hamilton, and Jackson, and Oiay, listening to the addresses made on that floor, and watching the proceedings of that Convention? How unlike it waa to the Convention in which Patrick Hen y gave utterance to his burning eloquence and defied the tyrant I Wbat it those glorious old patriots were watching the actions of that Convention—what, he then asked, would be their feelings on seeing tbe conduct of their degenerate sons ? Would not those glorious old patriots of the past blush for shame, and grieve over the want of patriotism in their pos terity ? A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro) attempted to say something and was tola by the Chairman, J. E. Blount, that the proper rule was to rise when addressing the Chair, and not remain sitting. Bradley, (negro,) insolently—That is not the rule. J. E. Parrott continued: He wanted them to come up to tha work like men who were determined to do tbe work which they had been sent there to do. There were as good Republicans at home as any in the Convention. The men wbo sent them there were a* good Republi cans as they were, and there were many of them who were competent to bold offi ces. No member of that Convention should look for office. It was not for that business they were elected, nor should they have anything to do with the distri bution of offices. Tbe speaker appealed to them in tbe sacred name of freedom, in tbe sacred name of justice, and in the name of all the ties which bound them to their coun try, to be careful and zoalous in tbe cause of reconstruction; to weigh well every question which came before them for con sideration, and to frame a constitution that would be creditable to them.and full of proud and noble results to the State of Georgia. He then concluded a long and able address, which was listened to with much interest by the Convention. ANOTHER . SPEECH—MAYOR ANDERSON. A. Alpeeria Bradley, (negro,) made an other of his speeches in reply to the argu ments of the preceding speaker. Well, 33 we won’t tell anybody wbat he said for the very plain and forcible reason that we don’t know; but we adviae Mayor An derson, of Savannah, to look out, Alpeo ria is after him, and be bad better seek some distant and more hospitable clime, for the wrath of Alpeoria (negro) Brad ley is upon him, and he is determined that His Honor shall be victimized. Oh, Mayor Anderson, repent thy Bin at once and hand back to this inflated pest the hundred debars which took from him ac cording to law. Why did you dare to use this tool of a faction as you would an honest and respectable man? Ha is de termined, be says, that you shall give that money back to him. He says you bad no more right under tbe Constitu tion, to take that money from him than the commonest drayman on the streets of Savannah. Think of this and be on your guard, for soon or late you are bound to feel bis vengeance. Sir Walter Scott says: "He whose heart for vengeance sued Most not shrink from shedding blood,” and if looks are not very treacherous af- fairs.^Jegro Bradley will be avenged. Bradley gets off Latin quotations, such as "ex post facto," and other hackneyed expiessions, and refers to men of logical minds to confirm his constructions of the law. That is rich; and new, Mayor An derson, go down upon your knees, for Al peoria is a lawyer, and when his ven geance overtakes you, tbe hottest and heaviest of radical law will be your lot. We won’t pretend to surmise what may befall you, but if they only send you to Sing Sing you need not grumole, for it appears people can get out of there now- a-days. He says he will “knock you higher than a kite,” and he knows he will get that money back. Some of the members asked wbat Mayor Anderson had to do with the question be* fore the Convention, but Alpeoria de clined to yield the floor. He "calculat-d to hold the floor until he got through.”- He spoke about the colored people whom he calls “my race.” It was wrong to say that they were leaving the Slate. It was tho white people that were going. They were not so much attached to the place of tbeir birth as the colored people. The colored man would rather stay where he was raised, even starving, than to go away from it and live woil. This is no doubt a startling discovery, but the sentence might have been made more complete by adding by way of amendment, “so long as there was a chicken coop, or a horse, or a cow, or a sheep, or a bag of meal there.” An* other member interrupted him at this stage of tho proceedings, or to speak more particularly, when he was gnawing Mayor Anderson piece meal with all the might which “ Dutch courage ” gives him, and asked what was the question belorn tbe Convent'on. Bradley paused for a moment; his assurance seemed to forsake him, but he soon rallied and said: “I ought not to yield the floor for any per son, because it interferes with the thread of my argument.” [Loud laughter.] He concluded by offering a substitute, which was ruled out of order, as usuul. The motion for the previous question, which was loudly called for, was sustain ed, and the vote taken on Mr. Whitely’s substitute. [We published it yesterday, in Tele graphic report, as follows: Resolved, That the Convention do here by request the Legislative Department of the Government of the United States to autberize this body to declare vacant the Ctief Executive office of the State, and to fill tho same, as well as to provido for the removal, through the Chief Executive officer thus selected, of all persons hostile to reconstruction, and the filling of such vacancies by said Executive, &c, &c.] In order that tbe readers of tbe Intelli gencer and the public at large may know who are the men who are opposing with all tbeir strength tho wild and ruinous measures of the Radical fanatics, wo ap pend the votes as they were taken. It will be noticed that Ashburn and Bradley voted "no,” simply, perhaps, be cause they became indignant with the house, party, and all that was therein, black and white: Yeas—Alexander, Bedford, Beaird, Baldwin. Bell of Oglethorpe, Bowden of Campbell, Bowers, Blodgett, Blount, Bry ant, Brown, Brucewell, Bryson, Carson, Catching, Casey, Caldwefl, Clift, Cham* bers. Cooper, Costin, Cole, Conley, Crane, Crawford, Crayton, Davis, Daley, Din kins, Dunning, Dunnegan, Edwards, El lington. Gilbert. Gordon, Guilford, Har ris of Newton, Harris of Hancock, Hig- bee, Higden, Hotchkiss, Holcombe. IIop kins, Howe, Hudson, Jackson, Joiner, Jones, Jordan, Key, Linder, Lott,Lump kin, Madden, Maddox, Maull, Matthews, McHan, McCay, Minor, Moore of \V hite, Moore of Columbia, Noble, Palmer,Pope, Powell, Reynolds, Rico, Richardson, Ro- zar, Roberts, Sikes, Shields, Seeley, Sher man, Smith of Charlton, Smith ol Cowe ta, Stewart, Supple, Stone, Strickland, Turner, Walton. Wallace, Whitaker, Whitehead of Butts, Whiteley, Williams, Woodey, Wooten, Yates. Nays—Ashburn, Bell of Banks, Brad ley, Burnett, Campbell, Cameron, Chris tian of Newton, Christian of Early, Clai- b uno, Chatters, Cobb of Houston, Dews, Flynn, Forte, Foster of Paulding, Gib son, Goodwin, Griffin, Harlan, Harrison of Carroll, Houston, Hooks, Hutcheson, King. Knox, Lee, Martin of Carroll, Mar tin of CalhouD, Saulter, Smith of Thomas, Speer, Shumate, Stanford,Stanley, Tram mell, Traywick, Waddell. The resolution as amended next came up for adoption, and the yeas and nays were taken as follows: Yeas—Atkins, Alexander, Anderson, Ashburn, Bentley. Beaird, Baldwin, Bel! of Oglethorpe, Bowden of Campbell, Bowers, Blodgett, Blount, Bryant,Brown, Bracewell, Bryson, Camobell, Carson, Catching, Casey, Caldwell, Clift, Chat ters, Claiborne, Chambers, Cobb of Hous ton, Cobb of Madison, Costin, Conley, Crane, Crawford, Crayton, Davis, Daley, Dews, Dinkings, Dunning, Dunnegan, Edwards, Ellington, Gilbert, Golden, Griffin, Guilford, Harris of Newton. Har ris of Hancock, Higbee, Higden, Hotch kiss, Hopkins, Jackson, Joiner, Jones, Jordan, Knox, Linden, Lumpkin, Mad den, Maull, Matthews, Martin of Haber sham, McHan, Minor, Moore of White, Mooreof Columbia, Noble, Palmer,Pope, Potts. Powell, Reynolds, R’ce, Richard son, Rozar, Roberts, Sikes, Shields, See ley, Sherman, Smith of Charlton, Stew art, Supple, Stone, Strickland, Turner, Walton, Wallace, Whitaker, Whitehead of Burke, Whitehead of Butts, Whiteley, W lliams, Woodey. Nays —Bell ot Banks, Bowden o£ Campbell, Bradley, Burnett, Campbell, Christian ot Newton, Christian of Early, Cooper, Cole, E#fcs, Flynn, Forte. Foster of Paulding, Gibson, Goodwin, Harlan, Harrison of Carroll, Harrison of Hancock, Hooks. Howe, Hudson, Hutcheson, King, Key, Lee, Lott, Maddcx, Martin of Car- roll, McCay, Miller, Saulter, Smith of Coweta, Smith of Thomas, Speer, Shu mate, Stanford, Stanley, Trammell, Tray wick, Waddell, Wooten. The resolution was declared adopted. TWENTY-FIFTH DAY. Atlanta, Jan. 22, 186S. The greater portion of the morning was consumed oa a personal matter brought before the Convention by Mr. Caldwell. He was much exercised by the comments of a part of tbe press of the State upon a remark attributed to him by tbe reporter of the Atlanta Intelligencer that “treason was rampant in tbe land, and wo must suppress it.” He denied having used any such language, and read a speech descant ing at some length on tbe power and privileges of tho press and denunciatory of alleged misrepresentations of the Con vention and it3 members by reporters of tbe Georgia and Nortbern press. Bryant and Bradley participated in the discussion of this matter, and on motion of Bryant, a committee was appointed to investigate the charges against the reporters of tbe press who have seats on tbe floor of the Convention. Bryint, Edwards, Whit field of Butts, Waddell and Seeley wero appointed tho committee. [The reporter of the Intelligencer affirms that Caldwell did use the remark attribu ted to him, and denies having misrepre sented tbo Convention in any way. Tbo Intelligencer says: “Wo havo only to remark in conclusion that tbe Intelligen cer’s reporters have been, and are, gentle men of intelligence and strict integrity, who would scorn to misrepresent any individual of tho Convention, or to mako false reports of its proceedings. If the truth reported, seems to be caricature, the fault is in the material of the body itself.”] We copy further from the Intelligen cer’s report of proceedings: G. F. Burnett offered the following res olution ; Whereas, in one of the journals of this city there recently appeared an article, declaring that one Aaron A. Bradley was tried and convicted of a felony in the State of New York, and was sentenced to two years’ imprisonment in Sing Sing Peniten tiary of that State. And whereas there is in Ibis Convention a delegate answering to the name of Aaron A. Bradley. And whereas it is due to this Conven» tion, as well as to the delegate Aaron A. Bradley, that the fact of identity referred to be investigated. Therefore be it Resolved, That the Pres ident of this Convention do appoint a special committee of seven to investigate the truth or falsity of tbe charges made in said publication, ^id report the result thereof, at the earliest hour possible, to this Convention. * Committee—G. P. Burnett, Chairman, J. E. Bryant, S. W. Beaird (negro), E. J. Costin (negro), H. K. McCay, H. G. Cole and R. H. Whiteloy. Bradley objected to this resolution being read, because there was no definite charge made against him—but it was nevertheless read. Several members, both black and white, thought it due to the Convention and to the person referred to, that the investiga tion should lake plane; and W. P. Ed wards said it was thrown in their faces in the streets and ai. boarding houses, and it should be investigated, because if the charges were true he (Bradley) was no longer a member of that Convention. POSTAL ARRANGEMENTS. - Aladisoq, Bell moved a suspension of the rules for the purpose of introducing the following resolution : “A resolution asking the proper authori ties of the United States to furnish to the people of Northeast Georgia mail facilities. "Whereas, The people of the North eastern portion of the State are almost en tirely deprived of mail facilities, and es pecially of any means of direct commu nication with Atlanta, one of the princi pal commercial cities of tbe Stato. “Resolved, That this Convention do recommend the re-establisbment of the tri-weekly mail route and line of hacks from Gainesville to Anderson C. H., S. C., by way of Homer, Uarnesville anti Hartwell. “Resolved, That the Secretary immedi ately forward to the proper authority a copy of the above resolution,with request that tbe route be immediately establish ed.” BILL OF RIGHTS. The 12th section of the Bill of Rights was taken up, the house having gone into Committee of the Whole. The 12th section was taken up. It reads as follows: Every person charged with offense against tho State shall have the privilege and benefit of counsel; shall be furnished on demand with a copy of the accusation and list of witnesses on whose testimony the charge against him is found ; shall have compulsory process to obtain the attendance of bis own wit nesses ; shall bo confronted with the wit nesses testifying against him, and shall have a public and speedy trial by an im partial jury of tho county wherein the off'-nse shall have been committed. R. H. Whitely moved that the wqgd ‘ an’’ be inserted before tho word “Of fense,” which was agreed to. E. L. Iligbee offered an amendment striking out tho words "privilege and benefit of counsel” and inserting the words “right to be heard by himself and counsel.” He also moved ihat tho words "of the county wherein the offense shall have been committed,” bo stricken out. P. B. Bedford moved to strike out tho words "on demand.” Both amendments lost. After some discussion the original sec tion was adopted with a slight alteration. Section 13 was read as follows : No person shall be put in jeopardy of life more than once for tho same offense, save on his or her own motion for a now trial after conviction, or in case of mis trial. Adopted. Section 14 was next taken up and read as follows: No conviction shall work corruption of blood, hut conviction of treason, shall work forfeiture of estate during the life of the person attainted. II. K. McCay moved an amendment to strike out tho word “but” anu insert tho word “no” after the word "blood.” Tho section was adopted after some dis cussion with slight changes. As amended it reads as follows: No conviction shall work corruption of blood, and no convic tion of treason shall work a general for feiture of estate longer than during the life time of the person attainted. Section 15th was read as follows : “Treason against tho State of Georgia shall consist only in levying war against tno Stato, or giving aid and comfort to tho enemies thereof.” Some amendments were offered and a discussion ensued, but the Committee of the Whole rose before final action, and asked leave to set again. On motion of H. K. McCay a resolution was passed, tendering to the Hon. John Erskine, Judge of tbe District Court, a seat on the floor, and the following mem bers were appointed a committee to ap prize him of the same : McCay, Crane and Marler. Adjourned to 10 a. m. to-morrow. 26th day. Thursday, January 23. 1868. The 15th section of the Bill of Rights was taken up and the discussion resumed. The amendment of J. E. Bryant was read as follows : To strike out tbe words., "in passing an Ordinance of secession,’!, and insert “in attempting to sover th* State from its.connection with the Gov* ernmentof tbe United States.” C. H. Prince opposed tbe amendment. He did nut believe that a State could com mit treason against itself, and if it com mitted treason against the General Gov ernment tho Governmenttheniad to deal with it. C. C. Richardson,of the State of Maine, interrupted him on two or three occasions but waa very summarily disposed of by being told that “be bad heard him (Rich ardson) ask a great many questions on that floor but he bad never heard him ask one with any point in it.” [Laughter.] W. L. Clift spoke in favor of the amendment, and considered tbe act of se cession treason against the State of Geor gia, tbe General Government, and hu- rnani y. J. E. Bryant was in favor of having the amendment passed so as that those who come after us may know that an attempt to secede from the General Government is treason against tho State. A. P. Hotchkiss said : “I asked for the reading of the question before tho house, and in reference to it observed that Con gress was competent to say what should be treason against the United States. It seems a little out of place for this Con vention to undertake to do it. This Con vention could not rise above itself—could not fix a principle of law which another primary assembly could not repeal— hence, the amendment and the remarks thereon, were without a reasonable object. What this Convention declares treason another Convention may declare right and. proper.” FUN FOR THE MILLION—A REBEL IN CAMP. A. W. Holcombe said : It would ap pear from the remarks of many of the gentlemen on this floor, that they want to take away all rights from the people, and placo them in the possession of whichever party may be in power. Now I don’t know that there is any man in this coun try who thinks of secession. Why in a hundred years hence, people won’t bear one word said about secession in the State of Georgia. But say the gentlemen “we must define what is treason to the General Government.” What has this Conven tion to do with defining what is treason to the United States Government? is not that government competent in alt its pow er and in all its wisdom ablo to do that for itself? I think—I am sure it is ; I think we would be doing our duty to tbe coun try much better by attending to the inter ests of the State. That i3 what we came here for, and in no other way are we dis charging our duty to our country and our State. »- Does not every man know that secession is dead forever, and that' no sane man on the face of the earth will ever think of it again. It is true that the idea of Slate sovereignty has always been upheld by the people throughout,tbe Southern States einco the days of Mr. Jefferson. But, sir, we have just passed through a crisis which has made some of tbe best blood of our country flow in dreadful streams, and the result has shown us that it waa wrong, that it was a dangerous and an unfortu nate doctrine. After wbat has occurred within tho last seven years, I presume that no Eane man will ever dream of so wild an idea again, and none but a mad man would. But what makes secession ? What constitutes treason ? 'Who is to declare that the act of a ma jority of tho people is treason? How is the case to be tried? Will any court in the State decide the act of the whole peo ple of the State ia treason against that State ? Or are we to givea party in power the opportunity of declaring any act of any person or number of persons treason simply because they may differ from them in opinion ? Such is tbe idea of those men who come down here to instill into the minds of the people their "new ideas,” who come from Maine and Skowhagen and other places (laughter) to teach a peo ple and enlighten them, with whom they have no interests. I can liaten to the ar guments of those who, like me, have lived here, and whose interests have been, are, and will be identified with the people of the State; and we who have lived here and suffered, and watched, and wept over the miseries of our people; we, I say, lis ten to their arguments, from which wo hope to profit largely. Y’es, we have learned the dread lesson of stern reality who listen with attention to the language . of those gentlemen from New England who tell us that secession should be made treason. Why, every child in this land knows what secession is. Just menlion tha word treason, and they know well what it means, and are familiar with the horrors it has produced. Suppose that a Convention of this kind bad assembled and declared that they seceded from the General Government, and that this Con vention had made it treason against the State, who is going to prosecute them for treason in any court in the State? You can indict individuals, but you cannot in dict a whole State. Suppose they did so- cede, and suppose tbey fought against tho - General Government and failed; all you could do with them is this : If there was one man left after the struggle had ended you could hang him. There is a point in tbe history of all peoples, and of human nature in general; there is a line beyond which no people can suffer, and wben you exceed that point or atLempt to go beyond it, every - man is willing to take the risk, no matter by what name you may call it—treason or anything else. We have been told that the people of Georgia passed an ordinance of secession, and that tbey bad attributed tbeir failure to the fact that they bad not declared their independence of the United States Gov ernment instead. Now, the reason why wo did not succeed was not because we were wrong, but because we lacked nu merical strength. Suppose you pass this section making an attempt to pase an or-—, dmance of secession treason, bow long will it be before every party that comes into power will be able to declare those who are opposed to their schemes and party projects guilty of treason? Under this section you can make everything treason. Anything that is not approved of by tbe party in power will be treason. Don’t we see every day the corruption of party influence? We all know that the illustrious prisoner, Jefferson Davis, who has been in prison since the close of the war, has failed to secure a trial because the Judges of the Supreme Court aro not willing to risk tbeir reputation by deciding that ho has been guilty of treason—with holding their decision rather than decide against the party that put them in power, and thereby enabling parties to force tbeir own construction. The gentleman from Skowhagen (Rich ardson) desires us to make a statute for the United States Government. C. C. Richardson rose to a point of or der. He concluded, though the gentle man had not pronounced the name (Skow- hngen) properly, that he had reference to him. Mr. Holcombe—No, I can’t pronounce onion names, but we won’t dispute about the pronunciation. Richardson—I have never boen within less than fifty miles of that town, although 1 am from the Stato of Maine; but I rep resent Baldwin county, Georgia, in this Convention, and I want you to state it. A voice—No, Washington. [Laughter and some excitement] Mr. Holcombe—I’ll state that you mis represent it. [Astonishment on the Rad ical side of the house ] Mr. Holcombe—Let the gentlemen, if they desire n statute for the United States Government, petition that Government to make a statute for itself, a thing which I think it fully competent to do. Why in sert this thing hero, when your concluding section in the Bill of Rights declares that every citizen owes paramount allegiance to the General Government ? Let it not go out to the people of Georgia ^hat we sat hore in Convention trying wlkroake laws for tho punishment of somebody for some crime to be hereafter committed, and did not know how to get at it. It is urged here that we shall make the signing of an ordinance of secession treason against the Government, but I don’t know of any government that bas-ever defined it as such. Do those who are so anxious to ingraft it in the Constitution of the Stato of Georgia, desire thereby to omond the Constitution of tbe United States ? Tho gentleman from Skowhagen has asked what would Webster have said had he been alive. If Mr. Webster had beo#" alive, and, associated as be was with Cal houn and Clay, with his great mind and comprehensive intellect, broad enough as it was to lake in, not only Massachusetts, but the whole country, we never would, in my opinion, have been ia our present condition. The gentleman speaks of the maimed and wounded soldiers. Now, 1, for my own part, would be perfectly wil ling to place the destinies of tho country in their hands, because they have a com mon interest with us, and have proved their patriotism and love of country by staking life and everything else upon the struggle. We want Georgia ideas in- grafted in this Constitution, and not Non England ideas, which do not suit our peo ple. Let U9 go on, then, and make a Con stitution which will protpet the people against those in power, and not place all power in the hands of those who pen to be tbe dominant party. >. Holcombe’s address created much Excitement on a certain side of the house. Horror was depicted eu every counte nance, and all seemed to shrink from his language as if it bad been so much Greek tiro thrown in to destroy and corrupt all that came in its way. Ob 1 it was a des perate spoech in such a loyal assembly, composed as it is of whitewashed adven turers who hold tbe interests ot tha State of Georgia so dear, but who hold green backs dearer 1 J. L. Dunning rose, evidently excited, and said be could not sit there and see people smile at the language of treason which had just been uttered. He wanted the section made so strong that there never would be any chance tor miscon struing wbat treason was in the future, but be became so vehement that he war, to all appearances, unable to proceed. W. T. Crane also delivered an impas sioned appeal. If any person thought they could suppress bis sentiments be cause be was a Northern man be misBed it. He was for going further even than any of tbe amendments of the original section reported from tbe Committee. He would go so far as to make the attempt to pass an ordinance of secession. He spoke of all he bad suffered during tbe Confederacy, and appealed to them by the maimed and wounded men; by the mem ories of the dead ; by the tears of the or phans and widows; and in the name of bis dead brother, whom he eaid had been killed by guerrillas, to make such a sec tion as would prevent a recurrence to se cession in tbe future. J. R. Parrott addressed the Convention at length, and moved to strike out the whole section. Considerable discussion took place, and several amendments and substitutes were offered, but no action was taken, aid on motion, the Committee rose, reported pro gress, and asked leave to sit again. Tbe Convention adjourned to 10 A, M. next day. Corrections.—The following named members of tbe Convention request us to say that in our issue of Wednesday mis takes were made in the recording of their votes on tho resolution of G. W. Ashburn and the amendment of R. H. Whitely, William Griffin, A. M. Holcombe, and Mr. Houston voted “no” in both cases, and W. C. Smith voted against tbe reso lution but for tbe amendment, as be though) it tbe beat thing he could do. All these gentlemen are opposed to the re moval of State officers. Depression.—The valuable goods sold at auction every day in tbiB city for a mere song shows the scarcity of money, and the necessities of the people, and business men. Calicoes 5 cents & yard, fine shirts 50 cents, paper collars 6 cents a box, «&c., &e. This siate of the country is frightful, but it cannot be remedied so long us tbe present military and Radical dynasty is in charge of affairs.—Montg. Adv. A Salt Lake dispatch of the 15th says the Mormon press comments at great length on the proposition of the New_ York Herald asking Mr. Seward to nego-‘ tiate for some islands of the West Indies, or Alaska, in exchange for Utah, for the purpose of removing the Mormons thither. The Mormons claim tbe right to live where best suits them, and will not con sent to be removed. They do not fear being overpowered by the Gentiles arriv ing upon the completion of tha Pacific Railroad.
