Newspaper Page Text
THE ATLANTA WEEKLY SUN.
the
DAILY SUN.
Jripai Moknp?q September 1.
vxotiTerT trick of the
HIDEOUS COALITION.
POLITICS IN GEORGIA.
From the Chronicle and Sentinel.
New u Notes on the Situation.??
Iu the issue of the New York Herald of
the 27th ultimo, which has just reached
ng we find an editorial, which we pre
sent in full to our readers to-day. It is
entitled. “The Lost Cause'—An Astounding
programme, though Perfectly Absurdand
ivell might the addition have been made
to it of “utterly false.”
We received by the same mail which
brought us the Herald, with its notice of
it a copy of the “remarkable pamphlet”
referred to, with its “strictly confidential”
circular, and pronounced it, upon read-
■ug it, another perfidious resort, on the
part of the enemies of Democracy in the
conflict between Constitutionalism
and Imperialism in this country.
“Strictly confidential Circulars” are
seldom sent forth without a najie, and
they rarely get first into the hands of
those against whom they are intended to
operate. Everything about this insidi
ous pamphlet has the ear-marks of the
rrork of the deadliest foes of Democracy
and Constitutional Government. It is
another Trojan horse of the enemy.
The insinuation of the Herald that this
“document” was prepared “by Alexander
H. Stephens,” is as base as any of the
other work the Herald, and other kin
dred sheets, are now hired by the
coalition to perform. “Air. Stephens’
whole heart” is not “devoted to a South
ern repudiation of Northern Democracy;
but it is devoted to the great patriotic
object of uniting the Southern and North
ern Democracy against the treacherous
movement of their common enemy,
known as the “New Departure” Coalition.
AU this, the Herald man knows perfectly
well, notwithstanding the guileful sophis
try, by which he, “serpent-like,” attempts
to instill a contrary belief in the minds of
the honest, uususpecting masses of the
people.
“Jeff. Davis,” says the Herald, “has pro
claimed in Alabama and Georgia that he
accepts nothing ;” end “Mr. Stephens in his
newspaper, holds the same position.”
On this “Satanic” statement, the Her
aid exclaims:
1 as Dogberry puts it, “they are both
Completion of the T9evv Departure Rail-
way—Safe Arrival or Mr. Hill at the
Terminus — Rapid Passage—Home at
Last—The Sew Route Sow . Open all
the Way—Sleeping Car Accommoda.
tlons—Tunnel Through the Constitu
tion—Pass Through at Night—Go to
Bed a Democrat, Wake up a Republi
can—Forget all About It—Pare Cheap
—Only One Change or Cars—Fine Ac
commodations at the Republican End
—Air. Akerrann Must Give Way to Air.
Hill—Speech or the Former in North
Carolina May Save Illm — Plenty of
Room, and Quicker Time than by any
Other Line—For Further Information,
Comult the New Era, New York Tri
bune, Address of Mr. Hill to the Peopl-
of Georgia, Speech of Mr. Akerman in
North Carolina, Correspondence of Yew
York Herald (recently published in
the Chronicle and Sentinel,) Speech of
Mr. Hill at Athens, giving Instructions
Detail—Weather Notes — Gentle
Zephyrs from the North—Fructifying
Showers—Aspect of the Stars—Ulysses
and Benjamin in Conjunction—Aker
man Setting.
•’ ’Fora God,'
iu a tale.”
Now, wliutveei’ptfr. Davis may have pro
claimed in Alabama, Georgia, or else
where, as to what “he accepts” as the re
sults of the war against Secession,
whether he “accepts nothing,” as the re
suit of that fc war, it is well known to the
Herald that “Alexander H. Stephens'
has repeated again and again that he does
accpl, and in good faith, all the actual
results of that war, whether legitimate or
otherwise. The Herald knows that the
position of The Atlanta Sun (“Mr. Ste
pliens’ newspaper”) is not that assigned
it in the article quoted. The Her
aid knows the position of The Sun has
been distinctly stated in these plain and
uumistakeable words
“A legitimate result of the war, we believe, was the
settlement—and settlement/orerer—in this country
of the policy of secession as a practical mode of re
dr jss against any usurpations on tho part of the Fed
eral Government-” * * * * * *
* • * “These questions, therefore, relating to
tho right of secession, for all practical purposes-and
considerations, as well as those relating to tho nature
and extent of negro servitude in tho Southern States,
we consider emphatically among the •dead issues.’
We have no disposition to revive them, nor any ques
tion relating to them antecedent to tho war. Wo be
lieve also that in this matter wo but repeat the uni
versal sentiment of the Southern States.”
Is this the same position which is as
signed to Mt. Davis in the Herald's Fiend
like statement ?
Would even Dogberry, upon hearing
them, have said, “they are both in a tale?”
Would not that simple minded person, if
such a statement had been presented to
him, backed by any number of witnesses
(claiming the two positions to be the same)
have exclaimed, as he did in the play :
“BostB.—Marry, sir, they have committed false re
port; they have spokenuutruths; Secondarily, they
are shmdera; Thirdly, they have verified unjust
things; aud so to conclude, they are lying knaves."
We give the IJeratd Dogberry’s judg
ment upon the case he has made, and
«ay to oar readers that we believe “ this
very remarkable pamphlet” is nothiug
but another wiley trick of the “New
Departure Coalition,” to bring trouble in
the Democratic Camp. Our duty re-
■quires us to sound the alarm, and urge
the Democracy every where to “beware,
and to be on their guard against all the
scheming of those who are “now plotting’
their destruction and the overthrow of
free institutions, not only by usurpation,
violence and perfidy, but by resorting,
when occasion suits their purpose, to the
vilest system of “deceit and lies.”
AH. S.
»-•-<
A Card to the Public.
Atlanta, Ga., August 30, 187L
The books and papers of the Western
and Atlantic Railroad having been for
mally turned over to us, we deem it pro
per to announce to the public and especi-
to those interested, that we shall occupy,
as a business office, room 25 in the Cap
itol building, formerly occupied by At
torney-General Farrow, who lias kindly
vacated for our convenience and com
fort.
the
— — the
hours of 10 and 12 a. m. and 3 and 5 p.
M. t when it shall be our pleasure to re
ceive them
The times being out of joint, wc have
remarkable events to record and review.
Upon a recent literary occasion, before
an unsuspicious people, assembled un
armed, Mr. Hill, the well known author
of the “Notes on the Situation,” and of
sundry more recent documents of inferior
savor, treated the audience to a dish of
politics, served up under a thin crust of
philosophy, so-called. It was well cooked,
and presented in a form sufficiently pala
table, but “from this, as from a deh of
disturbed vipers, crawled out innumera
ble and poisonous evils, to lame our ener
gies and pollute our blood.”
To whom were we indebted for the
shrewd turn the literary occasion took,
and the infinite entertainment and in
struction of the audience on an unex
pected line of thought ? Were the com
mittee of invitation cognizant of the bill
of fare ? -Why had we Mr. Hill, or any
man of equivocal position? Informa
tion is needed. Did he push? Did he
seek it ? The occasion was auspicious for
his ends. Did it come by accident—a
mere piece of good luck—-or was it by
contrivance?
The fairness of the whole procedure,
and the agreeable surprise of the audi
ence in the enjoyment of a North side
view of themselves and their institutions,
aud their tmprepared state for this whole
some shower bath on their cherished no
tions and connections, served to render
the scene memorable and impressive. No
dispositions having been made for the
unexpected attack from within, the hear
ers were quite taken by sir prise. The
confusion was expressed for a .while only
by astonished silence, but the company
rallied and retired in good order, leaving
few prisoners behind. Most of them
have since made good their escape, and
the handful left in duress, it is hoped,
will soon be undeceived and appreciate
the situation.
The surprise attack, on the whole, was
vigorous and well conceited. Our own
colors were on exhibition, and it was not
known how far the new departure would
reach. The orator himself, after a retro
spect, had decided that “returning were
more tedious than go o’er.” Bold was
the leap, but the followers few. The
lookers on looked into each others, eyes,
rubbed their own, and evidently did not
understand the business.
All parties having business with
Committee will please call between
M e are gratified to announce that the
Attorney-General has procured the ser
vices, as bookkeepers, of Messrs. B. F.
Moore, Paul Romare and John A. Doane,
than whom, we believe, none better could
have been selected. We most repectfnlly
ask that the Public will be patient,
while we assure them that no delay shall
be had in a speedy bringing up of the
hooks. C. L. Redwixe,
C. C. Hammock,
E. E. Rawson.
What dowry could grace the new es
pousals? Mr. Akerman with the election
bill failed on Georgia, and was well nigh
up set. Mr. Hill was out of piublic em
ployment.. He pined, he longed to serve
his native State,
In December last (election bill, his
own address, and all to the contrary not
withstanding) he had failed signally of
carrying Georgia. So a seat in the Sen
ate, to servo his beloved State, was not
secured. Can he carry it now, by this
new play on its forbearance and patience?
Carry Georgia thus? What an enquiry!
The grand old Ship of State moves steadi
ly on its way. Mr. Hill’s gyrations make
no impression. We have looked over
the prow of a ship and seen a porpoise
apparently leading the way. running in
front for a long while. But when the
porpoise—blowing and tumbling—turned
aside from his course to accomplish his
own ends, did the ship turn aside with
him? The ship proceeded on its stately
way aud the porpoise on his—the great
and the small their several ways.
But, even if Georgia cannot be carried,
something else may happen. Some
months ago tho Chronicle and Sentinel
caught a distant dreamy view of Mr.
Hill in the Cabinet. Let us watch and
wait.
Possibly the good faith and good taste
of all this may be more apparent to the
speaker and to others than to us. Mr.
Hill may unwittingly help sound princi
ples by showing whither unsound would
conduct us. But are we not a patient
people?
The great object of Mr. Hill in his nd-
dress seemed to be to demonstrate that
in all the leading matters of dispute be
tween the North and South, the North
was in the right. . The soundness of abo
lition principles, and the superiority of
Yankee civilization, were his main topics
of discourse. The superior insight of
the Radical party into the true policy of
the country was made very manifest, and
our own errors exposed in a masterly way.
Now, if we had been invited to such a
banquet (of the Delano type), and a rep
resentative man of those principles an
nounced as such, had entertained us
there would have been no ground of
complaint. But to come in the name of
a disciple, and with the kiss of a disciple,
was that fair play? By the standard of
old civilization—no—with emphasis—no.
But with the new type, fair is not the
word. Shrewd is the word—shrewd,
sharp, acute (omitting the first syllable).
These words are popular with the new
lights. Number them—count them one
by one, and try these words upon them —
they will fit them all.
The December address and the rail
road lease were in ominous, suggestive
proximity. What is to follow the Alumni
speech? What is \x> follow?
Is it to be a seat in the Cabinet? Was
that the elevated aspiration
“Which waked to ecstacy the living lyre!"
Or is the conjecture of the New York
Herald correspondent the sound view
It is not in humjm nature to behave so
for nothing.
To come more particularly to the mat-
ter ana manner of the address.
The distinguished ventriloquist ad
dressed two audiences—a Northern and
Southern. It was a hard task, and re
quired both tact and face', but he posses
sed both, and one guiding thought sus
tained him to speak to the North over
the heads of the South, without startling
the one too much while tickling and de
lighting the other—this was the problem.
The easement was this, viz: That the
North must be pleased at all events. This
steadied him. Brass was in demand, but
'fhe supply was adequate. The display of
eger de ling (of tongue, not hand) was
fine. The little Japanese Tommy, who
cried “all right,” used to jump through
barrel, not turning over the tumbler of
water, nor putting out the lights placed
withia on the bottom. Such a piece of
ugglery did Mr. Hill attempt. He went
through the barrel successfully, and lan
ded on the Northern side, but in passing
he turned over the tumbler and extin
guished the lights. His Northern audi
ence were delighted. Preans will go up
in his praise from the Republican party
press. His speech will be a campaign
document, as erst was that of the more
illustrious Akerman. But at the South
oh, here ! he spilled the residue of con
fidence, if any was left after the speech
and actions of last year. Mr. Hill’s caul
dron had been then and there turned
over and spilled in the fire. People were
angry at themselves that they had trust
ed him ever. What they had mistaken
for quite unexpected manliness and ad
hesion to principle- on his part was all
explained, and when seen exposed in its
nakedness, it proved to be sham and
stuff—the mere vagaries of a man in
search of self.
The argument of Mr. Hill was at once
loose and dogmatic. It too, was a sham,
and will pass away as a shadow. There"
was no close and careful study of princi
ples or application Of principles to
facts. A few of those common
places in regard to our people and our
industry, winch were familiar to all men
of observation, aud iu perfect harmony
with their own established convictions—
were enormously exaggerated and blown
into huge soap bubbles by the breath of
the speaker. They broke of themselves
on the touch of reflection. The argu
ment assumed all the form and gravity of
aspect of a most philosophical discus
sion, but it will not bear weight. If the
ostensible aim of it all was real, then the
insults heaped on our institutions and
people were gratuitous. They were lugged
into the discussion with profuse and
wasteful liberality.
The form of argument selected by the
speaker was that which gives most play
to powers of sophistry, viz: tho inference
of a cause from an effect. There is large
range here for misrepresentation and de
ception. From an effect, to go back to
its cause. The effect may he complex—
of long duration, of manifold aspect, and
wound up iu many an involution. The
ingenuity of the sophist selects one ante
cedent among the many, and says this par
ticular antecedent is the cause. The cau
ses may be as many and as complex as the
series of effect, but it is his province to
direct attention to the one single antece
dent assumed to be the cause which is to
explain everything. This he exaggerates
and magnifies, and so traces its effect,
not by actual comparison with facts, but
by the method of evolution out of his
own head, instead of the historical mode
of observation and comparison.
Slavery is this one cause—the fountain
of all our evils, “whose mortal taste,”
&e. Never did Abolitionists look with
more evil eye on slavery than does Mr.
Hill. "Would it be stranger than some
things which have happened if, in Decem
ber next, he should denounce it in the
true blue style, as “the sum of all villain
ies ?” We shall see. This new depart
ure road is a rapid one. “A den of dis
turbed vipers” is not far short of the
mark. Indeed, we are not sure but it is
an improveihenl, which will be adopted
by the rhetoricians. “A den of disturbed
vipers” is even more suggestive than
“the sum of all villainies.”
Mr. Hill is an expert rider of the Abo-
litian hobby he has mounted, and makes
fine time. He will evidently win the
race. With slavery in his eye, he can
see no other cause of our troubles. That
is on his brain. He seems to forget that
during the entire war the slaves of the
South were under perfect control—fed
the armies in the field—fed the women
and children at home, and were among
the most industrious of producers, furn
ishing human muscle of an inferior race,
guided and controlled by human brain of
the superior race. Not an insurrection,
and scarcely an apprehension during the
whole war. The number of negroes,
about 4,000,000, was not too great to be
occupied in the production of bread-
stuffs. Was slavery then an element of
weakness ?
Perhaps, however, it was not sla
very, but the mere presence of the black
race in the South in any condition that
weakened us? Mr. THU did not say
this, nor would it help him. His con
gratulations on the success of abolition
policy would still fail him. For they
are here still—the blacks. Being here,
do they work belter' as freedmeu tlinn be
fore ? Do the negroes as citizens admin
ister’ government belter than the whites
without their aid ? Let Mr. Hill answer,
Do the men work better ? Are not most
of the women and children drones ? Do
they work as before, and as do white
women and children in Europe ? In a
word, has the negro labor system im
proved by virtue of emancipation ? One
universal outcry demonstrates its im
mense falling off and uncertainty.
The negro is here still. How are we
better off ? Is he a help to the good or
der, industry and progress of society ?
Answer * South Carolina; answer cities
with negro Alderman and police; answer
Liberty county aud sea coast of Georgia;
answer deserted fields aud waste places of
the South.
But it may be said it was the influence
of the negro on the white man. The ne
groes were far les3 numerous than the
whites. There were sections where they
were very few in number. But the ger
minal answer is to be found in this, viz
that onr population was sparse, aud so
the division of la'ior impracticable,
was not slavery but a scant population
whieh promoted a skilled class
laborers. The effect of this at our
strength aud the proper mode of meet
ing it are not correctly given by Mr
Hill.
To trace the causes of the relutiv
furnish rational ground of conviction to
a reader or hearer. The adaptation of the
South to agriculture, turned the atten
tion of settlers to that vocation. Not the
want of adaptation to other pursuits, but
this was the one most tempting and re
quiring least preparation, capital and
combination. The North, presenting
less ready adaption as a farming country,
the population entered more into com
merce and navigation, and Into manu
facturing. The ordinary laws of emigra
tion carry people to like latitudes, cli
mates, and like pursuits. The hope of
meeting persons of the same nationality,
and speaking the same language, has
much to do with the direction of emigra
tion. England being our mother coun
try, the chief tide for a long time was
from -England—just as emigration to
Mexico or Cuba was from Spain, and to
Canada or Louisiana from France.
The commerce of the North promoting
its intercourse with other peoples, gave
them an advantage. Their acquaintance,
the destinations of their ships, etc., gave
them the start, and opened the original
channels. The first emigrants, by cor
respondence, brought others to, the same
section. The revolutionary war stopped
the tide for a time, but when it set in
from England it naturally sought the
same characters of climate aud produc
tions. The magnificent grant by Vir
ginia of the northwestern territory
opened an immense body of fresh land,
and cheap. The production of
grain, etc., not of cotton, was the-prime
occupation of farmers. The tendency
then was strong to the Northwest, rather
than the South. The Northern people,
by virtue of intercourse with the world,
had more of the ear of mankind than we;
and the South was represented
as a graveyard. Life Assurance
Companies assumed that it was
extra hazardous to live at the South
or even visit our section. Misrepresenta
tion was equally rife of our social and
moral condition. An agricultural people
is really the most virtuous, but we were
as much misrepresented morally and so
cially as in regard to health. Such were
among the considerations, especially the
facts that no agricultural country in Eu
rope cultivated our staples, and that those
in our own climate-did not speak our
language, which seemed to give the North
a start in the way of population. There
were other influences of great moment.
For example, the policy of the Govern
ment was to raise revenue exclusively
from imports and none by direct taxa
tion. The effect "of this on Southern
prosperity we will not discuss, as our rea
ders are familiar with it, except by point
ing to two or three pregnant facts. 1st.
The South furnished the bulk of the ex
ports. 2d. The imports passed in a large
measure to the South, whence the exports
started, as the ultimate consumers. 3d
Therefore, the actual duties were paid by
the South, with commissions, &c. 4th
Also, the enhanced value of articles not
imported, but virtually prohibited, were
paid by the South under the policy of
the Government.
One other view; these purchases by
the South were made with the entire crop
produced, not out of mere profits. If
we sold a cotton crop—say for $250,000,-
000, of which $50,000,000 wasprofit—the
per cent, of tax on imports was virtually
levied on the 250 of expenditure and not
on the 50,000,000.
The expenditures of the Government
Were at the North. So that the bulk of
the revenues were levied on the South,
with half the population, and carried to
the North to be expended. "We cannot
elaborate but only suggest.
The influence on the ultimate results
of the war, of the want of skilled labor,
is immensely over-estimated by Mr. Hill,
or misunderstood by him. Our slaves
were occupied in making provisions, and
did it well. Our soldiers were needed to
fight, and they did it splendidly. Meet
ing the skilled men of the North (so-
called) they never failed on equal terms
—man for man. There would have been
some points of advantage iu our prepa
ration for the field, arising from skilled
labor, but other causes were much more
operative. We have been accustomed to
number among the causes of our defeat
the fact that our self-confidence was too
great, and prevented us from making full
use of our resources. The food supply
we met. By appreciating our want of
manufacture, and arranging to keep open
the blockade, we could have converted
her many crops—in war as we did in
peace—into manufactured material of any
sort she needed. With the proceeds of
her annual crops she could have had am
ple materials of war. We came near to
success even without them. But we nev
er were—whether on the questions of im
migration, of taxation, or of arrange
ments for fighting—quite careful enough
of our own interest, and we suffered for
this reason in competition with the keen,
shrewd, sharp people of the North. In
our former policy, being part and parcel
of the United States, our arrangements
and preparation for war were for war with
foreign powers, and the industry of the
country, as a whole, was sufficiently di
versified for all purposes of defense as a
whole. Even with ns as with an agricul
tural people, it would have been sufficient
had we been careful to maintain the
means of exchange.
Indeed, in regard to the alleged weak
ness of the South, which Mr. Hill ex
plains as an effect, aud slavery as its cause,
the thing to be explained was rather our
strength than our weakness. What other
people with the same relative numbers
have fought so well and so long ? Sup
pose the whole strength of the remaining
portion of the United States had been
turned agaiust a mamifacturing section
of equal numbers, instead of against the
South; would we not have starved them
out much more quickly thau they con
quered us ? Food is one of the most
difficult articles to supply from a distance.
It is easier to supply tools than food, for
man and beast—very expensive articles
of transportation.
In the original idea of the Union, the
deficiencies of our section were compensa
ted by the productions and lesources of
another. It is well, however, for each
section and State to diversify its indus
try. In peace it is usually practicable
with what we cU> produce to buy what we
do not. It was our true policy in war to
see to it that this facility of iuterchnage
was not taken from us. By caution on
this point, an agricultural power, instead
of being weak is really the strongest for
defense. We stood out against 20,000,000
longer than would New England and New
York.
He thinks a third party is what Mr. | growth of the North as compared with
Hill is after, on the negro element as the the South wonld require careful study of
I history in detail, and much thoog’it would
* No* one doubts ho is after something.— be needed to convey any jutt idea, or to
He is not much of a philosopher, more
of a juggler. So far from having given
ua the cause of our weakness, he has as
signed one of the elements of our
strength. To use the expressive figure
of the same writer, he has “laid his
goose egg,” and now thinks the whole
matter settled by his short aud easy me
thod of explaining history. Indeed, Mr.
Hill’s aim ever is not at truth but at ap
pearances. He is fond of the outside.
Hedoes not understand the subject on
which he enlightens us ,and his views are
as shallow as they are insulting, and as
his reseaches and convictions usually are.
But why do we class him with the Re
publican party ?
Mr. Hill may deny the fact that he is
gone over to them, soul and body. His
letter is an apparent effort to struggle
back, but let us still “watch and wait.”
He made sure of the North by that speech,
taking the chances with us. He and the
North now understand each other. Hav
ing that booty in his strong box, and be
yond peradventure, he returns to look af
ter the less important South, with such
protestations of affection, such longings
and yearnings as to make the stones
weep.
But we are too logical for all that. Mi-
Hill laid down his premises, but failed in
terms to draw his conclusion—that con
clusion, logically drawn, was the Repub
lican party. His speech might legiti
mately have wound up with a toast to
that organization. Now, it is this “Q. E.
D.” which we propose to draw. What
was the legitimate conclusion from his
premises ? Ought he not, at the Alumni
Dinner, to have offered some such toast
as the following:
“The Republican Party—wiser in conn
cil and stronger in action; understand
our interest better than ourselves. We
apologise to them for our stupid opposi
tion in the past. We return thanks for
the services they have rendered us against
our will. Henceforth be their policy our.
policy—their civilization our civilization.
Let ns have hut one cause—one party.—
Above all, one purse!”
This sentiment might appropriately
have been followed by a song—addressed
to the head of the Cabinet. Air : “A
place in thy memory—dearest.” Din
ners in high_places are the order of the
day, and Mr. Hill an expert.
Would such a toast have been a non se-
quitur ? Was it not the just upshot and
condensed essence of Mr. Hill’s speech;
Some Republican (of color if no white
man was convenient, or office holder)
could have properly responded.
“Abolition principles—the new civili
zation—the Republican party, the author
of both. It is a sound principle of po
litical action to co-operate with the
friends of a policy against its foes. The
Republican party is the friend, the De
mocratic party the foe of this policy.”
Song—to be sung with expression.—
Air: “Home at last.”
What fitter conclusions from the prem
ises ? Nor was the time less expressive of
the zeal and abandon of a new convert.—
He saw clearly the way to the heart of
the North, and the way was pleasant to
the eye, and a thing to be desired to
make one—acceptable. The three posi
tions succinctly set forth in the Constitu
tionalist recently were those of Mr. Steph
ens, of the Pennsylvania and of the Ohio
platforms. Mr. Hill goes * ‘a rood beyond
the farthest mark.” Indeed, his speech
is truly, “truly loyal”—intensely loyal—
and will be so pronounced by competent
judges.
HIr argument sound—then the Repub
lican party deserves mu' d6iiMeaee,"£tn<l
what is more, our de-operation. But has
the speaker so conciliated our confidence
in his candor, his integrity of purpose,
his calmness of thought and sobriety of
judgment, that we should forsake all oth
ers, and cleave only unto him ? And with
him accept our old supposed enemies as
our true and only friends—as men, wise
and not simply shrewd—who love us, not
ours? Loud as beats the drum, no re
cruits will follow the drummer. One
who sees now so "plainly the contrary of
what he saw so recently, does not com
mend himself to us as a guide to be
trusted.
There are those who think Mr. Hill
aims to build up a third party, composed
Jamaica, and South Carolina into
Hayti.
And this is the ultimate test. Judgo
tho two civilizations by their fruits.
What fruits so noble as noble men ! In
old times, influences like ours dovelopea
an Abraham. In our own country, in
modern times, the two noblest names of
modem history—Washington and Lee—
we are asked for fruits. Our mechanical
structures are less. Our fruits iu men,
and iu all that constitutes human great
ness (other thau its mere drapery and
outfit) superior. Mr. Hill asks for our
Websters? We present him (suddenly
estranged and forgetful) with Calhoun
and Clay, and with the leading intellects
which have controlled tho country—two
for one—from a section whoso popula
tion is as one to two. Our Storey ? The
Constitution established by our states
men, this compiler could not compre
hend. Marshall expounded it.
Mr. Hill’s mind seems much occupied
with dress—clothes, hats and the like.
This all appropriate—his love of the out
side. A Northern correspondent says he
met at the Virginia Springs “the worst
dressed, but best mannered men in
America.” Let Mi*. Hill judgo not by
the outward appearance. Look not only
on the houses, but on the inhabitants.
Not on the raiment, but the men who
wear it. Often a professional gamester is
the best dressed man in a company ; and
so the finest type of a gentleman after the
stylo of the new civilization. Wo will
none of him.
But the most sacrilegious of Mr. Hill’s
assaults was the women of the South.—
They are too far beyond the reach of his
calumfiy to ne^d a defense. And if they
needed it, they would find a defender in
every true-hearted man. If ever there
was, in any country, a peculiar develop
ment of all that is admirable and lovely
in womanhood, it was here. If purity,
modesty, tenderness, sympathy, were
ever combined with practical traits, with
piety, charity, industry, attention to the
sick and the poor, thoughtfulness for the
wants of many, it was in our Southern
women.
When he brought out his comparison,
to their detriment, with “black Dinah,”
why did not his tongue cleave to the roof
of his mouth ?
But we must have done with these out
rages on our judgment and our feelings.
With some comments on Mr. Hill’s letter
we will close:
The letter is very characteristic—brim
ful of false imqrressions. What an uufor-
tunatc man he is, forever begging for de
lay. This master of the art of expression,
how happens it that he makes such erro
neous impressions on the public mind by
his actions, letters and speeches ?
He keeps himself ever suspended be
fore a puzzled world, buzzing about its
pathway. Each speech or letter is but a
pretext for another. Explanation must
follow explanation; apology, apology un
til [the public judgment is a-weary.—
Why does not Mr. Hill think more iu
proportion to the amount of talking ho
does ? He would relieve himself and the
public by following the example of Mr.
Webster, who took no steps backward,
simply because he looked before taking
steps forward.
The sugar-coated bait he presented to
the public seemed to nauseate it. So he
must roll it in sugar again—in a letter—
and then publish it in a modified form,
purged and diluted, better adjusted to
the stoma<?h pf the people.
"What a delicate Sense of the proprie
ties he has. He who had just been guilty
of the outrages we have been detailing
on the known sentiments and convictions
of his audience—this man sees great in
delicacy in criticism on his sentiments,
unless the public would wait some weeks
to digest his poison without taking au
antidote. How knows the public it is to
be published? If the criticisms were by
persons present at the speech, they heard
for themselves. One commentator in
his letter remarks, “If he cannot say one
thing to-day, and publish an entirely dif
ferent thing to-morrow, he is not the man
we take him to be. If he cannot pub
lish a speech which will contradict the
synopsis already given, and the very sense
aims io ^ of hearing of his audience, he is wanting
of negroes, supp . " , ,■ in the very talent for which we give him
foundation by a sufficient number of old cr f>#t This is Unt
line Whigs, Americans, railroad men, | x ,— ~, —
It was not our weakness, but our want
of foresight in making the best use oi ike
resources we actually possessed.
And so, on tbe whole, what Carlisle
would call Mr. Hill’s “little compact the
ory” on the subject, is wide of the mark.
office-holders, &c., See., to ry^tloi the
State. Does ]i£ so read the old Whig
and American parties? Does he fancy
them to be mere riff-raff, subject to his
bidding? Many of them rank among the
noblest patriots of the land.
What it is, is uncertain, bat nobody
doubts he is after something. His logic
leads him to the Republicans. What
need of a third party does his speech re
veal? There is a suitable one already ex
tant and in power, and so be does best
to make up to Mr. Grant. Uneasy in
his present quarters, he is on a courting
expedition. He keeps wooing and coo
ing around iu all directions. Even “black
Dinah” is not omitted as he congees
around seeing that his fair friend of the
African persuasion may have beaux or
husbands, blessed (under the blessed
new regime) with votes. The gay Lotha
rio is growing impatient and cannot wait.
He cannot keep down much longer, or,
to change the figure, Mr. Hill’s anxiety
to serve the public is growing oppressive,
and be makes open proclamation : “Be
hold, it is the eleventh hour, and no man
hath hired me.”
The new civilization ! Have we not
tally taken a grand start in it ? Witness
the administration of the Government,
Federal and State, and compare them
with the past, from Washington and
Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, descend
to Abraham, the railsplitter, and for
lower, to Grant, the tanuer and jockey.
By a close day of thought, descend if
you can. The deeient required a decade
of action. The rangeiswide, and thought
grows weary. Remember in Georgia
the days of Nisbet, Bartow and the
Cobbs, now buried. -Of Her3chel Y.
Johnson and Jenkins in the Executive
chair. Remember the convention of
1861 with the Stephens and Toombs, the
Cobbs, Nisbet, Johnson, aud the host of
great men from one little State, who
would have been illustrious in any coun
try in any age. Come then to the mon
grel body, white, black and mulatto (a
few names get in as it were by chauce,)
who formed onr last Consution of 1868,
and join Mr. Hill, if you can, in shouting
pceans to the new civilization ! We must
be excused. Take any point of the
management of the past and c impure it
with the pre-cut. Take finance. Take I of c
judicial dignity aud honor. Take the|n> s '
tone of the people and the Government. | s “ n
With one accord, as when old time is pom
compared with new and ernde, we con-1 ty n
sent. “The old is better.” His pathway | —C
piainness of speech is sometimes neces
sary. After his bare-faced trifling with
the long-suffering of the public, how del
icately sensitive he is to what is due to
himself.”
But whence the false impressions and
versions of his speech, of which he so
much complains? Scattered far and
wide by whom ? By the very alumni of
whose unanimity in appreciation of it Mr.
Hill informs us. That little conventional
humbug called “the unanimous voice of
the Alumni” was a feeble “aye” from a
few voices. To vote “no” was in the
hearts of majiy, but they were more con
siderate of Mi*. Hill’s feelings than he
had been of theirs. That is the sort of
information one always gets from Mr.
Hill. How foreign the impression from
the facts. Again, it was a “literary ad
dress,” “does not allude to politics”—a
bottle of corrosive sublimate, labeled
rose water'—a Radical talk, labeled “a
literary address”—the huge black cat of
Abolition in a tub, softly Libeled “noth
ing but meal,” “be not afraid.”
How marvelously the gentleman over
rates his importance and status. Mr. Hill
has over-drawn on the confidence of the
public, and is now bankrupt ia that arti
cle. If he lmd understood it aright, the
election in December was notice to that
effect—confidence out.
Mr. Hill has succeeded in acquiring the
reputation of a sort of political bigamist,
playing at fast and loose with his con
sorts. There is no foundation ia liis po
litical history for the confidence of the
country. It has established for him no
character for wisdom, stability or sin
cerity. We have scarcely touched the
record that convicts him of the contrary.
His first proceeding is to Lay the ax to
to the root of that reverence for ail that
is noble and good, which alone can bear
wholsesome fruit. All Lis protestations
of purity of purpose and self-sacrific
ing devotion io the interests of the coun
try make no impression. In the pub
lic estimate he is classed with t ie men so
well described by Judge Longs! reet, who
are endowed with the dangerous and fa
tal gift of “an oily tongue
sincerity of heart.
It has been no pie. son
Iced. ways. ii..
food m tn a si t
current o cor
ir country, son
inese cr
unrestrained by
task to review
l it :: the duty
n- to endeavor
motion, and re-
iv b“set without
j, good government and houes-
pjaees. S esiixeTi.
e aud Scn ii , Augusta, ua.,
of progress would elevate Georgia into a Aug. 24. 1871.