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NEW SERIES—VOL, I?:, NO. 8.
edmjr six
ATHENS, THURSDAY, OCT. 31, 1850.
VOLUME XVIII. NUMBER 30
LETTER FROM GOV. TOWNS
J CorrcrjHindcricc.]
Spring Place, Murray Co. Ga. }
September 20, IS50. )
Hit Excellency, , >
GEORGE W. TOWNS.
t)ear Sir:
Many of your friend* in this section
t>f ihc State have expressed much onx-
—?f*y to know four views upon the ques
tions that are now agitating the public
mind, and we hope you will excuse the
liberty wc have taken of propounding
¥' few questions 'upon which there
•seems h be some conflict of opinion
. among our public men, for wo hold that
Khc pc«>jdc Iumto -a riukl to know lb«t
views of those whom tney place in pow
ers upon all matters affecting the puh
iic welfare. Without further apology,
vre desire an early answer to the follow
ing questions:
JJ*. 1st. Does the Act of the last Legis
lature authorizing a call of a Convention,
admit of n reasonable doubt as to your
duty upon the admission of California
alone 1
2d. Did not Congress in the admis
sion of California, virtually enact the
Wrlmoi proviso—or can Congress con
stitutionally do that indirectly which it
cannot do directly ?
With your (lermission, we shall de
sire to make your reply to these ques
tions public for the satisfaction of you
numerous friends.
Very respectfully, your ob’t. serv’ts
JAMES EDMONDSON,
JAMES A. W. JOHNSON,
C. E. BROYLES,
J. A. R. HANKS,
* ./ r WM. A. LOFTON.
Milledoevillb, Ga. >
October 3, 1850. $
Gentlemen :
* •- The. answer to your letter of 20th
ult., has been unavoidably delayed
longer than I could have desired. In
the demand I shall make upon four
time, I would be pleased not to tran
scend the limits prescribed by the mag
nitude ol the subject, to which you have
invited my attention. In confeiring
with any portion of my fellow citizens
upon the agitating questions of the day,
lion with the subject _ under considera-1 to make many sacrifices for the Union,
lion. In the ordinary transactions of Everything lean surrender but my boro
human affairs, as well as'tlie investi
gations which are of daily occurrence,
involving private rights, experience has
shewn, that there are often apparently
remote and disconnected circumstances,
without the aid of which, neither the
truth could be attained, nor justice
rded; and so, in the present most
unhappy difficulty between the two
sections of the Union, it becomes neces
sary to examine into the relative con-
fuel of the two sections toward each
other, as sections of the sarne confeder-
y ; as also, what acts.of oppression
injustice have been peftwirated by
the prtlpfe-Tir itfeir rej»f*!*lrdU»k»r«>» -jtj
Congress by the one against the other
This will readily occur to you as ob-
sly proper, from the consideration
that the very superstructure of this fed
erative government of ours, this glo-
Union, of which you may have
heard something of late, from strange
lips, rests solely upon puhiic confidence,
and the affection of the people. Divest
it of these pillars of strength, and the
Government, with the .Union, is like the
edifice built upon sand. You may
prop it up, by your enlisted soldiery,
and the shifting evolutions of youi
sliding politicians, for a season, but the
great and immutable principles of jus
lice and equality, ate loo deeply im
planted in every true Southern bosom,
whether native or adopted, for the ter
ror of the one or the devices'of the
other, or the combined [tower of both,
to stand long before the withering in
dignation of nn outraged people. If
this be true, let us see whether the Fed
eral Government is, at this day
isicred upon the principles of equality
and justice which entitles it to the con
fidence and affection of the people, and
if it is not, I would feign call upon all,
of every section of this Union, and
pecially in the South, to rally upon I cause
and my rights, undeniable and clear,
under the constitution, I am prepared
yield. But if the dreadful alterna
tive is forced upon me to surrender
these inestimable privileges, without
which I would feel far more degraded
than ( would to be a Russian serf, or a
Mexican peon, 1 must confess my longue
will not permit me to falsify tbe feelings
not by Southern bands, burl by the fraud
and heartless exactionaofithis sectional
party of the non-slaveh^fding States ;
and he who struggles in the defence of
the present policy of the Federal Gov
ernment, must prepare his mind to be
content with shadow, while he surren
ders the substance to his Northern
brothers, not to characterize such a
course in stronger terms.
But without further digression, let
of my heart, and I am forced to admit, inquire what is there in the character
as an honest man, that the Government and conduct of the two sections of the
most protect my rights as guaranteed to Union that justifies me ia the conclu-
me by the constitution, ot it forfeits my sionsthat the foundation of the present
allegiance—and that l will look to oth- disagreement between the North and
er safeguards for my protection. What South, is radical, And, thvH herealter, as
say you. gcui?e tm-««in -yotL- t-wwwyboih branch®* of''C&frgress will be
heart, covet an unjust, iniquitous, and
oppressive Union ? Do you so love
your Northern brethren for their many
virtues and acts of disinterested patriotism,
that you are prepared to lorego the
rights secured to you by your revolu
tionary fathers, in order io preserve a
Union, not of your fathers, but the
Union of irresponsible, corrupt, and un
feeling majorities in Congress?
Gentlemen, we may patch up the
breach between the slave and non-slave
holding sections, the love of the Union
may predominate and induce us to bear
still longer the oppression of the govern
ment, politicians are now busily engaged
in that work; many for good and patri
otic, but not a few from bad and un
worthy motives; but tbe task will be
utterly hopeless of preserving the Un
ion of these States for a quarter of a cen
tury longer, unless the Government is
administered upon the great principles
of the Constitution. And it ia because
I have almost, if not entirely, despaired
of ever, seeing this great and glorious
object accomplished, that I trouble you
with my reflections upon the subject.
And this brings me gentlemen, directly
i- to the question, whether there is just
n I cause or sufficient reason to believe,
these great fundamental principles of; that the Federal Government will not
Govern menial equality between all tbe j be impartially administered in accor-
parts, without which there can be nogood j dance with the principles of the Consli-
Government, in order to preserve and j union. I apprehend it will not be de
save “ the Union,” that glorious Union nied, that, according to the theory of
of our fathers, which rested upon equal-1 our Government, the representative
Composed of large majorities opposed
to slavery and in favor of free soil doc
trine.
Need I repeat facts of daily , occur
rence? Is the burning shame to be
stated lor the thousandth lime, that'
these Northern and North Western
brothers of ours, steal our slaves, enter
social circles and corrupt our do
mestics, and when demanded as fugi-
frora justice according to the Con
stitution aud laws of Congress are re
fused to be surrendered, upon the
ground that it is no crime for our breth-
of the North and North West to
steal our negroes ? Have not more than
Slate ot the North passed laws for
bidding its citizens from affording aid
to tbe Southern man in reclaiming his
fugitive stave ? . and have not the judi
cial authorities of said States sustained
tbe legality of such laws, in direct con
travention of an express provision of
the Constitution? If these charges
made by the South against the North be
ity of privileges, equality of rights and
equality of burthens. And may I not
add, without.giving offence to any true
Georgian, that they who dally in jfiis
conflict and fold their arm*, or shut
J in' which their honor and interest are
identical with my own, you have a guar
antee that 1 will speak with the frank-
MU and freedom .bccafnpig tbe occur *bc
•ion. ~ *
ln.lhe performance of this obligation
to you, I should have been pleased to
have omitted much, that a regard to
truth would not allow me to suppress.
If my opinions shall be found of in
terest or- profit to you, I shall be re
warded for the labor in the preparation;
if*not, I shall still have the gratification
|o know that if it was your privilege
to ask my opiuions upon these grave
questions, it was mine to give them.—
If.I correctly comprehend your wishes,
it is not merely a negative or affirma
tive answer to the questions, in il«
form they are proposed, you desire, bui
a general view of the grounds of differ
ence between the Sooth ami the North,
and the motives by which the people of
the two sections are governed, which
arc producing such wide spread dis
content at this time in the former. To
do this fairly, 1 feel myself constrained
to notice what l regard as impor
tant fuels, having a direct bearing upon
the subject. ami w hich I am free to nd-
r toil; I
Congress reflects the views, feelings,
and wishes of a majority of his constit
uents. This should be so, and in prac
tice may be safely assumed, although
n-1 invariably correct,as the most reliable
themselves. I apprehend also that it
will -be generally conceded that tbe
place of ’.heir nativity, and the answer
will be, in a large number of cases, the
North. Go to your office holders, your
Judges, your members of the Legisla
ture, of Congress, your county officers,
and still you will find the adopted sons
of Georgia, of northern birth, filling
many of these important stations, 1 ad
mit with pleasure, with credit to them
selves and beuefit to the State. In this
important fact, there is furnished much
worthy of consideration. Surely it is
not in this fraternal feeling, and the sen
timents of generous erntidence mani
fested for our northern frieuds who
contend; it was exhibited in the Con-j our masters ; for if there is no limit or
vention that framed our Federal Consti- : restriction on its power, whatever Con-
tution—again in the so-called Missouri; gress may do in this respect, tnusi^ bo
Compromise, and in the late
Congress; and ii has never failed.to be
exhibited, where it could be made to
sting the South, lacerate its feelings, or
deprive it of a right.
Tbw sentiment will go on and in
crease 'daily, becoming more arrogant
and insupportable, until the Southern
Slates will have to meet it by force, or
unconditionally submit to its dictation, of the. q
The man has studied the aggressive is given
character of this Northern sentiment
come to live among us, that some of j but little purpose, who can doubt the
those who remain baliiud. will see a | truth of the conclusions here slated.
justifipatioiCfor stealing par negroes, fori If it had a head or a heart that you
defaming our character, for denying to j could approach by reasou, argument, or
our accredited ministers of the Gospel j remonstrance, the hope might be indulg-
the pulpit and communion table. In j cd of a returning sense of justice, and°a
this connection, I have to remark, that; change, in this respect, be looked for;
the character of the people of the two l but it rests upon no solid basis of moral
sections, as derived trora facts that come j justice; if it did, it never could have
to us so authenticated as to command j survived one hour of calm investigation,
entire confidence, shew a peculiar and j aud would, long since, have been ban-
marked dissimilarity. In the slave
States, the extended hand aud open
heart is felt by every Northern man or
woman that comes Into our midst. Pa
tronage in the various vocations of life,
is at once tendered, confidence reposed
and honors conferred. An absolute
equality in all the social relations of life
is everywhere visible. Whatever ap
pertains to the rights of persons, prop
erty or conscience, is equally awarded
to the Northern man by birth, as the na
tive Georgian. This is as it should be.
This is the Union, so far ns the South is
concerned, that was intended by our
fathers. In these acts is found the fideli
ty of our covenant with the North; the*
clear conscienc^v
true, to what feeling or sentiment are i streaming light of
we to trace such brotherly conduct ?—
That robbers and thieves are to be
found in every State of the Union, is
not to be denied ; but that you will find
legislative enactments for die protection
of the thief who robs his brother of a
sister State, of his property, and seeks
to avoid the legal consequence of his
crime, by fleeing to such a State, where
the Executive officer, Courts and Juries 1 , tlemen, you are not to understand
are found ready, and do actually protect in what I have said, as desiring
such felons, does exhibit to my mind, a j commending any change in the reccp-
rooral feeling ot self-abasement beyond: lion and treatment of such of our north-
isheil as a heresy. It rests upon a ha
tred for the South, a feeling of jealousy
at Southern prosperity, and a radical
dissimilarity in the social condition of
sections, and a universally aggressive
disposition to tear down and demolish
hatever they cannot fully monopolize
and exclusively enjoy; and nothing, in
ray opinion, has heretofore prevented an
pen and undisguised outbreak by the
lon-slaveholding upon the slave States,
and a forcible attempt to abolish slavery,
but the great business relations existing
between the two sections, and the influ
ence that capital has exerted upon the
northern mind ; not from any regard for
have we been spared-
between the Northern man by birth
the South; and the Seuthern man b^
birth at the North, and from this
parison excite an enquiry and investiga
tion in the public mind, that may be
profitable to the people of Georgia,
whether native or adopted. But, Gen-
the hope of improvement. This state of
the public mind in the North and North
West, is the result of no temporary
is Ihe growiji many years
in some ot the States, and has at length
acquired sufficient stretngb to control
the public men and measures of the
hole country. If any doubt this, let
y^la^af tb4 mode of ascertaining l}ie popular will,
government are undermining, are them-j upon important Questions that have
selves, the worst enemies; to the Un- been duly considered by the people
ton. The “Union” is not a sense
less word, for party hacks, or heartless
politicians to sport with. As applied
to our Government, it means that vital
element, which diffuses itself through
out the constitution in the form of equal
ity ami justice. That instrument em
braces < be great principles of individ
ual rights in the associated form of gov
ernment. Its beauty, its perfection,
and its strength, consist mainly in the
faci, that the citizen is deprived, or
rather restrained in the exercise of such
of his natural rights only, as his own
safety and welfare demand, and no c _ „
more. In a government thus organized j onr fears, and reconcile us tothe present souri Compromise in the House of Rep
tile citizen can and should repose con-1 conditions of things. The falsification ' resentatives, as a permanent settlement
fidence; be should feel for it the pro-1 of the actual state of the Northern ! of this question, if my memory is cc
feundesi regard. But ns the govern- | mind on the subject of slavery, f.la- ! rect, is now found aclive;and zealous
ment consists of the written declare- j ment to say, is loo often successfully his support of the principles of the free
lion of the'£rani of powers'op the one j played off. 1 r i-
hand, and inhibitions of'powers tothe] Whigs and Democrats, in the South,
people on the oilier, all of which con-1 are made to believe that upon the pre-
t%» the principle before laid down, I servation of a close organization of the
* * -j « • two great political parties. North' and
South, into which the country is divid
ed
security.
Wc arc again and again assured, by
men holding high places in the govern
ment of the Union, that it is dangerou
subject of North American slavery, its I them reter to the journals of the two
amelioration, its restriction to certain j houses of Congress and point out the
geographical limits* and its total aboli-j Senator or Representative that voted
lion, now or presently, immediately or against the admission of California from
prospectively, have been tbe subjects ol j a non-slaveholding Stale. Even Gen.
thorough investigation by all. classes of i Cass of non-intervention memory, altera
the people of lhe_ non-slaveholding ! flourish of words, in a long speech, at
Stales; and that there exists among the opening of the late session, defining
them, but one feeling, and one senti- 1 his position, has came up to the require
ment of universal hostility to the insli- ments of his constituents, and voted for
. tution in all its relations. This last 1 the admission of California into the
proposition may be denied, and I know Union. So of Senator Douglas, after
1 is sometimes disputed, in order to quiet having a few years ago, offered the Mis-
w But on the other hand, if Con
gress may transcend its powers in the
admission of new Slates, and thereby
do an unconstitutional act, is there any
mode or tribunal provided by the con
stitution, by which the question of pow
er, or the^constitulionality of the act of
admission can be tested ? I am free to
admit that I tlo not suppose that is one
questions over which jurisdiction
w ;n to the Federal Judiciary, for
the reason, that the question of com
petency by Congress, and the question
ot right by California, to her place in
the Uuion.tjrtj.purely political aud not
jndiciafr if iW'Jqchciafy cannot "take
Jurisdiction, does it vest in auy other
department of the Government, or else
where ?
aware it may he contended that
the power vested in Congress by the
Constitution to admit new States, is dis
cretionary, and the abuse of such pow-
only be reached through the
ballot box. To test the correctness
and efficiency of this doctrine, suppose
a majority of the next Congress should
be opposed to the admission of Cali
fornia as a Slate into the Union, and
should repeal the lata act admitting it
as a State, would it be valid ? Would
California be remanded to the condition
of a Territory of the United States, or
would ahe still remain in the Union ?—
Without expressing anyopiuion on this
point, I may safely assume that unless
such would be the result, the ballot
box is no remedy for the abuse of pow
er by Congress in the admission of a
New State into the Union. Where
. but from
_ tender sympathy and foateryW care foh.then is it to be found? If not in the
and the evidence of our good faith. I^.their own preservation—andihe addi^ judiciary, the ballot box, or Congress,
have attempted to shew the difference, »tional reason, that this sentiment of feeM for no one supposes it to rest with the
*ng. conscious of the baseless fabric opj Exccuti
ir£ ing, consciou
on which it i
haust all other means to accomplish
object, before a resorts had to open
olence, where the oppressed and the op
pressor meet in bloody conflict.
Truth and candor compel me to ad
mit, in view of the past, from the best
consideration I have been able to bes
tow upon the motives and objects of this
great northern mind in relation to slave
ry, that I consider the concessions made
by Congress to this sentiment, by the
passage, at the preseut session, of the
series of measures called the Compro
mise hilts, have effertuany secured its
long sought object, the ultimate ac
complishment of the abolition of slavery
in every slave State in this Union—and
that too, in less than a fourth of a centu
ry from this day, unless restrained by
the united action of the South.
This opinion may he scouted by some
for whom I cherish the kindest feelings ;
by others, it may be regarded as rank
treason and an undisguised blow at the
Union ; for such, self respect leaves me
no word of reply.
For the accuracy ol my conclusions,
I claim nothing orer the humblest of the
tain the equal rights pf their adopted ! land. For the purity of motive and the
home, in this confederacy, with a moral j truthfulness of the warning I am now at-
courage, and indomitable will, that tempting to give, I am content to abide
* that severe ordeal to which all men
hastening, and to coming events.
w absolute; its
rests, will ever seek to ex^ will, once pronounced, is irrevocable,
friends as come among us to live, to
share our prosperity, and to reap our
adversity. And though l am free to
admit our confidence is often abused,
and by our fosterfng care, we but warm
and invigorate the adder, the deeper to
sink the poisoned fang in our boson
belter this should be so, than by a
row, mean, selfish and sectional policy,
we should exclude from our midst the
industrious, upright and noble man or
woman ol pure character, of enlarged
views, and cultivated mind, who, under
tbe bond of our Union, is entitled toour
fraternal regard, protection and support,
and I will add, not merely as an act of
justice, but with the greatest pleasure,
many such now, as in former time, are
eady and prepared to assert and
. gladly avoid, if I felt i it is obvious, that individuals
my sell at liberty to do so; but I regard iquired to perform the various agencies
it due to truth, to n clear and distinct | thus created. Aud this brings us to the
understanding of the character and fix-j point, that, after nil, the government,
ed purposes of ihe people with whom j as well as ihe Union, it ihe two are ca-
we have to contend, to bring them in pable of a separate existence, depends
review, though sensible I shall thereby : upon, the virtue and wisdom of the pub-
draw down upon mysell the deunncia-, lie agents entrusted by .lhe people in
tious ol those, who can sec no virtue, or carrying it on; The most necessary
patriotism in warning the South of its and just laws, in the hands of a eor-
dangcr, and urging upon its people in 'rupt.judiciary, ate blit so rrttany engines! confidence, that the Northern part}-,
take wise nnd efficient steps to resist it. of oppression ; and so of the other de-1 formed upon geographical distinctions,
Be this ns it may, with a heart' truly “pan ments of the government. The of-: is composed comparatively of a few
Southern, a devotion to her social .or- fiqe of President.of the United States, brawling and nnimportant fanatics aud
ganixation, her laws, customs and knh-in the hands of a bad and wicked roan,! abolitionists—deserving but little con-
ilfinml never yet having deserted her is bat another name lor despotism ; i sideration, whether regarded as to tratn-
standard, knowingly, or quailed beneath and tbe Co«grtes«f »b«r United States, tiers, or tbeir influence upon public met*
-the fiowns nlihe threatening hosts ibal. when under Providence, it is composed j or measures.
have been arrayed against her equal of unprincipled and corrupt politicians. We are reminded too that the Father
rights in this confederacy, I should feel ia the mosi unwieldy,. dangerous, and j of bis country warued us against the or-
scorns to shame the truckling of South
ern sons to Congressional oppression.
But gentlemen, a plain, unvarnished
^ , history oftbc gross insults and audacious
soil party, by refusing to divide Califpr-1 aggressions by the people of the non-
nia on the line ol the-Missouri Corapro-! slaveholding, upon the feelings and
raise. But it may be said that this con- ] rights of the citizens of the slaveholding
duct ol our Northern brothers is pro- j States, would require more lime, and
voked by bad faith on our part. I do! occupy more space, than I have at my
not know that Northern audacity itself command to devote to this subject. I
alone lobe found our strength and has become so bold, but still we will have alluded to some, and will advert
institute the enquiry. Has the South to others, but must content myself by
in a single instance violated any provi-; passing over a series of wrongs, mani-
sion of the Federal Constitution to de- lest exhibitions of bad temper and a to-
prive the North of its property! Has tal disregard for all that- fraternal feel-
tothe liberties of the people io organize i any one of the Southern Slates passed ing, that should exist between tbe dif-
great parties upoii'gcograph«cal limits ;! laws for the express purpose of protect- . ferent sections of the country, which
hile it is asserted, with some apparent j ing, much less encouraging, its citizens have displayed themselves in tbe North
i’ however corrupt, illegal, and oppres-
1 sive, or the remedy is io be found out
side of the constitution. To suppose
any department ol this Government is
absolute, or to speak more correctly, to
admit the doctrine that Congress can
pass laws limited only by it^discretion,
which approved by the President, aro
unalterable and unchangeable through
all time, and which are binding and ob
ligatory upon all the people of the sev
eral States, clearly concedes that the
framers of the Constitution have fas
tened upon the cbubiryTfbey intended
to be free, a despotism far more hate
ful than the absolute will of n monarch.
What tyranny it so oppressive as that
imposed by majorities, with no limit or
restriction ? Where rests the remedy,
for the abuse of power by Congress in
tbe admission of new States into the
Union? The answer is,it it cannot be
found in either rhe Legislative, Execu
tive or Judicial Departments of Govern
ment, or the ballot box, it rests with
the people of tbe several States precise
ly to the same extent, they enjoyed the
right to change and repeal uujust; and
oppressive laws as States before tbe
Constitution was formed. Either ibis
is so, or the right by a people to . re
dress wrongs, inseparable from all good
Government, was banished by. the ad
option of the constitution. U either
Nor will l withhold the declaration on opuon oi me uiiwuiumuh. u «uw»
this occasion, admitting my pride of| rests with, the people of the several
ilhat 1 had made a poor requital fur the. crushing despotism, that human in-
tnany honors conferred open me by the gemiity could devise. The only guard
people of my native Stale, if in this the against these dire calamities is suppos-
bour of her extremity, there was any ed to rest in a written constitution de-
danger {po great forme to hazard, »o fining power, the virtue, and wisdom
preserve her constitutional rights, and of the people themselves ami in tbe sup-
«quality in this confederacy. • j position that they will hurl from power
You have directed my attention main-* corrupt or incompetent official agents.
1j to two questions: r But. as I think I shall .txTablc to shew,
1st. “ Does the act of the last Le|is- this is not so in age seciiOnof the Union,
— -Itlure authorizing a call of a Convention and we are not likely, in my judgment,
admit of a reasonable doubt as to my’ to see the time, when any improvement’,
■ duty upon the admission of California rin this respect,-taay be- reasonably an-
alone?" j ticipated.ihrn we come to the question I
, 2d. “ Did not Congress in the adrais- ] desire to propound to you, and - to 'the
♦foo of California, virtually enact the ; people of Georgias who ia.ihfc Union
Wilmci Proviso; or can Congress con-, partyjof ibis State ? Ji it composedof
stilotionally do that indirectly which it you and qteand such as would restore
cannot do directly ?** - i tbe Government to its original purity-—
In my answer, I will reverse the or- j those who.desire to arrest the lawless
^ler in which they are stated ; premia- encroachments of thfrinfuriated lanati-
ing, however, that no doubt did exist cisra wbichdtavePurged on irresponsi-
In my own mind by the act of the Leg- .bte majorities in both Houses of Con^
Islaturr, it was tirade my imperative du- gress to the bold and tmdisguisetL as-
l JL Cal1 3 Convention of the people, sumption of power, by which our feel-
, in the event of the admission into the ings and equal, rights have been violat-
Umon of California with her present ed I Qr is it composed of those, who
Constitution. 1 have before remarked, shout for the' “ Union,** now .and for-
(bat it would be my duty to advert to- ever, - right or wrong, though it should
■_ some unwelcome facts illusiraiivg of the appear that Congress has wilfully and
character of the people of the slave and corruptly passed laws depriving them
pon-slavcholding States, before I enter r ot their equal -rights in the territory
edunonn rpnlvln vniir Inn, • : J C U Q
signs of the secjio»ral party thusorgani
cd, known as.thehee soil party oflhe Un
ion, If I should make good theue two
^ % . j propositions, I shall have shewo that the
ed upon a reply to your last question, acquired of Mexico f . Union which the Father of his Country
and which, in-my judgment, bavo a] For myself! feel, and I doubt not you I commended to our constant and vigi-
i the violation of the criminal laws of; toward the social organization, indut-
the non-slaveholding States? Have the trial pursuits, and habits of the South
Southern States refused to surrender its j from an early period in the history of
citizens upon demand charged with the ! our government. .
violation of the criminal laws of either 1 It would be vain to diguise the fact,
of the Northern States? In these re- j that until a period, commencing about,
spects, at least, the has kept its j or shortly alter, the time limited by the
fntth. But again, has it ever been de-; constitution of the Coiled States lor tbe
aied to a Northern man his right to importation of African slaves, which
come to a Southern Slate and bring with trafic was almost exclusively conduct-
and enjoy whatsoever property he cd by Northern men, and carried on by
pleased, provided it was regarded as j Northern capital, little or no complaint
properly in the State from whence it, was heard in that quarter against
came ? Btit how different is the case slavery; and it is a fact illustrative of
with the Georgian, whether native or jNorthren character in this respect,
adopted, who. visits, much less goes worthy of remembrance, that their ab-
with the view of making a permanent; horrence of the institution of slavery,
residence in a Northern State. In the; their keen insight nnd aptitude forcoro-
former case, bv the laws of Georgia,! prehending its evils, took ils.origin just
ganization of parties upon sneb princi
ples, and enjoined upon us, in his Fare
well Address, “to. Irown indignantly
upon the first dawningof every attempt came ?
t alien ate any portion of our country
m the rest, or to impair the sacred
ties which now (then) link together the
various parts.”
With what consummate effrontery . ^
the sacred teachings of the immortal 1 the Northern man with his properly of, about the time when this trafic in slave
Washington are invoked in this respect,
let facts be submitted to the impartial
mind ; and il my judgment is not at
fault, yon will agree with me, 1st, that
the North and not the South hasnrgan-
ised a party embodying, in a most re
markable degree, moral force, as well
as pumerical strength, upon the avowed
anu undisguised"principle that slavery
(the institution of the South.) shall not
now or hereafter be permitted to exist
upon any* territory tbe property ofthe
Government. 2d.*That the Federal Go
vernment, ia its Executive and Legisla
tive departments, is now administered,
and must continue,to be administered
upon every fair, principle of reasoning, in
strict accordance witbthepolicy andde-
whatever description, coming among us, < ceased to be profitable, to them, and
is equally protected with the native [slave labor was no longer itr demand at
citizen, whereas the slave of the Geor- jthe North. When the North had sold
the North,ds-wrested from him I and put off, upon the middle and Sourh-
' ern States, for a valuable consideration,
negro slaves, we 6rst hear of any se
ns disrelish for the' institution;'but
since then, to the-present moment.
by stealth or force. Look again at an
other most significant lact. Go to the
North, and point out tbe Southern man
by birth, who holds office of trust or
profit, .who is the Professor in, or Presi
dent of a College, who is called io offi
ciate as the Pastor ol a respectable
Church—who is the Conductor of. a
public journal, or is employed in
their respectable schools? I do i»
say there are no such instances to w
found, but they are doubtless very raro
But how is it in the South? andflh
Georgia, l presume, is hut a fair exam^
pie of the whole, I invite your attention
to tbe state of things among us. Go to
your merchants, your professional men,
your teachers in. your Academies, male
and female, your, professors and presi
dents of colleges, your divines,, and ed
. » J g—6-iivh,. n; lUjTSCII I llcl, wUU l UUUUl UUk juu buuiwcuutu w “ • *o* ; _ ® J , , r I , . . , • ■ V■
most important and intimate fonnec- will agree with me, that I am prepared I lant support, baa been rent asunder, nor* of newspapers, and ask them the soil party, aqd with which we have to
there has existed, and will continue
to exist, unless arrested by the South,
a fixed purpose on the part of the North,
to harass the slaveboldjwg portion
the Union, until tbe Nortrorn characi
I mean tbe unqualified,
northern character, (for there are gradi
in the north very dissimilar in all thi
is manly,) shall be changed ? an eVei
to be looked for, in my opinJtA, ahoi
as soon as the Leopard will be j
change bis spots..
It is this principle of northern char
acter—-ibis indomitable never ending,
unrelenting, grasping* malicious and
destructive element that forms ihefFee-
opinion to be as strong as others,
menlous, gloomy, and alarming do I
consider the situation of the South at
this lime, by the late extraordinary and
unjust legislation by Congress in refer
ence to the territories, that I do most ar
dently hope that roy fears may prove
groundless, and my opinions erroneous.
Taught to love the Union, from my in
fancy—to look to the Government with
pride and admiration, as the purest and
wisest ever devised by man, the thought
that that Government—so much revered
in the purity in which it came from our
fathers, in less than three fourths of a
century, should be converted into a
mighty instrument tor oppressing ihc
minority by the majority, is a reflection
that must fill tbe stoutest heart with
deep and abiding sorrow.
In what has been brought to your no
tice, enough perhaps has.been said to
satisfy you that a decided majority of
the people ol the North and Northwest
are united in one common sentiment
and ulterior object, the abolition o!
slavery in the Slates. But if more
required, let us examine the act of Con
gress admitting California into the Un
ion, and the citcumstances attending it,
And first: la the admission of Cnli
fornia a fraud upon the Constitution oi
not? and if a fraud, is the South bound
by ibis act .of Congress? if not bound,
what is the mode and measure of re
dress ? These arc important inquiries,
and wc should approach them with
great care.and consideration; for if
Congress, in the admission of Califor
nia, has done no wrong to the slavehold
ing States, it there lutis been nn aboseof
power in that act dangerous to our
equality and Tights under tbe confede
racy, by a corrupt ^abandonment of duty,
and a.failure to perform a solemn con
stitutional obligation, we . are .bound-, as
good citizens, to cease our opposition to
it, though other grounds may remain
->pc n, claiitri ng ou r a oi m at! version.
I concede that Congress has the pow
er to admit new States into the Union ;
there no limit or restriction on
>ngress in ihe exercise oT this pow
er? 0c in other"' words, can Congress
by the admission n f. n ' s lale transcend
its authority, .or do on unconstitutional
act? ,‘1P jt cannot^ the re is an .end to
ibe question, and we tnay set to work
States, in the capacity of Slates,
docs not exist; and it would be worse
than idle to say that any people are, or
be free, except in name, who aro
bound, in all coming time, by the un-
Iterablc enactments of Congress with
io other limitation on its puwers than
its discretion.
Look to the facts and circumstances,
which have become a part of the Con
gressional history of this country, con
nected with the admission of Cali
fornia as a State into the Union; and
let us see, from that record of passing
events, what security for our rights is to
be found in the unbridled discretion
contended for by some to exist in Con
gress in tbe admission of new States.
The language of ihe constitution is:
“New Stales may be admitted by Con
gress into the Union !” Under this
provision, Congress claimed and exer
cised the discretionary power to de*
cide, first,—That ihc Territory of Cal
ifornia was a new State, and secondly,
under the Constitution she present
ed, should be admitted into the Union.
And this il is urged, is perfectly con
sistent, anti within the legitimate range
of a salutary, unavoidable and-indis
pensable discretion over this matter,
by Congress and cannot be inquired in-
juesiioned, or remedied, hr any
i whatsoever. How did Congress
e at the conclusion that California
a State ? What clause of the Con
stitution, gives Congress discretion over
this quest ion ? It is no where to bo
fouod. But it.ia contended, that ns the
Congress may admit new Slates into
this Union, upon its discretion^ - Con- *
gress is vested with like powers of dis
cretion in determining for itself, wbat
constitutes a new State; and this- it
claimed ns a necessary and. proper in
cident of the power to admit new
Slates. Il was by means of these most
unwarrantable assumptions.of discre
tionary power that the flagrant, wrong
upon your rights, aod the rights of-lbe
people of the slaveholding States, hsi
been perpetrated. , '
Bear in tpiml* there is n dis
tinction between the constitutional pow
er of Congress id create nr make and
the power to admit a new State, when
it is made. The citizcua of the Slates
moving to and residing in a terrudVy^of
and prepare’oor nocks for ih* yoke ofl ike Uniied §Wtc« acquiring an iolercil