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imwtRsn* 1 f GEORGIA LIBRARY J8t '■-■■r 1 '"■ riiuiiun... X:{yz* M, LAMPKIN. m DOLLABS l’Eil ANNVM INVARIABLY 1 r,v.-., . IN ADVANCE. j W' Altliooch onr term* «rc err* fc» br • weekly*! _ qaMnfiu r RATES OP ADVERTISING. Letters of Citation, $2 75 Notice to Debtors and Creditors,.. 3 25 Foot mouths’ Notices,..,... ................ 4 00 Sale of personal property, by Executor*, Admin* ion for Lette: P-Other advertisements will be c wry twelve lines, or less, first insi «Jfiwl|iM «iv present rn lowinggrm* uAmm/i, id 50 ill be charged a if© 53SW3, smairags, a® m© ©sasis&iL nairiBaBjiiisiss. NEW SERIES—VOL, I?:, NO. 8. edmjr six ATHENS, THURSDAY, OCT. 31, 1850. VOLUME XVIII. NUMBER 30 LETTER FROM GOV. TOWNS J CorrcrjHindcricc.] Spring Place, Murray Co. Ga. } September 20, IS50. ) Hit Excellency, , > GEORGE W. TOWNS. t)ear Sir: Many of your friend* in this section t>f ihc State have expressed much onx- —?f*y to know four views upon the ques tions that are now agitating the public mind, and we hope you will excuse the liberty wc have taken of propounding ¥' few questions 'upon which there •seems h be some conflict of opinion . among our public men, for wo hold that Khc pc«>jdc Iumto -a riukl to know lb«t views of those whom tney place in pow ers upon all matters affecting the puh iic welfare. Without further apology, vre desire an early answer to the follow ing questions: JJ*. 1st. Does the Act of the last Legis lature authorizing a call of a Convention, admit of n reasonable doubt as to your duty upon the admission of California alone 1 2d. Did not Congress in the admis sion of California, virtually enact the Wrlmoi proviso—or can Congress con stitutionally do that indirectly which it cannot do directly ? With your (lermission, we shall de sire to make your reply to these ques tions public for the satisfaction of you numerous friends. Very respectfully, your ob’t. serv’ts JAMES EDMONDSON, JAMES A. W. JOHNSON, C. E. BROYLES, J. A. R. HANKS, * ./ r WM. A. LOFTON. Milledoevillb, Ga. > October 3, 1850. $ Gentlemen : * •- The. answer to your letter of 20th ult., has been unavoidably delayed longer than I could have desired. In the demand I shall make upon four time, I would be pleased not to tran scend the limits prescribed by the mag nitude ol the subject, to which you have invited my attention. In confeiring with any portion of my fellow citizens upon the agitating questions of the day, lion with the subject _ under considera-1 to make many sacrifices for the Union, lion. In the ordinary transactions of Everything lean surrender but my boro human affairs, as well as'tlie investi gations which are of daily occurrence, involving private rights, experience has shewn, that there are often apparently remote and disconnected circumstances, without the aid of which, neither the truth could be attained, nor justice rded; and so, in the present most unhappy difficulty between the two sections of the Union, it becomes neces sary to examine into the relative con- fuel of the two sections toward each other, as sections of the sarne confeder- y ; as also, what acts.of oppression injustice have been peftwirated by the prtlpfe-Tir itfeir rej»f*!*lrdU»k»r«>» -jtj Congress by the one against the other This will readily occur to you as ob- sly proper, from the consideration that the very superstructure of this fed erative government of ours, this glo- Union, of which you may have heard something of late, from strange lips, rests solely upon puhiic confidence, and the affection of the people. Divest it of these pillars of strength, and the Government, with the .Union, is like the edifice built upon sand. You may prop it up, by your enlisted soldiery, and the shifting evolutions of youi sliding politicians, for a season, but the great and immutable principles of jus lice and equality, ate loo deeply im planted in every true Southern bosom, whether native or adopted, for the ter ror of the one or the devices'of the other, or the combined [tower of both, to stand long before the withering in dignation of nn outraged people. If this be true, let us see whether the Fed eral Government is, at this day isicred upon the principles of equality and justice which entitles it to the con fidence and affection of the people, and if it is not, I would feign call upon all, of every section of this Union, and pecially in the South, to rally upon I cause and my rights, undeniable and clear, under the constitution, I am prepared yield. But if the dreadful alterna tive is forced upon me to surrender these inestimable privileges, without which I would feel far more degraded than ( would to be a Russian serf, or a Mexican peon, 1 must confess my longue will not permit me to falsify tbe feelings not by Southern bands, burl by the fraud and heartless exactionaofithis sectional party of the non-slaveh^fding States ; and he who struggles in the defence of the present policy of the Federal Gov ernment, must prepare his mind to be content with shadow, while he surren ders the substance to his Northern brothers, not to characterize such a course in stronger terms. But without further digression, let of my heart, and I am forced to admit, inquire what is there in the character as an honest man, that the Government and conduct of the two sections of the most protect my rights as guaranteed to Union that justifies me ia the conclu- me by the constitution, ot it forfeits my sionsthat the foundation of the present allegiance—and that l will look to oth- disagreement between the North and er safeguards for my protection. What South, is radical, And, thvH herealter, as say you. gcui?e tm-««in -yotL- t-wwwyboih branch®* of''C&frgress will be heart, covet an unjust, iniquitous, and oppressive Union ? Do you so love your Northern brethren for their many virtues and acts of disinterested patriotism, that you are prepared to lorego the rights secured to you by your revolu tionary fathers, in order io preserve a Union, not of your fathers, but the Union of irresponsible, corrupt, and un feeling majorities in Congress? Gentlemen, we may patch up the breach between the slave and non-slave holding sections, the love of the Union may predominate and induce us to bear still longer the oppression of the govern ment, politicians are now busily engaged in that work; many for good and patri otic, but not a few from bad and un worthy motives; but tbe task will be utterly hopeless of preserving the Un ion of these States for a quarter of a cen tury longer, unless the Government is administered upon the great principles of the Constitution. And it ia because I have almost, if not entirely, despaired of ever, seeing this great and glorious object accomplished, that I trouble you with my reflections upon the subject. And this brings me gentlemen, directly i- to the question, whether there is just n I cause or sufficient reason to believe, these great fundamental principles of; that the Federal Government will not Govern menial equality between all tbe j be impartially administered in accor- parts, without which there can be nogood j dance with the principles of the Consli- Government, in order to preserve and j union. I apprehend it will not be de save “ the Union,” that glorious Union nied, that, according to the theory of of our fathers, which rested upon equal-1 our Government, the representative Composed of large majorities opposed to slavery and in favor of free soil doc trine. Need I repeat facts of daily , occur rence? Is the burning shame to be stated lor the thousandth lime, that' these Northern and North Western brothers of ours, steal our slaves, enter social circles and corrupt our do mestics, and when demanded as fugi- frora justice according to the Con stitution aud laws of Congress are re fused to be surrendered, upon the ground that it is no crime for our breth- of the North and North West to steal our negroes ? Have not more than Slate ot the North passed laws for bidding its citizens from affording aid to tbe Southern man in reclaiming his fugitive stave ? . and have not the judi cial authorities of said States sustained tbe legality of such laws, in direct con travention of an express provision of the Constitution? If these charges made by the South against the North be ity of privileges, equality of rights and equality of burthens. And may I not add, without.giving offence to any true Georgian, that they who dally in jfiis conflict and fold their arm*, or shut J in' which their honor and interest are identical with my own, you have a guar antee that 1 will speak with the frank- MU and freedom .bccafnpig tbe occur *bc •ion. ~ * ln.lhe performance of this obligation to you, I should have been pleased to have omitted much, that a regard to truth would not allow me to suppress. If my opinions shall be found of in terest or- profit to you, I shall be re warded for the labor in the preparation; if*not, I shall still have the gratification |o know that if it was your privilege to ask my opiuions upon these grave questions, it was mine to give them.— If.I correctly comprehend your wishes, it is not merely a negative or affirma tive answer to the questions, in il« form they are proposed, you desire, bui a general view of the grounds of differ ence between the Sooth ami the North, and the motives by which the people of the two sections are governed, which arc producing such wide spread dis content at this time in the former. To do this fairly, 1 feel myself constrained to notice what l regard as impor tant fuels, having a direct bearing upon the subject. ami w hich I am free to nd- r toil; I Congress reflects the views, feelings, and wishes of a majority of his constit uents. This should be so, and in prac tice may be safely assumed, although n-1 invariably correct,as the most reliable themselves. I apprehend also that it will -be generally conceded that tbe place of ’.heir nativity, and the answer will be, in a large number of cases, the North. Go to your office holders, your Judges, your members of the Legisla ture, of Congress, your county officers, and still you will find the adopted sons of Georgia, of northern birth, filling many of these important stations, 1 ad mit with pleasure, with credit to them selves and beuefit to the State. In this important fact, there is furnished much worthy of consideration. Surely it is not in this fraternal feeling, and the sen timents of generous erntidence mani fested for our northern frieuds who contend; it was exhibited in the Con-j our masters ; for if there is no limit or vention that framed our Federal Consti- : restriction on its power, whatever Con- tution—again in the so-called Missouri; gress may do in this respect, tnusi^ bo Compromise, and in the late Congress; and ii has never failed.to be exhibited, where it could be made to sting the South, lacerate its feelings, or deprive it of a right. Tbw sentiment will go on and in crease 'daily, becoming more arrogant and insupportable, until the Southern Slates will have to meet it by force, or unconditionally submit to its dictation, of the. q The man has studied the aggressive is given character of this Northern sentiment come to live among us, that some of j but little purpose, who can doubt the those who remain baliiud. will see a | truth of the conclusions here slated. justifipatioiCfor stealing par negroes, fori If it had a head or a heart that you defaming our character, for denying to j could approach by reasou, argument, or our accredited ministers of the Gospel j remonstrance, the hope might be indulg- the pulpit and communion table. In j cd of a returning sense of justice, and°a this connection, I have to remark, that; change, in this respect, be looked for; the character of the people of the two l but it rests upon no solid basis of moral sections, as derived trora facts that come j justice; if it did, it never could have to us so authenticated as to command j survived one hour of calm investigation, entire confidence, shew a peculiar and j aud would, long since, have been ban- marked dissimilarity. In the slave States, the extended hand aud open heart is felt by every Northern man or woman that comes Into our midst. Pa tronage in the various vocations of life, is at once tendered, confidence reposed and honors conferred. An absolute equality in all the social relations of life is everywhere visible. Whatever ap pertains to the rights of persons, prop erty or conscience, is equally awarded to the Northern man by birth, as the na tive Georgian. This is as it should be. This is the Union, so far ns the South is concerned, that was intended by our fathers. In these acts is found the fideli ty of our covenant with the North; the* clear conscienc^v true, to what feeling or sentiment are i streaming light of we to trace such brotherly conduct ?— That robbers and thieves are to be found in every State of the Union, is not to be denied ; but that you will find legislative enactments for die protection of the thief who robs his brother of a sister State, of his property, and seeks to avoid the legal consequence of his crime, by fleeing to such a State, where the Executive officer, Courts and Juries 1 , tlemen, you are not to understand are found ready, and do actually protect in what I have said, as desiring such felons, does exhibit to my mind, a j commending any change in the reccp- rooral feeling ot self-abasement beyond: lion and treatment of such of our north- isheil as a heresy. It rests upon a ha tred for the South, a feeling of jealousy at Southern prosperity, and a radical dissimilarity in the social condition of sections, and a universally aggressive disposition to tear down and demolish hatever they cannot fully monopolize and exclusively enjoy; and nothing, in ray opinion, has heretofore prevented an pen and undisguised outbreak by the lon-slaveholding upon the slave States, and a forcible attempt to abolish slavery, but the great business relations existing between the two sections, and the influ ence that capital has exerted upon the northern mind ; not from any regard for have we been spared- between the Northern man by birth the South; and the Seuthern man b^ birth at the North, and from this parison excite an enquiry and investiga tion in the public mind, that may be profitable to the people of Georgia, whether native or adopted. But, Gen- the hope of improvement. This state of the public mind in the North and North West, is the result of no temporary is Ihe growiji many years in some ot the States, and has at length acquired sufficient stretngb to control the public men and measures of the hole country. If any doubt this, let y^la^af tb4 mode of ascertaining l}ie popular will, government are undermining, are them-j upon important Questions that have selves, the worst enemies; to the Un- been duly considered by the people ton. The “Union” is not a sense less word, for party hacks, or heartless politicians to sport with. As applied to our Government, it means that vital element, which diffuses itself through out the constitution in the form of equal ity ami justice. That instrument em braces < be great principles of individ ual rights in the associated form of gov ernment. Its beauty, its perfection, and its strength, consist mainly in the faci, that the citizen is deprived, or rather restrained in the exercise of such of his natural rights only, as his own safety and welfare demand, and no c _ „ more. In a government thus organized j onr fears, and reconcile us tothe present souri Compromise in the House of Rep tile citizen can and should repose con-1 conditions of things. The falsification ' resentatives, as a permanent settlement fidence; be should feel for it the pro-1 of the actual state of the Northern ! of this question, if my memory is cc feundesi regard. But ns the govern- | mind on the subject of slavery, f.la- ! rect, is now found aclive;and zealous ment consists of the written declare- j ment to say, is loo often successfully his support of the principles of the free lion of the'£rani of powers'op the one j played off. 1 r i- hand, and inhibitions of'powers tothe] Whigs and Democrats, in the South, people on the oilier, all of which con-1 are made to believe that upon the pre- t%» the principle before laid down, I servation of a close organization of the * * -j « • two great political parties. North' and South, into which the country is divid ed security. Wc arc again and again assured, by men holding high places in the govern ment of the Union, that it is dangerou subject of North American slavery, its I them reter to the journals of the two amelioration, its restriction to certain j houses of Congress and point out the geographical limits* and its total aboli-j Senator or Representative that voted lion, now or presently, immediately or against the admission of California from prospectively, have been tbe subjects ol j a non-slaveholding Stale. Even Gen. thorough investigation by all. classes of i Cass of non-intervention memory, altera the people of lhe_ non-slaveholding ! flourish of words, in a long speech, at Stales; and that there exists among the opening of the late session, defining them, but one feeling, and one senti- 1 his position, has came up to the require ment of universal hostility to the insli- ments of his constituents, and voted for . tution in all its relations. This last 1 the admission of California into the proposition may be denied, and I know Union. So of Senator Douglas, after 1 is sometimes disputed, in order to quiet having a few years ago, offered the Mis- w But on the other hand, if Con gress may transcend its powers in the admission of new Slates, and thereby do an unconstitutional act, is there any mode or tribunal provided by the con stitution, by which the question of pow er, or the^constitulionality of the act of admission can be tested ? I am free to admit that I tlo not suppose that is one questions over which jurisdiction w ;n to the Federal Judiciary, for the reason, that the question of com petency by Congress, and the question ot right by California, to her place in the Uuion.tjrtj.purely political aud not jndiciafr if iW'Jqchciafy cannot "take Jurisdiction, does it vest in auy other department of the Government, or else where ? aware it may he contended that the power vested in Congress by the Constitution to admit new States, is dis cretionary, and the abuse of such pow- only be reached through the ballot box. To test the correctness and efficiency of this doctrine, suppose a majority of the next Congress should be opposed to the admission of Cali fornia as a Slate into the Union, and should repeal the lata act admitting it as a State, would it be valid ? Would California be remanded to the condition of a Territory of the United States, or would ahe still remain in the Union ?— Without expressing anyopiuion on this point, I may safely assume that unless such would be the result, the ballot box is no remedy for the abuse of pow er by Congress in the admission of a New State into the Union. Where . but from _ tender sympathy and foateryW care foh.then is it to be found? If not in the and the evidence of our good faith. I^.their own preservation—andihe addi^ judiciary, the ballot box, or Congress, have attempted to shew the difference, »tional reason, that this sentiment of feeM for no one supposes it to rest with the *ng. conscious of the baseless fabric opj Exccuti ir£ ing, consciou on which it i haust all other means to accomplish object, before a resorts had to open olence, where the oppressed and the op pressor meet in bloody conflict. Truth and candor compel me to ad mit, in view of the past, from the best consideration I have been able to bes tow upon the motives and objects of this great northern mind in relation to slave ry, that I consider the concessions made by Congress to this sentiment, by the passage, at the preseut session, of the series of measures called the Compro mise hilts, have effertuany secured its long sought object, the ultimate ac complishment of the abolition of slavery in every slave State in this Union—and that too, in less than a fourth of a centu ry from this day, unless restrained by the united action of the South. This opinion may he scouted by some for whom I cherish the kindest feelings ; by others, it may be regarded as rank treason and an undisguised blow at the Union ; for such, self respect leaves me no word of reply. For the accuracy ol my conclusions, I claim nothing orer the humblest of the tain the equal rights pf their adopted ! land. For the purity of motive and the home, in this confederacy, with a moral j truthfulness of the warning I am now at- courage, and indomitable will, that tempting to give, I am content to abide * that severe ordeal to which all men hastening, and to coming events. w absolute; its rests, will ever seek to ex^ will, once pronounced, is irrevocable, friends as come among us to live, to share our prosperity, and to reap our adversity. And though l am free to admit our confidence is often abused, and by our fosterfng care, we but warm and invigorate the adder, the deeper to sink the poisoned fang in our boson belter this should be so, than by a row, mean, selfish and sectional policy, we should exclude from our midst the industrious, upright and noble man or woman ol pure character, of enlarged views, and cultivated mind, who, under tbe bond of our Union, is entitled toour fraternal regard, protection and support, and I will add, not merely as an act of justice, but with the greatest pleasure, many such now, as in former time, are eady and prepared to assert and . gladly avoid, if I felt i it is obvious, that individuals my sell at liberty to do so; but I regard iquired to perform the various agencies it due to truth, to n clear and distinct | thus created. Aud this brings us to the understanding of the character and fix-j point, that, after nil, the government, ed purposes of ihe people with whom j as well as ihe Union, it ihe two are ca- we have to contend, to bring them in pable of a separate existence, depends review, though sensible I shall thereby : upon, the virtue and wisdom of the pub- draw down upon mysell the deunncia-, lie agents entrusted by .lhe people in tious ol those, who can sec no virtue, or carrying it on; The most necessary patriotism in warning the South of its and just laws, in the hands of a eor- dangcr, and urging upon its people in 'rupt.judiciary, ate blit so rrttany engines! confidence, that the Northern part}-, take wise nnd efficient steps to resist it. of oppression ; and so of the other de-1 formed upon geographical distinctions, Be this ns it may, with a heart' truly “pan ments of the government. The of-: is composed comparatively of a few Southern, a devotion to her social .or- fiqe of President.of the United States, brawling and nnimportant fanatics aud ganixation, her laws, customs and knh-in the hands of a bad and wicked roan,! abolitionists—deserving but little con- ilfinml never yet having deserted her is bat another name lor despotism ; i sideration, whether regarded as to tratn- standard, knowingly, or quailed beneath and tbe Co«grtes«f »b«r United States, tiers, or tbeir influence upon public met* -the fiowns nlihe threatening hosts ibal. when under Providence, it is composed j or measures. have been arrayed against her equal of unprincipled and corrupt politicians. We are reminded too that the Father rights in this confederacy, I should feel ia the mosi unwieldy,. dangerous, and j of bis country warued us against the or- scorns to shame the truckling of South ern sons to Congressional oppression. But gentlemen, a plain, unvarnished ^ , history oftbc gross insults and audacious soil party, by refusing to divide Califpr-1 aggressions by the people of the non- nia on the line ol the-Missouri Corapro-! slaveholding, upon the feelings and raise. But it may be said that this con- ] rights of the citizens of the slaveholding duct ol our Northern brothers is pro- j States, would require more lime, and voked by bad faith on our part. I do! occupy more space, than I have at my not know that Northern audacity itself command to devote to this subject. I alone lobe found our strength and has become so bold, but still we will have alluded to some, and will advert institute the enquiry. Has the South to others, but must content myself by in a single instance violated any provi-; passing over a series of wrongs, mani- sion of the Federal Constitution to de- lest exhibitions of bad temper and a to- prive the North of its property! Has tal disregard for all that- fraternal feel- tothe liberties of the people io organize i any one of the Southern Slates passed ing, that should exist between tbe dif- great parties upoii'gcograph«cal limits ;! laws for the express purpose of protect- . ferent sections of the country, which hile it is asserted, with some apparent j ing, much less encouraging, its citizens have displayed themselves in tbe North i’ however corrupt, illegal, and oppres- 1 sive, or the remedy is io be found out side of the constitution. To suppose any department ol this Government is absolute, or to speak more correctly, to admit the doctrine that Congress can pass laws limited only by it^discretion, which approved by the President, aro unalterable and unchangeable through all time, and which are binding and ob ligatory upon all the people of the sev eral States, clearly concedes that the framers of the Constitution have fas tened upon the cbubiryTfbey intended to be free, a despotism far more hate ful than the absolute will of n monarch. What tyranny it so oppressive as that imposed by majorities, with no limit or restriction ? Where rests the remedy, for the abuse of power by Congress in tbe admission of new States into the Union? The answer is,it it cannot be found in either rhe Legislative, Execu tive or Judicial Departments of Govern ment, or the ballot box, it rests with the people of tbe several States precise ly to the same extent, they enjoyed the right to change and repeal uujust; and oppressive laws as States before tbe Constitution was formed. Either ibis is so, or the right by a people to . re dress wrongs, inseparable from all good Government, was banished by. the ad option of the constitution. U either Nor will l withhold the declaration on opuon oi me uiiwuiumuh. u «uw» this occasion, admitting my pride of| rests with, the people of the several ilhat 1 had made a poor requital fur the. crushing despotism, that human in- tnany honors conferred open me by the gemiity could devise. The only guard people of my native Stale, if in this the against these dire calamities is suppos- bour of her extremity, there was any ed to rest in a written constitution de- danger {po great forme to hazard, »o fining power, the virtue, and wisdom preserve her constitutional rights, and of the people themselves ami in tbe sup- «quality in this confederacy. • j position that they will hurl from power You have directed my attention main-* corrupt or incompetent official agents. 1j to two questions: r But. as I think I shall .txTablc to shew, 1st. “ Does the act of the last Le|is- this is not so in age seciiOnof the Union, — -Itlure authorizing a call of a Convention and we are not likely, in my judgment, admit of a reasonable doubt as to my’ to see the time, when any improvement’, ■ duty upon the admission of California rin this respect,-taay be- reasonably an- alone?" j ticipated.ihrn we come to the question I , 2d. “ Did not Congress in the adrais- ] desire to propound to you, and - to 'the ♦foo of California, virtually enact the ; people of Georgias who ia.ihfc Union Wilmci Proviso; or can Congress con-, partyjof ibis State ? Ji it composedof stilotionally do that indirectly which it you and qteand such as would restore cannot do directly ?** - i tbe Government to its original purity-— In my answer, I will reverse the or- j those who.desire to arrest the lawless ^ler in which they are stated ; premia- encroachments of thfrinfuriated lanati- ing, however, that no doubt did exist cisra wbichdtavePurged on irresponsi- In my own mind by the act of the Leg- .bte majorities in both Houses of Con^ Islaturr, it was tirade my imperative du- gress to the bold and tmdisguisetL as- l JL Cal1 3 Convention of the people, sumption of power, by which our feel- , in the event of the admission into the ings and equal, rights have been violat- Umon of California with her present ed I Qr is it composed of those, who Constitution. 1 have before remarked, shout for the' “ Union,** now .and for- (bat it would be my duty to advert to- ever, - right or wrong, though it should ■_ some unwelcome facts illusiraiivg of the appear that Congress has wilfully and character of the people of the slave and corruptly passed laws depriving them pon-slavcholding States, before I enter r ot their equal -rights in the territory edunonn rpnlvln vniir Inn, • : J C U Q signs of the secjio»ral party thusorgani cd, known as.thehee soil party oflhe Un ion, If I should make good theue two ^ % . j propositions, I shall have shewo that the ed upon a reply to your last question, acquired of Mexico f . Union which the Father of his Country and which, in-my judgment, bavo a] For myself! feel, and I doubt not you I commended to our constant and vigi- i the violation of the criminal laws of; toward the social organization, indut- the non-slaveholding States? Have the trial pursuits, and habits of the South Southern States refused to surrender its j from an early period in the history of citizens upon demand charged with the ! our government. . violation of the criminal laws of either 1 It would be vain to diguise the fact, of the Northern States? In these re- j that until a period, commencing about, spects, at least, the has kept its j or shortly alter, the time limited by the fntth. But again, has it ever been de-; constitution of the Coiled States lor tbe aied to a Northern man his right to importation of African slaves, which come to a Southern Slate and bring with trafic was almost exclusively conduct- and enjoy whatsoever property he cd by Northern men, and carried on by pleased, provided it was regarded as j Northern capital, little or no complaint properly in the State from whence it, was heard in that quarter against came ? Btit how different is the case slavery; and it is a fact illustrative of with the Georgian, whether native or jNorthren character in this respect, adopted, who. visits, much less goes worthy of remembrance, that their ab- with the view of making a permanent; horrence of the institution of slavery, residence in a Northern State. In the; their keen insight nnd aptitude forcoro- former case, bv the laws of Georgia,! prehending its evils, took ils.origin just ganization of parties upon sneb princi ples, and enjoined upon us, in his Fare well Address, “to. Irown indignantly upon the first dawningof every attempt came ? t alien ate any portion of our country m the rest, or to impair the sacred ties which now (then) link together the various parts.” With what consummate effrontery . ^ the sacred teachings of the immortal 1 the Northern man with his properly of, about the time when this trafic in slave Washington are invoked in this respect, let facts be submitted to the impartial mind ; and il my judgment is not at fault, yon will agree with me, 1st, that the North and not the South hasnrgan- ised a party embodying, in a most re markable degree, moral force, as well as pumerical strength, upon the avowed anu undisguised"principle that slavery (the institution of the South.) shall not now or hereafter be permitted to exist upon any* territory tbe property ofthe Government. 2d.*That the Federal Go vernment, ia its Executive and Legisla tive departments, is now administered, and must continue,to be administered upon every fair, principle of reasoning, in strict accordance witbthepolicy andde- whatever description, coming among us, < ceased to be profitable, to them, and is equally protected with the native [slave labor was no longer itr demand at citizen, whereas the slave of the Geor- jthe North. When the North had sold the North,ds-wrested from him I and put off, upon the middle and Sourh- ' ern States, for a valuable consideration, negro slaves, we 6rst hear of any se ns disrelish for the' institution;'but since then, to the-present moment. by stealth or force. Look again at an other most significant lact. Go to the North, and point out tbe Southern man by birth, who holds office of trust or profit, .who is the Professor in, or Presi dent of a College, who is called io offi ciate as the Pastor ol a respectable Church—who is the Conductor of. a public journal, or is employed in their respectable schools? I do i» say there are no such instances to w found, but they are doubtless very raro But how is it in the South? andflh Georgia, l presume, is hut a fair exam^ pie of the whole, I invite your attention to tbe state of things among us. Go to your merchants, your professional men, your teachers in. your Academies, male and female, your, professors and presi dents of colleges, your divines,, and ed . » J g—6-iivh,. n; lUjTSCII I llcl, wUU l UUUUl UUk juu buuiwcuutu w “ • *o* ; _ ® J , , r I , . . , • ■ V■ most important and intimate fonnec- will agree with me, that I am prepared I lant support, baa been rent asunder, nor* of newspapers, and ask them the soil party, aqd with which we have to there has existed, and will continue to exist, unless arrested by the South, a fixed purpose on the part of the North, to harass the slaveboldjwg portion the Union, until tbe Nortrorn characi I mean tbe unqualified, northern character, (for there are gradi in the north very dissimilar in all thi is manly,) shall be changed ? an eVei to be looked for, in my opinJtA, ahoi as soon as the Leopard will be j change bis spots.. It is this principle of northern char acter—-ibis indomitable never ending, unrelenting, grasping* malicious and destructive element that forms ihefFee- opinion to be as strong as others, menlous, gloomy, and alarming do I consider the situation of the South at this lime, by the late extraordinary and unjust legislation by Congress in refer ence to the territories, that I do most ar dently hope that roy fears may prove groundless, and my opinions erroneous. Taught to love the Union, from my in fancy—to look to the Government with pride and admiration, as the purest and wisest ever devised by man, the thought that that Government—so much revered in the purity in which it came from our fathers, in less than three fourths of a century, should be converted into a mighty instrument tor oppressing ihc minority by the majority, is a reflection that must fill tbe stoutest heart with deep and abiding sorrow. In what has been brought to your no tice, enough perhaps has.been said to satisfy you that a decided majority of the people ol the North and Northwest are united in one common sentiment and ulterior object, the abolition o! slavery in the Slates. But if more required, let us examine the act of Con gress admitting California into the Un ion, and the citcumstances attending it, And first: la the admission of Cnli fornia a fraud upon the Constitution oi not? and if a fraud, is the South bound by ibis act .of Congress? if not bound, what is the mode and measure of re dress ? These arc important inquiries, and wc should approach them with great care.and consideration; for if Congress, in the admission of Califor nia, has done no wrong to the slavehold ing States, it there lutis been nn aboseof power in that act dangerous to our equality and Tights under tbe confede racy, by a corrupt ^abandonment of duty, and a.failure to perform a solemn con stitutional obligation, we . are .bound-, as good citizens, to cease our opposition to it, though other grounds may remain ->pc n, claiitri ng ou r a oi m at! version. I concede that Congress has the pow er to admit new States into the Union ; there no limit or restriction on >ngress in ihe exercise oT this pow er? 0c in other"' words, can Congress by the admission n f. n ' s lale transcend its authority, .or do on unconstitutional act? ,‘1P jt cannot^ the re is an .end to ibe question, and we tnay set to work States, in the capacity of Slates, docs not exist; and it would be worse than idle to say that any people are, or be free, except in name, who aro bound, in all coming time, by the un- Iterablc enactments of Congress with io other limitation on its puwers than its discretion. Look to the facts and circumstances, which have become a part of the Con gressional history of this country, con nected with the admission of Cali fornia as a State into the Union; and let us see, from that record of passing events, what security for our rights is to be found in the unbridled discretion contended for by some to exist in Con gress in tbe admission of new States. The language of ihe constitution is: “New Stales may be admitted by Con gress into the Union !” Under this provision, Congress claimed and exer cised the discretionary power to de* cide, first,—That ihc Territory of Cal ifornia was a new State, and secondly, under the Constitution she present ed, should be admitted into the Union. And this il is urged, is perfectly con sistent, anti within the legitimate range of a salutary, unavoidable and-indis pensable discretion over this matter, by Congress and cannot be inquired in- juesiioned, or remedied, hr any i whatsoever. How did Congress e at the conclusion that California a State ? What clause of the Con stitution, gives Congress discretion over this quest ion ? It is no where to bo fouod. But it.ia contended, that ns the Congress may admit new Slates into this Union, upon its discretion^ - Con- * gress is vested with like powers of dis cretion in determining for itself, wbat constitutes a new State; and this- it claimed ns a necessary and. proper in cident of the power to admit new Slates. Il was by means of these most unwarrantable assumptions.of discre tionary power that the flagrant, wrong upon your rights, aod the rights of-lbe people of the slaveholding States, hsi been perpetrated. , ' Bear in tpiml* there is n dis tinction between the constitutional pow er of Congress id create nr make and the power to admit a new State, when it is made. The citizcua of the Slates moving to and residing in a terrudVy^of and prepare’oor nocks for ih* yoke ofl ike Uniied §Wtc« acquiring an iolercil