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About The Georgia Jeffersonian. (Griffin, Ga.) 18??-18?? | View Entire Issue (March 9, 1854)
VOL. XV. THE liOUGH JPFERSONfiK. ,9 published kvert Thursday morning B¥ WILLIAM CLINE, At Two Dollar* and Fif*F?Cents pci? an niun*rTwo Dollars paidlin advance. A.WKRTISKMKNTS arc jnsor'oil lit O.Vfi FAR rv , r aw 4 FIFTY CE.VTS per square, Tor path insertion A r-as<r i> .* i!ed Hoi ion “ill he miulc to tliosr tvlin a'lver'i- : lv tlie year. Alt r.S'f .fMCinents not ..tiierwise ordered, will I•# car r 1 ’!’ ed till lurtiiri. . . . 5 r r ALES OF I.AXDS l>y A iimunrt rotors, Kx'f‘ dors or Gmnliiins tire reauircl 1” >w to be l.eidnnttie tirsl Tuesday in the month, between the tio.iv!> o’ ten in the forenoon amt three in the afternoon, at the Coirl-tlnne, in the county in which the land is situated. Notion of Liese saK must lo given in a public gazette FvRTY I A > t.r>”ion'> ttie dnv ofsale. , ,? ir F $ OF XEGROF.S must he made at p.ib |i,. auction on the first Tuesday ot the month, be ( tween .he i.mtl hours of sate, at the p ace ol pub j.,. st !cs m the count v where tho lettirs le. a Men’vry, of A-Wmir=ition or bnv.beeu j.ran!ed; first giving F ORTi LA 1 notieo tl,e:.-ot'in one of the public gaze.tes ol .li S'a". an i at l In* court house where such samarsi ‘■'rWceh.rthe sale of Personal Property must : - rr Ven in like manner FORTY DAYS previous ♦ loe dav of sale. . _ . Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an cstr.te must be published FOR 7 Y DAYS. ~ Notice itvat application will he mndeto t ic Court Ordinary for leave to sell land must t>c pun li?h*>rl for ’TWO -MO<S TllS, Notice lor leave to sell negroes must hr p<.f,’:s'ied TWO MOM'THS before any order ab po'ulc shall be made thereon by the Court. CFT IT 10 VS for Letters of Administration must he published THIRTY DAYS; for Dismission Coin Administration, monthly sis months; .or Pic nise>n from Guardianship, eorty day-. ftnle< fori he ‘.foreclosure ol Mortgage must he *Se.l MONTHLY FOR four mi.KTHS, ejtnh osl.:og lost papers, lor the full space of th,.ek months; for coin filing titles tro.n Lxecuto. ois A i o!:iis r rators,wheie a hornl hnsoccn JMUnli) 1 „ . a0,... a -ed lb- foil soaee r>t thrf.e_mon2HH— mWWU OF MR. RENT, OF GEORGIA, € n iSie Koinastead Bill, J)-live red in the llju se of Representatives, Tuesday, Feb. 21 st. 1854 Mr. DEN T. V‘ r - Chairman, repre senting, os i do, ia part, oim of the sove reign btates of the Union, I feci it to be , nT duty not to let this Homestead bill iium without stating my objections to it. 1 have waited, with great patience, in the hope that some .other gentleman from Georgia would secure the floor, and do more justice to this subject than 1 can hope to do. Doing entirely anew member, and unaccustomed to the proceedings of legis lative bodies, i have felt at a loss to know how to proceed to obtain the floor to sneak in opposition to the . bill I have desired that this bill should be opposed by someone from Georgia, because the peo ple of that Slate nre opposed to it \ have no notes, ami my remarks on t.ie present occasion must be rather disjointed; I JU t I propose to enter my protest against the pending proposition for the disposition of the public lands now beforo this com mittee. lam < pposed to the homestead biil for various reasons it is unjust and unequal. It proposes to give that which belongs to the sovereign States and people j of this confederacy to a set of individuals, j who, perhaps, are a* little worthy to re ceive it as any other class on the conti nent, if I remember the language of the bill, it, in effect, really invites the pauper population of Europe to eomo and take possession of our public lauds. j|r. DAWSON. I beg leave to cor rect the gentleman in that There is nothing in the bill holding out induce ments to the population of Europe. Its! provisions are exclusively confined to those who are now citizens and residents of the States and I erritories of the United States. Mr. DENT. A friend has just handed me a copy of the bill, and 1 find the fol lowing to be its language: ‘ : Sec. C. And be it further enacted, That if any j individual, now a redolent of any one of the k.a-.es ; or 1 • rriioik*, un<i nut a citizen of tho United! Stale-, but, at tile tunc of making euch n; plication j for the benefit of this act, shall have filed a deem- j ration ol intention a* required by rtie naturaliza tion lows ol the UuitcU alalc*, tind shall become a citizen ol the dunie before, the issuance ot tlie pa tent, as made ami provided tor in t.-ns act, shall be pLccd upon no equal fooling with tlie nativc-oorn i citizen ol the United SUles.” There is no limitation in the bill. Its operation is to be perpetual, and &3 soon as the pauper population are informed that iu this country, to which they are na turally disposed to come, such a law ha3 been passed by the American Congress, our shores will be lined with millions of them. Mr. D UVSON. I only interrupt the geutlcman to turn his attention to the language of the bill He seems to have overlooked the words ‘mow resident,”— ‘1 ho provisions of the bill are exclusively eon fined to tiiose who arc now citizens or now residents of the States or Territories. Mr. DENT. Very well; then ten years hence—for this bill makes no limitation as Iw the length of time it is to be in force— those emigrants who come here from Eu rope within the next live years will then be citizens’ of the United States, and con sequently entitled to the benefits of this homestead law. Mr. DAWSON. Not at all. T 1 e gfn? tleman from Georgia labors under a great luigappreheusion as to the effect of the bill. Mr. DENT. Very well; if I be mis taken, I am willing to be corrected by the gentleman from Pennsylvania Mr. SMITH, of Virginia, (interrupt iug ) I desire to state a few words in re ference to this matter. I suppose the gen tleman from Pennsylvania certainly does not mean to coniine the operation of this bill to those persons who are now in the United States; because every body knows that the principle to be adopted, that the same argument which would carry this bill iu favor of those who are citizens of the United States to-day, would also be carried out in favor of those who come here to-morrow. The principle embodied here, would, if settled, apply as well to those who come hereafter as those who are here at present. Mr. DAWSON. ‘I lie only answer 1 have to this objection is, that there is no provision iu the bill which confers its ben efits on any other than those who are now citizens or residents of she United States As to what the Congress of the United States may hereafter do on the subject is a matter for Congress itself to decide. Mr. DENT. Ido not recognize tho right of any gentleman on this floor to in terrupt me while 1 am addressing the com-; mittcc; aild I wish to be distinctly under stood that it is no want of courtesy on my ! part, when I object to these interruptions. Still, if I make any erroneous statement, lam willing to be corrected. Tut lam speaking extemporaneously, without note', iand therefore do not wish to be inter rupted. In rising at this time, Mr Chairman, 1 wish it. simply to go before tlie House and the country, that there is at least one re presentative on tiiis floor from the sove reign State of Georgia who is opposed to the distribution —the disposition that is now attempted to be made—-of the public lands; not only in reference to this home stead bill, but your great Pacific Railroad enterprize, your railroad grants; and in a word, to every measure that is now pend ing before this House to dispose of the public lands, except to that one which proposes to relieve the soldiers who fought and bled to acquire these territories, who served their country when she was in dan ger: , who stood by herein the hours of trouble I understand the principle which j re vails in some of tho connnitteejrooms. I understand the feeling in this House which prompts members to refuse justice to those who, by the best right, are entitled to these lands, while they arc ready to give them to tlie pauper population of Europe, and to that class of men who are too lazy to work for the land necessary to provide themselves a home. But, it is proposed to give away the land to the great rri’ oad companies; it is proposed in this republican country to build up an aristocracy of wealth, by ta king away that which is common to us all, and giving it to a few companies. Sir, I object to the whole of this unjust and un equal system. The public lands are the common property of all the sovereign States, and should not thus be alienated. The constitution of tho United States—if, from my reading, I recollect it aright— says, “that Congress shall have the pow er to dispose of the public lands, and to make all needful rules and regulations in reference thereto.” But, in the same clause, it goes on to say, “that Congress si all do in act which shall be prejudicial to the United States, or to any State of the Union.” Now, sir, if you take the public lands, and divide them up between new States, with a view that they may then give them’ to railroad companies, do you not do an act which is unjust—which militates a gainst the interests of some of the States of the Union? What, then, is to become of the rights wlrch the o f States have to the public domain? Would you, sir, if you were a parent, having thirty one children, divide your vast estate between the young est twelve, and cut off from a share in it those who helped you to make your for tune, and to accumulate il? Would you, I say, give all your property to the twelve j youngest children, and deprive the rest of ‘your family of that which, you had ac quired by their co-operation? That is precisely the argument brought in hero. Gentlemen argue that by giving to those railroad companies this amount of public land, you thus enrich the whole country. 1 object to it. I object to the doctrine advocated on this floor, that Con gress owns, or that the Government is the proprietor of, the public domain. It is not tho proprietor, it is but the agent, the common agent of the sovereign States, and as such, can exercise only certain del egated powers which have been given to it. Further than that it cannot go. What would you think of a parent who should make such a disposition of his cs-/ tate? What would you say of a guardian j j who should give to twelve of his wards; ! tlie whole estate, leaving the nineteen] penny less upon the world, and then say he i has made tlie whole family rich? You j would take him up and put him into a j lunatic asylum. Justice is the parent of j peace. Gentlemen representing the old thirteen ! States, and indeed any State in which the j public lauds do not lie, do themselves and j their States great injustice to allow a set jof gentlemen to come i:i upon this floor j and make a kind of log-rolling business of these matters. The homestead bill is a<l-1 vocated by some, and grants to railroads by others. I understand that something like a hundred bills, of this latter charac ter, are now pending before both branches of Congress. The original land system of this country is good. It has worked well, ’ and my doctrine is to let well enough a iloue. if you proceed to give lands to i some roads, to some States, and to some i companies, upon the same principle you j may proceed to give the balance to other companies and other States, which will be soon knocking at your door, asking for land. And if you continue thus to give away, in a short time you will have dis posed of the whole public domain of the country. Sir, the public lands are the wealth of this nation. 1 have always been opposed to tho distribution of the proceeds of the public lands. Being a Democrat, I stand with the Democratic party. 1 understand that the doctrine of tiie Democratic par ty is that we must hold on to the public domain, and not dispose of it; neither to divide it between the States nor the pro ceeds of the sale thereof. That was the original Democratic doctrine, and 1 see no reason why it is not good doctrine to-d iy. If, sir, wc proceed to give away the public domain, wc deprive the Treasury of the money which would naturally flow into it from the proceeds of the sale of such public lands. But is said that these lands do not yield anything to the coun try. I understand, if I recollect right, that the President of the United States in his late message informs us that nearly fifty-four millions of net proceeds from their disposition have been deposited iii the National Treasury. That amount of money has gone to support the Army, to support the Navy, and to carry on the great machinery of the General Govern ment. That much less, then, was required to be levied and raised by a tariff. My doctrine has been , and the demaud THE GEORGIA JEFFERSONIAN. GRIFFIN, (GA.) THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 9, 1854. of my people has been, free trade. We want to keep the public lands, to be sold as the people demand them for settlement. We want the proceeds thereof to go into the public ‘Treasury, and thus do away ] with the necessity of having a protective ( tariff, or bring our tariff to a low stand ! nrd. That i:i what the people of this country want. The great body of the American people want free trade They want the world as a market, in which to sell the products of their soil. Keep your public lands; let them be sold as the wants of the people require, whether they be foreigners or citizens. ] am glad to see tlie people of other coun tries who have no homes in the old world come and take possession of lands here under the laws and constitution of the country. We have in our possesion a vast public domain, and I am glad to see them settle upon it, and cultivate it. Justice is the parent of peace, and he that does not take care of his own household is worse than an infidel. Wc should first take care of our own people. First of all we should take care of those patriotic men who made this “the land of the free and the home of the brave,” and those who stood so gallantly by the flag of the country in the second war of independence—the war of 1812—some of whom have never received an acre of land for their services. There arc instances where men who volunteered, or drafted, marched to the rendezvous, entered into the service of their country, actually en gaged in service for twenty-nine days, but who have been excluded from any benefit under the celebrated law of September 28, 1850. Pay your debts with yonr pub lic lands. You owe a debt of honor to your old soldiers. Pay it with the public lands, so far as they can liquidate any portion of it. First and foremost, above all things connected with the public lands, 1 hold that the soldiers of the war of lbl2 should be paid. You give the soldier who served thirty days in tho war of 1812 forty acres of land, while you give a man who served in the Mexican war less than a month, if he was honorably dis charged, one hundred and sixty acres When the country becomes powerful, and is abundantly supplied with munitions of war to fight a half-civilized puny race of men, you give those soldiers who served less than a month one hundred and sixty acres of land, while those who served in the war of 1812, when the country was weak and feeble, and when we were con tending with a great and powerful nation, that prided itself upon being mistress of the seas, you give but forty acres of land. Proposition after proposition have been before different committees of the House and have been introduced into the House I for the relief of these men; but they have found but few friends. I have been a silent member of the House, yet a constant observer, and I find that the great idea howls, that ail the va rious railroad bills and the homestead bun combe bids are included under one gene ral arrangement, by which if you tickle me, I will agree to tickle you. I have seen enough to know that some of the great railroad interests of this country have the legislatures of several of our ■ sovereign States almost in their breeches pockets. 1 hope such is not the case in this House, and that uo extraneous, out side influences of this character have been brought to bear upon us here; but that wc will legislate upon this matter of the public lauds as becomes American states men. Your public lands should be held sacred. Gentlemen argue, that by giving rail roads alternate .-ections of land, they in crease the value of the lands remaining unsold, and that the government does not lose anything by the operation I hold that all the railroads which it is /necessary to have bait—all the great i lines of railroad—will be built by private enterprise. If lam right in making this assertion, then let these private companies go on ami build their railroads, and let the government sell all their lauds at j $2 50 an acre; or, in other words, if it is to be a speculation upon the part of the I government if the government is to make money by giving away one half of the land, and selling the other at $2 50 per acre—if these railroads are worth so much, it would be better for the government to build the roads out of its own funds, and then sell all the lands for $2 50 per acre. | But, sir, it is not the policy of this coun try to put the price ol our ’ public lands at $2 50 per acre. A humane and gene rous policy has always characterized the course of this government with reference to the disposition of the public domain. It has been our policy to give these lands to poor people cheap. A dollar and a quar ter an acre is a low price, and with that price the settler is content. Your preemption laws have been dicta ted by a humane policy. Under them the poor man who takes possession of a quar ter section of land in the deep wilds of the far West, and has not the money to pay for it, is protected in his right to the title, and time is given him to make the money from the proceeds of his farm. This is the true policy of Government, and to change it is, in iny opinion, wrong. If you pass this homestead bill, and give a portion of yonr public domain away to settlers, and the balance of the various railroads, reserving a little for the great Pacific, ini a short time you will find that you have killed the goose that laid the golden egg. It will all be gone. Gentlemen talk about keeping this land out of the hands of speculators Why, sir, that is out of the question. Humane as it may be to give the poor man this land, yet if you compel him to live upon it five years, no Georgian would thank you for tiie gift. No, sir, they are too proud —too high-spirited to accept the gift with any such reservation or restriction. If you will give it to him without condition, he will be obliged to you for it, and will ac cept it, provided all his countrymen share alike with him; but no true American citi zen would thank you for the gift of one hundred and sixty acres of wild land, if you had dictated to him terms by which you would compel him to live upon it for live years. By the terras of tiiis bill, if the settler absents himself for six months, on account of sickness, or from any cause, he loses his right to the land. Sir, this bill is Wrong in principle. The Constitution of the United States does not authorize Congress so to dispose of the pub lic lands. Congress may, and it is its du ty, to dispose of the public lands, but it must do so in an impartial mariner. We .are all interested in their Tsp- ; tion. The people of every State, fidnl Maife to Geor gia, from California to Virginia, are all equally interested. The sovereign States of this Union are, each and every one of them, interested in this matter. I am willing to make some alterations in our present laws. This bill, even, might be so perfected, and put in such a shape as to meet my approbation; but I have no expectations that sucli changes will be made as will induce me to vote for it. 1 may vote for giving these lands for the construction of several railroads for which they are asked, but before I shall do so, there must be something done to make the benefit applicable to all sections of the country. There must be some compro mise made. Compromises have become to be very fashonable at this day, I am not, however, much of a compromise man. I believe in administering the government according to the plain letter and intent of the constitution. But if compromises are to be made, I ask for sucli a compromise in reference to these lands as will give the old States a fair share to divide a por tion of ilm common property of us all.— Let those gentlemen, therefore, who want the votes of the Georgia delegation for this measure, I am not authorized to speak for tlie whole State of Georgia, but 1 may speak for tlie people 1 represent, and I think in this matter I speak the sentiments of a large majority of the people of the whole State—l say, let those gentlemen prepare a plan by which the old States, and the citizens of the old State3, may be benefitt-cd as well as theyicw States, if they wish to got our votes. It is impossible for me to recollect the precise amount, but a very large amount of land— a hundred and thirty million of acres perhaps—has already been given away to about fourteen of the States of this Union. A large amount of land has thus been disposed of. I wish it to be distinctly understood, that I uever will vote a single dollar for the construction of a Pacific railroad; nor do 1 believe that any Statesriglit man can vote a single dollar out of the public Trea sury for that purpose: It is not the poli cy of this government to own a railroad, and we have no right to take the peo ple's money to build a railroad. You may argue that it is a national work; I as sert that it is sectional, for whereever you build the road the people of that section i will derive the main benefit from* it, and the balance of the country will receive no direct benefit. I repeat, that it is not the policy of this government to build a Pacif ic railroad. It is the policy of this gov ernment to survey the routes and moun tain passes, and to open IflTpossible ave nues to our enterprising citizens. It is the policy of this government to encourage manufactures and commerce. But it is tiie duty of this government, in dealing out the public domain, to do it upon principles of stern justice and equality.— Bir, let this homestead bill be changed.— Let the representatives of those States that want land for railroad purposes come to those of us from the old States, and make a fair proposition to us. Much as 1 have been opposed to a distribution of the proceeds of the public lauds, yet if they are to be disposed of in that way, I desire to have them divided upon principles of justice and equality. lam opposed to all these measures; but lam in favor of an amendment of the bounty land law of September 28, 1S50; and 1 give notice to the House that 1 shall introduce such an amendment myself, unless I see one that suits me introduced by some other gentle man. I have known claims which called aloud for justice stilled in committees. There are the soldiers of the war of 17- 90, who fought our Indian foes; and there are the soilders of the wars ol 1835 and ’3O, all of whom ought to be provided for. I speak now of the volunteers, of the men who have done as we Georgians used to do; wc used to work eight days while our neighbors fought, and then fight eight flays while our neighbors worked. Sir, the people that I represent were rocked in the cradle of war. The people of Georgia, and South Carolina, and Tennessee had for years to defend our frontier against a hostile foe. Not a regular soldier ever made a track on our soil, unless it was when President Adams sent Gen. Gaines with his regi rnent to awe the Georgians into submission on account of some treaty difficulties; and if he had not have left the State quietly and quick, he would have been eaten up for a breakfast spell.— [Laughter.] Sir, wo complain of the in justice that is doue us by this scramble to divide the public lauds between a few States and incorporated companies. An aristocracy of wealth will be budt up in tiiis country fast enough, without any aid from the government. In this view I will candidly acknovrledge that the homestead bill has more merit about it than the railroad bills. But there is too much Buncombe about it, and too little justice and equality. The bill as it now stands encourages idleness. It proposes to givo lauds to those who are too lazy to work; and the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Dawson] seems to be well aware of that, for he would compel them to live live years on the land before lie would grant them tlie fee-simple to it. — They are placed in a situatiou where they are compelled to work or die. So little confidence is placed in their virture, intel ligence, and patriotism that it is proposed the government shall be their express guardian for five years. Mr. Chairman, tlm remarks which I have made have been very desultory. I am not accustomed to public speaking. i am nothing but a plain fanner, and have never been educated for a public speaker. lam not one who could he expected to tread the flowery paths of eloquence.— W lion I rose I expected to make a few re marks only. I would not have attempted it, but that I wanted, so far as Georgia was concerned, to let it, be understood there was oue man here who opposed this measure, and who believed lie did so with the approbat ion of his constituents. lam and always have been, ft railroad man. I have shown that by my words and deeds. I have encouraged the building of railroads in my own State. 1 have contributed from my own pocket for the survey ol routes for roads, and have even gone as a pionecer into the willdcrucs.s; but I do not own one dollar’s worth of railroad stock, and never expect to. I am glad to sec railroads building, I look on them as a bond of union between these States. They bring the men of the North and South, the. East and West, into con tact By their means the men of the West are brought with despatch to the sea-board. i Georgia lias extended her railroads from the sea-board to Ihe Valley of the West. Her roads arc now to be connected with the valley of the Northwest, and with the roads to be built to the L’acific ocean.— I am in favor of seeing a road built from the Mississippi valley to the Pacific ocean by private enterprise, and 1 believe that it will be built. Such is the spirit of the age that you could not prevent it if you would, and you ought not to prevent it if you could. You ought to give the right of way. Give all the aid and comfort you can; but give no money and no land. Let it bo built on its own merits: Let those who take it in hand do as men do in other -enterprises—let the n employ their own capital. That is my doctrine. Very soon our Georgia roads will be extended through Alabama and Tennessee, and put in connection with Kentucky and Ohio. Very soon, indeed, wo shall be able to go from the cities of my State to Chicago and the far distant West la forty eight or fifty hours. lam glad to see it. You cannot check the spirit of the age, and you ought not to do it if you could. It is our duty to Legislate in a just and equal manner. I desire that the public lands shall be disposed of as it has in by gone days. First and lorcmost I want to see every soldier who has a just claim on his country paid in laud. Nothing is more gratifying to a man that has stood by his country’s flag, than to know that he has served a country willing to give him a homestead. Land is more properly given to a soldier than money. If 1 had my way, I would go to your pension office and strike out all pensions requiring pay ment in money, and substitute payment in land. % I would give these soldiers as much of the public land as would make them and their posterity an independent home. After I had paid the soldier we all ought to stand on equal footing. No bill ought to be proposed here that ha* class legisla tion about it. No act of this free repub lic ought to bear on its face discrimination between the rich and poor. Uo ought to make our laws equal and just. We ought to encourage our people to be en terprising by placing them on a common level in respect to the public domain, which was obtained by our common blood and by oar common Treasure. VVo have by our blood, labor, and treasure, pur chased ail tho laud and the territory be longing to us all; and iu the distribution of this land, the citizena of tlie whole States and the Territories ought to bo con sulted. Mr. Charman, 1 return my thanks to the committee for the courtesy and kind ness with which they have listened to my extended remarks. I had no intention of trespassing on you to day, and there fore 1 have nos prepared myself with notes; indeed, I did not know that I should ever be able to get the floor to speak ou the subject, aud I was not aware that I could obtain it well, until two minutes before I rose to address you. But lest I might never have another opportunity of address ing the committee on the subject,! was dis posed to give them a small sprinkling of a speech, and hope they have got enough of it to make them pause and consider well be fore they act on the important question concerning the disposition of the public lands. Commercial consequences of Hie War. It being almost universally believed that a war, which is eventually to involve near ly all Europe, has commenced between Russia and Turkey, a very important in quiry is, wiiat will be its immediate effect on the commerce of the world? Its effect has, to some extent, already been mani fested. It is seen in the rise in tho price of all varieties of breadstuff's. Flour, wheat, Indian corn, and rice, have already exhibited an unusual advance in rates.— As these are produced in large quantities iu the United States, a very considerable portion of the American people must clear ly be gainers by the war. But after all, the great staple of the Union, the basis of its commerce, tho re gulator of its exchanges, and the very life of its prosperity, North and South, is cotton. ‘The value of cotton, it lias been taken for granted, must depreciate with the commencement of hostilities. But it has perhaps not been sufficiently consider ed that in the pending contest the chief commercial nations of Europe, and almost the only buyers of cotton, France and England, are on the same side of the con troversy. And it is by no means proba ble that tho Russian navy can injure tho commerce of either of thO'C powers. No thing will bo allowed to interfere with the shipment of cotton to their ports; nor is anything likely to interfere seriously with its manufacture and consumption. If then the present prevailing estimates of the crop shall not be exceeded, we sec no reason to apprehend any further decline in the price of this article. The money writer for the London Times says: From all parts of the Kingdom, the most remarkable feature of the various advices is the confidence felt in the power lessness of Russia to inflict any permanent damage on the commerce and civilization of the world, and the consequent abscuce of tlie slightest disposition to panic.— Proper caution is displayed, but the free dom from speculations so long noticeable has apparently placed the trade of the world beyond the reach of anarchists in any quarter. The New York Economist, than which we have no higher financial authority, predicts that tee war, with the increasing JoSs of crer&t on the part of European Governments, will drive large amounts of j capital across tlie Atlantic, for investment in American State “railroads, and other stocks. It refers to the convulsions of 1818, when French 6*B fell in three weeks from 116 to 61. Notwithstanding the .fact that revolution then swept over Eu rope too rapidly to give time by which “means might bft gradually realized and remitted” to this country, yet United States fi’s rose during the year from 97 to 108 1-2. The same paper adds: I he quantity ol American stocks is now being reduced, and the great railroads w ith landed securities must furnish better in vestments than the rotten credits of un stable governments. Hitherto the great banking houses have been the foci into w hie * i tne floating capital of Europe has been concentrated, and applied to the de mands of governments Their efficiency depended upon the allegiance of the mon ied men to existing governments. The revenues of aristocracy, gentry, and the better classes of trades people are freely loaned to the support of governments, which, under the name of protection, con ferred monopoly on capital, and exacted from the laboring man the means of pay ing interest on the surplus profits thus de rived and loaned to the State. An entire change has now taken place, and it lias become manifest that labor must be eman cipated from thraldom and oppression; hence the classes among the bankers re tailed the stock they took from the go- * vernments, have no longer confidence in these securities; and when Austria propo ses a loan, the meailis of paying off Which depends upon the subjugation of two coun tries like Italy and Hungary to a foreign yoke, iu this age of the world, the hazard becomes too great, even if the opinion of money-lenders had not changed against government. In former years, when the paralysis of war throw money out of trade, it found in high governments a safe in vestment and a patriotic motive. That credit is now nearly ruined, while the spi rit of liberalism icpels the motive. In the public improvements of the United States, on the other hand, both aefetyand human progress invite investments. Hence, therefore, not only the gold of California but the capital of Europe will accumulate more freely in consequence of War.— Mercury. From the Richmond Dispatch. The last of the Blannerluissctts The eloquence of William Wirt, and the memorable conspiracy of Aaron Burr, made the name of Herman Blanncrhassctt as familiar as a household word to the people of this country some forty years ago. His fame, misfortunes and history, embalm ed in the gorgeous eloquence of Wirt, are still familiar to many. But whilst every declamatory school boy recites with a voice alternating from a shrill treble to a hoarse growling boss, the speech.upon the occasion of Burr’s Trial, none perhaps ev er enquired the fate of the noble Irishman after the failure of Burr’s great conspiracy. When the treachery, hearths-ness and villainy of Burr had destroyed poo.Mlan nerhassett’s almost Eden like palatial home on the Ohio,- and involved the un suspecting owner in his degradation and ■ ruin, few inquired his fate and subsequent history. Herman Blannerhassett, all of our read ers will perhaps recollect, Was the son of an Irish nobleman who emigrated to this country in 1797. Possessed of ample means, he purchased a beautiful island on the Ohio river, and expended nearly .a hundred thousand dollars in the erection of an edifice remarkable for its Aladdin beauty of decorations and proportions The ornamental grounds in their beauty, and floral and horticultural ornaments, rendered Blaunerhassett’s residence an earthly paradise. Surrounded by all the appliances of the most refined luxury, with a magnificent library, costly furniture, su perb paintings, blessed by the society of a refined wife anil intelligent children, his wealth and prosperity excited the admi- ration and envy of all who glided by his residence upon the waters of the Ohio.— Seduced by the eloquence of Burr, Blan nerhassett, at an uufortunate moment, be - the confidant of Burr; and was as that person’s accomplice, arrested, convey ed to Richmond, cast into prison, but dis~ charged, after the acquittal of the princi pal conspirator. The pecuniary'cmbarraKsmcnts of Blau nerhassett pressing heavily upon him, he was forced to sell his magnificent palace and estate, and misfortune dogged his footsteps, until he died in Ireland in 1828, broken hearted, and almost a pauper.— llis wife and only surviving son returned to New York in the year 1831, in very re duced circumstances. The mother died many years ago, and until a few weeks since, the world had forgotton the once famous Blannerhassctt, and his family. The following history of the son of Blan nerhassctt, taken from a recent perfectly reliable source, illustrates with melancholy force the strange and remarkable revolu tions of the wheel of fortune, in elevating the lowly, and also in crushing the child ren of the rich in the mire of the Slough of Despond. A few charitable ladies a short time since, visited the Five Points in New York, that most horrible of A/salias, upon an er rarad of mercy. Here among the lowest, the vilest, the most wretched of God’s creatures, in a damp, low, unfinished, com fortless room, they found a delicato, re fined looking old man, destitute of every comfort of life, without sufficient bread or clothing, farced to associate with the most ruffianly and unprincipled of the popula tion of New York, lie was the only child of the once wealthy and distinguish ed Blannerhassctt. v The son of the man who had set up merchants, patronized literature and the fine arts, and been courted and honored by thousands, who had united with Burr to conquer an empire, was found almost starving in a cellar in the vilest portion of New York. One alone had proved faith ful to the last of the Blannerhassctt?—one alone clang to the last spar of a shipwreck ed, broken-hearted, forgotten family. An old negro woman, a slave of Herman Blan nerhassctt, in the days of his prosperity, who h'acf held young Blannerhassett in her arms, when his father was the affluent gentleman and associate of Burr— w.„s found by the Samaritans who’ visited her master, devoting all of her remaining strength to her feeble apd helpless mewder. Forgotten by the world', this faithful sjave, afforded to the son or the Celebrated Btan nerliassett—what the world had denied him—bread, and an humble roof to pro tect him from the inclemency of a North ern wilder. What a moral’ docs this point of the instability and uncertainty of world ly wealth mid position--the only surviving son of Blinnerhassett, perishing almost for want of the necessaries of life, in Five. Points, and supported by the exertions of a faithful negro! Euoouatov with Burglars, Hero'sm and Desperate Buttle. About two o’clock on Saturday rribrn i2b Mr. Wright, resting iu tfinth Blreet, Philadelphia, was aroused by hearing some persons in his house. He immedi ately dressed himself and went down stairs. Before going down he aim cd him self with a six barrelled revolve, and a sort of javelin, fortrtad of tV piece’ at whi ter or gas pipe, pointed on the end, and secured to his wrist by a thong. Mr. W. took a stand in the hall, when “he saw four roughlooking villains light the gas and Commenced deliberately to ranftfcfr the dining room in search of v luahles, help ing themselves to brandy, and to such other refreshments n,3 they could’ find,— fiTho Bulletin sayrrr After a time two of the men went up stairs, leaving the other tyro in the dining room. Mr. W. knowing that the chain’ hers of the members w.-ra kept locked,- and tint no person was in his o\Vn room, (Mrs. W, being absent from the city,.) suffered the two villains to ascend th stairs without disturbance. Soon one of the twain who remained down stair •, and who appeared to be a leader of th gang, gave t to his fellow a boulder of stone, weighing about two pounds, an ! told him to tuke it upstairs and ‘‘sivc u to the mastei,” admonishing him, et the same time, with an oar.h, to “give it i * him right.’* Mr. W. thinking this was a favorable moment for an attack, rushed into the dining room and made at one of the vF laii 8 with his javelin. The fellow attem |. - ted to defend himself with a formula!.l ; looking butcher-knife, with a sharpe blade, about ten inches in length. The handle of this weapon Mr. W. struck as it was thrust at him, anti the broken pot tion can now be plainly seen. Mr. W. immediately caught the”fellow and threw him headlong on the floor: The second burglar rushed to the aid of hi 9 comrade, and was greeted with a shot from the re volver, but it is uncertain whether the load took effect. The noise of the scuffle ani the shouts of Mr. IV. sUrmed the two burgUra whs. were up stairs ransacking the house, and they immedia'cly rushed down to the as sistance of their companions. The fight now became frightful, and Mr. Wright was compelled to defend himself against the four burglars, who cut at hiih° with their knives and strove to kill him. Five 1 shots were fired from the revolver, the sixth missing fi r e, and the javelin was not kept idle. Meantime, a lad, a son of Mr VV. hearing the noise shouted murder lust - tly, ami ttie feilo’ws’ made the best of their way off; but not without having sustained some serious wounds/ Mr. YV., states that he fired a shot a‘ one of the ruffians while struggling with him, and that he held the pistol close ! •’ the back of the neck of the latter when he fired, -and the collar of ihc coat was thus set on fire. Tne putially burnt col lar was found in the room after the battle A round crowned drab wool hat was al so found with the rim at the rear sCorcbed. The crowu of this hot hears a heav\ mark of Mr. YY’s prowess, this side is cm through evidently by a heavy blow of the javelin. The lining is staimd with blood, and a clot of gore on the inside has a lock of long red hair matted in is, From the manner in which the hat is cut. and from the marks inside, a very seriou-> wound must have been infl.cted on the robber. A black cloth cap was also found; the inside is deeply stained with blood, and the cap is torn by tho blows inflicted on the head of the wea-er. One half of the skirt of a blue frock coat, left in the room, has a bullet hole in it in such a location as to render it almost certain that the shot which caused it was lodg ed in the right thigh of the wearer some where about the hip joint. About one half of one leg of a pair of broad striped pantaloons was torn of in the struggle, and was left behind by the robbers. They were tracked a long distance in the street by the blood which flowed front their wounds, and as the police are Ph search of them, there is little doubt of their arrest. On Sunday last a man came to Mr. >V’s house and asked for food, and he gave him a hearty dinner. Tne fellow was joined by three others just af ter leaving, and this gang, no doubt, are the robbers. It is a singular fact that Mr. Wright had a similar encounter,- four years ago, with four desperate negro tiurglars. Tiie Japan Expedition.—A letter from Hong Kong, dated December 11th, says that the United States squadron, •onipri sing the Susquehanna, Macedonia, Pow hattan, Plymouth and Vaudalia, were then in the harbor, and were preparing for de parture northward. Commodore Perry was expected over from Macao, in the steamer Mississippi. At Canton, were the storeship Supply, and the chartered steamer Queen; and at Whampoa, the’ storeship Southampton. The Sea Witch at Hong Kong, was about to proceed to Namoa, to ship laborers for the Panama Railroad. Doubt is thrown upon tho re ported death of the Emperor of Japan. The report is said to be explained by the circumstanci that the death of a Japanese M onarch places the Court in mounting three years, during which time no foreign embassy can be received. The rumored duel and death of Mr* Soule, we learn by our exchanges, is not credited at Washington. No. 10.
