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BAINBRIDGE WEEKLY DEMOCRAT.
VOLUME I»
BAINBRIDGE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY, AUGUST 1, 1872.
NUMBER 59
PUBLISHED
AVERT THURSDAY MORNING.
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(trading Matter on Every Page.
Imperishable.
The pure, the bright, the beautiful,
Tliat stirred our heartsin youth.
The impulse to a wordly prayer,
'1 he dreams of love and truth;
The longing after something lost:
The spirit’s yearning cry;
The striving alter better hopes,
These things can never die.
The timid hand stretched forth to aid
A brother in his need,
The kindly words in griefs dark hour
That proved a friend indeed;
The plea for mercy softly breathed.
When justice threatens high;
The sorrows of a contrite heart—
These things shall never die.
Memory of a clasping han<b
The pressure o* a kiss.
And all the trifles sweet and frail
That makeup life's first bliss;
If with a firm, unchanging faith,
And holy trust and high,
Those hands have clasped, those lips have
met
These things shall never die.
The cruel and the biiter word
That wounded as it fell,
The chilling want of sympathy.
We feel but never tell:
The hard repulse that chills the heart,
Whose hopes are bounding high,
In such unfaded record kept—
'1 hese things shall never die.
’Let nothing pass, for every hand
Must find some work to do;
Lose not a chance to waken Iovp,
Be firm and just and true,
So shall a light that cannot fade
Beam on thee from on high, *-■
And angel’s voices say to thee,
These things shall never die.
HORACE GREELEY IN 1867.
Ills War with the Loyal League
“Blockheads”—Why he Signed
Jeff. Davis’ Bond—His-Plea for
Amnesty—They Stop his Paper
—Refuse to Elect him Senator
—He Defies Them, and Promises
to Fight on to the End.
From the New York Tribune, May 23, 1807.
By these presents greeting—To
Messrs. George W. Blunt, John A
Kennedy, John O. Stone, Stephen
Hyatt, and thirty others, members,
of the Union League club.
Gentlemen: I was favored on the
16th instant by an official note from
our ever courteous president, John
Jay, notifying me that a requisition
had been presented co him for “a
special meeting of the club, at an
early day, for tljc purpose of taking
into consideration the conduct of
Horace Greeley, a member of the
club, who has become bondsman for
Jefferson Davis, late chief officer of
the rebel government.” Mr. Jay
continues: “As I have reason to
believe that the signers, or some of
them, disapprove of the conduct
which they propose the club shall
consider, it is clearly due, bo h to
the club and to yourself, that you
should have th'e opportunity of being
heard on the subject; I beg, there
fore, to ask on what evening it will
be convenient for you that I call the
meeting.” etc.
In my prompt reply I requested
ths President to give you reasonable
time for reflection, but assured him
that I wanted none; since I should
notRttend the .meeting nor ask any
friend to do so, and should make no
defense nor offer aught in the way
of self-vindication. I am sure my
friends in the club will not construe
this as implying disrespect; but it is
not my habit to take part in any dis
cussion which may arise among
other gentlemen as to my fitness to
enjoy their society. That is their
affair altogether, and to them I
leave it.
The second point whereon I have
any occasion or wish to address you
is your virtual implication that there
is something novel, unexpected, as
tounding, in my conduct in the mat
ter suggested by you as the basis of
}our action. I choose not to rest
under this assumption, but to prove
that, being persons Of ordinary in
telligence, you must know better.
On this point, I cite you to a scru
tiny of the record:
The surrender of General Lee was
made known in this city at 11 p. m.
of Sunday, April 9, 1865, and fitly
annouced in the Tribune next morn-
ing, April 10. On that very day I
^rote, and "next morning printed in
fhese columns, a leader entitled:
-Magnanimity in Triumph,” wherein
I said: “We hear men say: ‘yes,
forgive the great mass of those who
have been misled into rebellion, but 4
punish the leaders as they deserve.’
But who can accurately draw the
ine between the leaders and the
followers in the premises ? By what
test shall they be discriminated? We
know of none. Nor can we agree
with those who would punish the
the original plotters of secession, yet
spare their ultimate and scarcely
willing converts. On the contrary,
while we would revive or inflame
resentment against none of them,
we feel far less antipathy to the
original upholders of ‘the resolutions
of ’98’—to the disciples of Calhoun
and McDuffie—to the nullifiers ot
1832, and the ‘State Rights’ men of
1850—than to the John Bells, Hum
phrey Marshalls and Alexander H.
II. Stuarts, who were schooled in
the national faith, and who, in be
coming disunionists and rebels,
trampled on the profession of a life
time, and spurned the logic where
with they had so often unanswerably
demonstrated that secession was
treason. *****
“We consider Jefferson Davis this
day a less cultivated traitor than
John Bell. But we cannot believe
it wise or well to take the life of any
man who shall have submitted to-
the national authority. The execu
tion of even one w r ould be felt as a
personal stigma by every one who
had ever aided the rebel cause.—
Each would say to himself, ‘I am as
culpable as he; we differ only in that
I am deemed of comparatively little
consequence.’ A single Confederate
led out to execution would be ever
more enshrined in a million hearts
as a conspicuous hero anti marfyr.
We cannot realize that it would be
wholesome or safe—we are sure it
would not be magnanimous—to give
the overpowered disloyalty of the
South such a shrine. Would the
throne ot the House of Hanover
stand more firmly if Charles Edward
had been caught and executed after
Cullodcn ? Is Austrian dominion in
Hungary more stable to-day for the
hanging of Nagy Sandor and his
twelve compatriots after the surren
der of Yillagos ? We plead against
passions certain to be at this mo
ment fierce and intolerant; but on
our side are the agps and the voice
of history. We plead for the resto
ration of the Union, against, a policy
which -would afford a momentary
gratification at the cost of years of
perilous hate and bitterness. * *
Those who invoke military execution
for the vanquished, or even for their
leaders, w-e suspect will not generally
be found among the few who have
been long exposed to unjust odium
as haters of the South, because they
abhored slavery. And as to the
long-oppressed and degraded black
so lately the slaves, destined to be
the neighbors, and (we trust) at no
distant day the fellow-citizens of the
Southern whites, we are sure that
their voice, could it be authentically
littered, on the side of clemency, of
humanity.” ^
On the next day, I had some more
in this spirit, and on the 13th. an
elaborate leader entitled: “Peace-
Punishment,” in the course of which
I said: “The New Y'ork Times,
doing injustice to .its ow-n sagacity
in a characteristic attempt to sail
between wind and water, says: ‘Let
us hang Jeff Davis and spare the
rest.’ We do not concur in the ad
vice. Davis did not devise nor in
stigate the rebellion; on the contra
ry, he was one of the last and most
reluctant of the notable ot the cotton
States to renounce the definity of
the Union. His prominence is purely
official and representative; the only-
reason for hanging him is that you
therein condemn and stigmatize
more persons than in hanging any
one else. There is not an ex-rebel
in the world—no matter how peni
tent—who will net have unpleasant
sensations about the neck on the day
when the Confederate President is
to be hung. And to what good end ?
We insist that this matter must not
be regarded in any narrow aspect!
We are most anxious ta-secure the
assent of the South to emancipation:
not that assent which the eftndemn-
ed gives to being Lung when he
shakes hands with the jailor and
thanks him for past acts of kindness;
but that hearty assent which can
only be won by magnanimity. Per
haps the rebels, as a body, would
have given, even one year ago, as
large and as hearty a vote for hang
ing thd writer of this article as any
other man living; hence it more es
pecially seems to him important to
prove that the civilization based on
free labor is of a higher and humaner
type than that based on slavery. We
cannot realize that the gratification
to inure to our friends from the
hanging of any one man, or fifty
men, should be allowed to outweigh
this consideration.” On (he follow
ing day I wrote again: “We entreat
the President promptly to do and
dare in the cause of magnanimity.
The Southern mind is now open to
kindness, and may be magnetically
affected by generosity. Let assur
ance at once be given that there is
to be a general amnesty and no gen
eral confiscation. This is none the
less the dictate of wisdom, because
it is also the dictate of mercy. What
we ask is, that the President say in
effect, ‘Slavery having, through the
rebellion, committed suicide, let the
North and South unite to bury the
carcass, and then clasp hands over
the grave.’ ”
The evening of that day witnessed
that most appalling calamity, the
murder of President Lincoln, which
seemed in an instant to curdle all
the milk of human kindness in twen
ty millions of American breasts. At
once insidious efforts were set on
foot to turn the fury thus engendered
against me, because of my pertina
cious advocacy of mercy to the van
quished. Chancing to enter the club
house the next (Saturday) evening,
I received a full broad-side of scowls
ere we listened to a clerical harangue
intended to prove that Mr. Lincoln
had been providentially removed,
because of his notorious leanmgs to
wards clemency, in order to make
way for a successor who would giv.e
the rebels a full measure of stern
justice. I was soon made to com
prehend that I had no sympathizers
—or none who dared seem such—in
your crowded assemblage. And
some maladroit admirer having a
few days afterward, made the club a
present of my portrait, its bare re
ception was resisted in a speech by
your then President—a speech whose
vigorous invective was justified sole
ly by my pleadings for lenity to the
rebels. At once a concerted howl
of denunciation and rage was sent
up from every side against me by
the little creatures whom God, for
some inscrutable purpose, permits to
edit a majority of the minor journals,
echoed by a yell of ‘ ‘Stop my paper 1 ”
from thousands of imperfectly in
structed readers of the Tribune.—
One hnpertinent puppy wrote me to
answer cat. gorically whether I was
or was not in favor of hanging Jeff
Davis, adding that I must stop his
paper if I was not. Scores of vol
unteered assurances that I was de
fying public opinion—that most of
iny readers were against inc—as if I
could be induced to write what they
wished said rather than what they
needed to be told. I never before
realized the baseness of the editorial
vocation according to the vulgar
conception of it. The din now raised
about my ears is nothing to that I
then endured and despised. I am
humiliated by the reflection that it is
(or was) in the power of such insects
to annoy me, even by pretending to
discover with, surprise something
that I have been for years publicly,
emphatically proclaiming.
I must hurry over much that de
serves a paragraph, to call your at
ti ntion distinctly to occurrences in
November last. Upon the Republi
cans having, by desperate effort,
handsomely carried our State against
a formidable looking combination of
recent and venomous npostates
with our natural adversaries, a cry
arose front several quarters that I
ought tn be chosen United States
Senator. At once, kind, discreet
friends swarmed about me, whisper
ing “Only keep still about univer
sal amfiesty, and your election is
certain. Just be quiet a lew weeks,
and you can say what you please
thereafter. You have no occasion
to speak now.” I slept on the well-
meant suggestion, and deliberately
concluded that I would not, in jus
tice to myself, defer to it. I could
not purchase office by even passive,
negative dissimulation. No man
should be enabled to say to me, in
truth “If I had supposed you would
persist in your rejected, condemned
amnesty hobby, I would not have
given you my vote.” So I wrote and
published, on the 26th of that month,
my manifesto entitled “The true
bases of reconstruction,” wherein,
repelling the idea that I proposed a
dicker with the ex-rebels, I explicit
ly said: “I am for universal am
nesty—so far as immunity from fear
of punishment or confiscation is con
cerned—even though impartial suf
frage should for the present, be de
feated. I did think it desirable that
Jefferson Davis should be arraigned
and tried for treason; and it still
seems to me that this might proper
ly have been done many months
ago. But it was not done then, and
now I believe .t would result in far
more evil than good. It would re
kindle passions that have nearly
burned out or been hushed to sleep;
it would fearfully convulse and agi
tate the Souih; it would arrest the
progress of reconciliation and kindly
feeling there; it would cost a large
sum directly and a fi r larger indi
rectly; and—unless the jury were
scandalously packed—it would re
sult in a non agreement or no ver
dict. I can imagine no good end to
be snbs jrved by such a trial; and.
holding Davis neither better nor
worse than several. others, would
have him treated as they are.” Is
it conceivable that men who can
read, and who were made aware of
this declaration—for most of you
were present and shouted approval
of Mr. Fessenden’s condemnation of
my views at the club, two or three
evenings thereafter—can now pro
tend that my aiding to have Davis
bailed, is something novel and unex
pected ?
Gentlemen, I shall not attend your
meeting this evening. I have an
engagement out ot.tQ.wn, and shall
keep it. I do not n^ognjge yon as
capable of judging, or evefTTuTTy ap
prehending me. You evidently re
gard me as a weak sentimentalist,
misled by a maudlin philosophy. I
arraign you as narrow-minded block
heads, who would like to be useful
to a great and good cause, but
don’t know how. Your attempt to
base a great, enduring party on the
hate and wrath necessarily engen
dered by a blood civil war, is as
though you should plant a colony on
an ice-berg which had somehow
drifted into a tropical ocean. I tell
you here that out of a life earnestly
devoted to the good of humankind,
your children will select my going to
Richmond and signing that bail
bond as the wisest act, and will feel
that it did more for freedom and hu
manity than all of you were compe
tent to do, though you have lived to
the age of Methuselah. I ask noth
ing of 3 7 ou then, but that you pro
ceed to your end by a direct, frank,
manly way. Don’t sidle off into a
mild resolution of censure, but move
the expulsion which you purposed,
and which I deserve if I deserve any
reproach whatever. All I care for
is, that" you make this a square,
stand-up fight, $nd record your jug-
ment by yeas and nays. I care not
how few vote with me, nor how
many vote against me; for I know
that tne latter wifi repent it in dust
and ashes before three ypars have
passed. Understand, once for all,
that I dare-and defy you, and that I
propose to fight it out on the line
that I have held from the day of
Lee’s surrender. So long as any
man was seeking to overthrow our
government, he was my enemy;
from the hour in which he laid down
his arms, he was my formerly er
ring countryman. So long as any is
at heart opposed to the national
unity, the federal authority, or to
that assertion of the equal rights of
all men which has become practical
ly identified with loyalty and nation
ality, I shall do my best to deprive
him of power; but, whenever he
ceases to be thus, I demand his res
toration to all the privileges of
American citzenship. I give you
fair notice that I shall urge the re-
enfranchisement of those now pro
scribed for rebeiion as soon as
shall feel confident that this course
is consistent with the freedom of the
blacks and the unity of the Republic,
and that I shall demand a recall of
all now in exile only for participa
ting in the rebellion, whenever the
country shall have been so thcr-
ouglily pacified that its safety will
not thereby be endangered. And so,
gentlemen, hoping that you will
henceforth comprehend me some
what better than you have done.
I remain, yours,
Horace Greeley.
N. Y. May 23, 1867.
Printer’s Toast: “Woman—the
fairest work in creation. The edi-
tion is very large, and every man
should have a copy.”
Our Modern Juggernaut” is what
the San Francisco Bulletin calls the
horse cars.
The Satana is a new Roman jour
nal whose writers sign themselves
“Cain,” “Pluto,” “The Familiar
Devil,” etc.
A Wisconsin editor wrote that
“Western ’girls are fond of beaux;”
and the brutal printer credite(f them
with a predilection for “beans."
A publisher lately gave notice
that he intended to spend fifty dol
lars for “a new head” for his paper.
The next day one of his subscribers
dropped him a note: “Don’t do it
—better keep the money and boy a
new head for the editor.” .
The announcement of the death of
Mr. John Derringer of Indiana, at
the age of one hundred and seven
years, is headed by a local paper—
‘.‘An ancient pistol who ‘went ofF at
last.”
Tak6 The Papers.
Why don’t yon take the papers ?
They’re the life of onr delight
Except about election time,
And then I read for spite.
Subscribe! yon cannot lose a cent,
Why should you be afraid ?
For cash thus paid is money lent
Of interest four fold paid.
Go, thou and take the papers,
And pay to-day, nor pray delay
■ And my word for it is inferred,
You’ll lire until you’re gray.
An old neighbor of mine
While dying with the cough.
Desired to hear the latest news,
IPhile he was going off.
I took the'paper and I read:
Of some new pills in force,
He bought a box—and is he dead ?
No—harty as a horse.
I knew two men, as much {dike.
As, e’er you saw two stumps.
And no phrenologist could find
A difference in their bumps.
One takes the paper raid his life
Is happier than a King’s
His children can all read and write
.And talk of men and things
The other nook no paper, and
While strolling through the woods,
A tree fell down, and broke his crown,
And killed him—very good. ”
Had he beed reading of the news,
At home like neighbor Jim,
TO bet a cent the accident
Had not have happened h im
Why don’t yon tske the papers T
Nor from the printers sneak
Because you borrowed from his boy
A paper every week.
For he who takes the papers
And pays his Bill when due;
Can live in peao^fith God and man,
And with the printer, too.
If the weather does not grow
cooler very soon, Mr. Fahrenheit,
in justice to his patrons, should at
once add a second story with a
Mansard roof to his thermometer.
An editor says the only reason he
knows why his house was not blown
away the other day during a severe
gale was because there was a heavy
mortgage upon it.
A Canadian editor announced that
“he had a keen rapier to .prick fools
and knaves.” His contemporary
over the way said he hoped his
friends would take it away from him
for he might commit snicide.
Compositors in the New York Tri
bune office are fined ten cents for
each profane word uttered on the
premises, the money so gathered
being given te the poor. One un
fortunate chap, a new hand, lost
nearly a week’s wages one night,
over a bit of Greeley’s manuscript.
A Complimentary Ohio editor no
tices that “last evening the beautiful
daughter of Mr. Lovepuff, the ac
complished and gentlemanly wagon
maker of this vicint.y, was united in
wedlock to Gebrge Beerstat, the tal
ented artist, whose charming land
scapes are upon the dashboard of
every buggy ever turned out of his
father-in-law’s shop, and who at
striping carriage wheels has no peer
living since Rubens died.”
A morning paper, in discussing
the milk question, informs us that
there is to be a convention of pro-
■ dneers. Does H mean that the eJws
are going to meet in convention and
take measures to prevent the damage
lo their reputation occasioned by the
vile practices ef middle men and re
tailers f
The Danbury News says: An out-of-
town couple applied to one of the
Danbury drug-stores on Wednesday
for soda-water. “What syrup pro
pounded the clerk. “Syrup—syrup,”
repeated the bucolic top with an in
credulous stare, and then leaning for
ward. he impressively added:
“Stranger, money is no object to me
to-day; you kin put sugar in them.”
Greeley ••
Service Ra-
The State Road Lease.
A visitor to Atlanta, says the
Telegraph k Messenger, reports
that there is a manifest and growing
indisposition among members * ot
both Houses not to disturb the
State lease. Unless some wholly
unexpected developments should ap
pear in the committee’s forthcoming
report, he Is satisfied the current of
opinion in the Legislature, as it is
amoDg the people , will be hostile to
disturbing the existing status.
It is conceded on all hands that
the condition of the road has vastly
improved in the hand of the lessees,
and that it is performing with fideli
ty, to the people, all the functions of
that great public work, while it is
making a gallantjfight to maintain its
trade against the inroads of com
peting routes. While there never
has been a time in the history of the
road when its business was more se
riously aasailed, still greater perik
looms up in the future, and renders
it of primary importance that the
road shcnld remain in the hands of
men of capital, experience and first-
rate business qualifications. To re
mand it back to political manage
ment in the present crpj-led condi
tion of the State credit and finances,
or even, in effecting a new lease, to
lease it to the highest bidder, with
out special regard to all these quali
fications would be to expose the
business of the road to incurable
damage, to which any little increase
of rent, (provided it could be collec
ted, ) would be but a beggarly offset.
The more this subject is consid
ered the more averse are the people
and the Legislature to any such
dangerous experiments. Leave well
alone, is a sound and safe motto.
Civil
fertm.-
St. Louis, July 22.—The following
correspondence was read by Senator
Schurz in his speech to-night: •
St. Louis, June 26, 1872.
Dear Sir—Your lettet of accept
ance and promise of thorough reform
in the civil service, in general terms,
brings the question of how the prob
lem of civil service reform presents
itself to yonr mind, and is one of the
greatest interest. I would suggest,
if it be consistent with yonr views of
propriety, tha* you give me such ex
planations as will put you intentions
in this respect in a clear light.
Yoars truly,
C. Schurz.
The following is Mr. Greeley’s re
ply :
New York, July 5, 1872.
My Dear Sir—Yours of the 26th
ultimo, only reached me three days
ago. I respond as promptly as I
may. The problem of civil service
reform is rendered difficult by an
alliance between the Executive and
Legislative branches of onr Federal
Franchise Government. Those mem
bers of Congress who favor the ad
ministration habitually claim and
are accorded a virtual monopoly of
the Federal offices in their respective
States or districts, dictating appoint
ments and removals as interest or
caprice may suggest. The President
appoints at their bidding. They
legislate in subservience to his will,
often ih opposition to their own con
victions. Unless all history is un
meaning this confusion of Executive
and Legislative responsibilities and
functions could not fail to distemper
and corrupt the body politic.
I hold the eligibility of our Presi
dent to re-election the main source
of this corruption. The President,
should be above the hope of future
favor, or the fear of alienating pow
erful and ambitious partisans. He
should be the official chief, not of
a party, but of the Republic. He
shoald fear nothing but the accusing
voice of historj and the inexorable
judgment of good. He should fully
realize, and never forget that Con
gress in its own sphere is paramount,
and nowise amenable to his super
vision, and that the heartiest good
will to his administration is perfectly
compatible with the most pointed
dissent from his inculcations on the
very gravest questions in finance or
political economy. It is the first
step that costs. Let it be settled
that a President is not to be re
elected while in office and civil serv
ice reform is no longei difficult. He
will need no organs whatever—no
subsidized defenders. He will nat
urally select his chief counselors from
among the ablest and wisest of his
eminent fellow-citizens, regardless
alike of the shrieks of locality and
suggestions of a selfish policy. - He
will have no interest to conciliate—
no chief of a powerful clan to attach
to his personal fortune. He will be
impelled to appoint at will—none
deny that. He should appoint men
of ripe experience in business and
eminent capacity to collect, keep
and disburse the revenue, instead of
dexterous manipulators of primary
meetings and skillful traffickers in
delegates to nominating conventions.
He will thus transform the civil
service of the country from a party
machine to a business establishment.
No longer an aspirant to plafie, the
President will naturallv aim to meet
and serve the approbation of the
eminently wise and good.
As to the machinery of the boards
of examiners, etc., whereby the de
tails of civil service reform are to be
perpetuated and perfected, I defer
to the judgment of a Congress un-
perverted by. the adulterous com
merce in legislation, and appoint
ments which I have already express
ed and apprehended. Up to this
timMpy experience of the doings of
boaras in this direction have not
been encouraging, and this I am con
fident is not the fault of the gentle
men who have tried to serve the
public as commissioners, in so far as
they may, who have ■ fried.' The
causes of their ill success must be
extensive. Had they been accorded,
a fair field I am sure they would have
wrought to better purpose. A
thinker has observed that ( the spirit
in which we work is the chief matter,
and we can never achieve civil serv
ice reform nntil tffc interests which
demand it shall be more potent in
onr public counsels than those which
resist, even while seeming to favor
it. That this consnmm&tion ia not
distant I fervently trust. Meantime,
thanking yon for yonr earnest and
effective labors to tb&f end, I remain
yours, Hot Ale Gbeelkt.
Charles Sumner has written a
letter to L. M. Reeves, of St. Louis,
in which he says t “Greeley and
myself have been fellow laborers in
many things. We were bom in the
same /ear. I honor him very much,
and between him and another per
son, who shall be nameless, I am for
him earnestly.”
The Democrats ot the South de
fend themselves from the charge of
inconsistency in rallying, to Greeley
by saying if the Republicans could
take a life-long Democrat in General
Grant as their .standard-bearer in
1868, why should we hesitate to take.
Mr. Greefey in 1872 on the excellent
basis of the Cincinnati platform a*nd
his letter ot acceptance ?
New-York Tribune.
FOR THE CAMPAIGN.
Tat Trjxcxi Is not sad will nersruiore its
organ, but it is ardently anlUtcdvtft
tost now waging for Civil QBfiija Afp
d for One Preeidential Term as a*.
ii i rip JlriRat ffnfnrm It accept! the Ctocin-
terie and a foreibla expoii-
>1 right and wrong, thi
needs fc| ~Sepk» of To-Day, and look* hope
fully to U|Ptail Amnesty as essential to tbo
restoration ftf m genuine fraternity between
North and Sooth, and of mutual confidence
and good will'between White and Black. It
believes the People are preparing to break the
rnsty shackles ol mere bygone partisanship,
and it hopes for a result next November which
will cheer and strengthen the champieQC of
Peace aud Good' Will. It will issue no cam
paign edition, but proffer* to all who believe
its further diffusion may servo the Good Cause
its regular editions at the lowast possible
prices.
The virtual surrender by tb* Democratic
partv of it* hostility to Equal Rights regard*
less of Color has divested our cqireut polities
of half their bygone intensity. However pars
tie* may henceforth rise or fall, it is clear that
the fundamental principles which have hither
to honorably distinguished the Republicans aro
henceforth to be regarded as practically accep
ted by the whole country. The right of
every man to hi* own limbs and siuews-—
the equality of all eitisens before the law—
the inability of n State to enslave any pot*'
tion of its people—the duty of the Union to
guarantee to eveiy citizen the full enjoy
ment of his liberty nntil be forfeits it by
crime—-such are the broad and firm founda
tions of onr National edifice; and palsid be
the hand which shall seek to displace them!
Though not yet twenty years old, the Re
publican parly has completed the noblo
fubric of Emanicipation, and-msy fairly in
voke thereon the sternest judgment of Man
and the benignant smile of God.
Henceforth, the mission of onr Republic
is one of Peaceful Progress. To protect
the weak and the humble from violence and
oppression—to extend the boundaries and
diffuse the blessings *f Civilisation—to stim
ulate Ingenuity to the production of new in
ventions for economizing Labor and thus en
larging Production—to draw hearer to each
other the producers of Food and of Fabrics,
of Grains and of Metals, and thns enhance
the gains of Industry by deducing the cost
of transportation and exchanges between
' farmers and artisans—such is the inspiring
task to which «his Nation now addresses
itself, and by which it would fain contrib
ute to the progress, enlightenment, and hap
piness of our race. To this great and good
work, Tbz Tribune contributee its zealous,
persistent efforts.
Agriculture will continue to be moro es
pecially elucidated in its Weekly and Semi-
Weekly editions, to which some of the
ablest and most successful tillers of the soil
will steadily contribute, No farmer who
■ells 1300 worth of produce per annum can
afford to do without our Market Reports, or
others equally lucid and comprehensive. If
he should read nothing else but what ro-
lates to bis own ealling and-its rewards, wo
believe that no farmer who can read at all
can afford to do without such a journal an
TmTbisuhe. And wo aspire to make it
equally valuable to those engaged in other
departments of Productive Labor. We spend
more and more money on our columns eoeh
year, as our countrymen’s genqrous patron
age enables us to do; and we are resolved that
our issues of former yean shall be exceeded
in varied excellence and interest by tboao
of 1872. Friends in every State! help us
to make our jourrthl better aud better, by
seeding in your suoseriptiena and increas
ing your Clubs for the year just before us I
Daily Tribune, Mail to Suuscribers, |1#
per annum. Semi-Weekly Tribune,. Mail
Subscribers, $4 per annum. Five eopict or
J "" be cent
over, |3 eaeb; an extra copy will
for every club of ten sent for at one time.
During the Presidential Campaign we will
Six-month Subscriptions at the n
During
receive I
rates.
TBRMS OF THE WEEKLY TRIBUNE.
To Mail Subscribers—Oo« Copy, one year,
53 issues, $2. Five Copies, one year. 53
issues, |9.
To one address, all at one Poet-Office— Iff
Copies, $1 SO each; 30 Copies, gl 29 each/
50 Copies, f 1 00 each. And one extra copy
to each Club.
To names of subscribers, all st one Port-
Office—10 Copies, $1 60 each,- 20 Copies,
$1 85 each; 50 Copies, $1 10 each, Anu on S
fxlrs copy to each Club.
THE WEEKLY TRIBUNE*. ;
yw Du ring the Campaign Five Copies, or
over, to one address,50 cents per copy; or t
cents per copy, per week. . •
ADVzrnsiso nans.
Dsilb Tribune, 30e., 40c., 60L, 75.. and $1
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cents per line. Weekly Tribone. |l,(l and
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In making remittances, always procuke *
draft on New York, or a Post-Office Money
Order, if possible. Where neither of theao
can be procured, send the money, bat at*
ways in a Registered letter. Tho registra
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and tho present registration syrtftn has
been, found by the postal authorities to be
nearly an absolute protection against looses
by mail. All Postmaster* are obli ged to
Mister letters when requested to do so.
Terms,Wash in advanoo.
Address Tnn Tustm, New-York,
TO ALBANY K0US1,
MEBBICX BASHES, PwprUtor.
ALBANY, Georgia.
TUa baas*(swell famished sat svvrywajrpre
pared fse tfcs o amodatlon of the tramHsog pnV
fc: euttn art etion guaranteed. Tbs tablets anp-
pBed with the beet the country sflsrds. and the sar
vsotsase uasnrpasaet In uoMtsacSi and atSanOon Se
sagaesusEsagpss
AjSmp, OaT.Ost 8th, 1*7 Mt