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BAINBRIDGfr WTKkl.Y DEMOCRAT.
VOLUME I.
BAINBHIDGB, GEORGIA, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1872.
HUMBER 64
The Weekly Democrat,
PUBLISHED
CVERT THURSDAY MORNING.
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CUT THIS OUT FOR REFER
ENCE.
The elections to be held during
the present year are as follows: New
Mexico, September 1; California,
September 2; Vermont, September
3; Maine, September 9; Colorado,
Septeinqer 10; Dakota, Indiana,
Iowa, Nebraska, Ohio,Pennsylvania,
October 8: South Carolina, October
15: West Virginia, October 24; Ala
bama, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida,
Georgia, Illinois, Kansas, Louisiana,
Mai.viand, Massachusetts,Michigan,
Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri,
Nevada, New Jersey, New York,
Tennessee, Virginia, Wisconsin, No
vember 5; Arizona,' November 8;
District of Columbia, November 27.
Presidential electors will be chosen
in all the States, November 5.
The following is the'electoral vote
of the several States, being equal to
their representation in both Houses
of Congress:
New York, 35; Pennsylvania, 29;
Ohio. 22; Illinois, 21; Indians, 15;
Missouri, 15; Massachusetts, 13;
Kentucky, 12; Tennessee, 12; Vir
ginia, U; Georgia, 11; Iowa, II;
Michigan, 11; Alabama, 10; North
Carolina. 10; Wisconsin, 10; New
Jersey, 9; Mississppi, 8; Louisiana,
8; Maryland, 8; Texas, 8; South
Carolina, 7; Maine, 7; Arkansas, 6;
California, 6; Connecticut, 6; Ver
mont, 5; Kansas, 5; Minnesota, 5;
New Hampshire, 5; West Virginia,
5; Rhode Island, 4; Florida, 4; Ne
braska, 3; Nevada, 3; Oregon, 3;
Delaware, 3;
Total—37 States; 366 votes.
GEN. JOHN D. GORDON'S
LANTA SPEECH.
AT-
FcHow-Citizens. There are para
doxes in polities as well as in all
tilings else which are subjects of •hu
man reason. There are political
propositions which seem at first
view Hie essence of absurdity, and
jet which, when worked out to their
legitimate results, prove to be the
very essence of wisdom. And in
tIn* history of all political affairs
with which I have any acquaintance,
I now of no more
ILLUSTRIOUS PARADOX
than the one which confronts us face
to face at this hour. I know of no
seemingly—at first view seemingly—
greater absurdity than that the
Democratic party should propose
to establish Democratic principles
by the programme as we are here
to-night to consider. Yet if this pro
gramme be in truth an absurd one,
I stand before you convicted as an
abettor of that absurdity. I claim to
stand here
AS A DEMOCRAT,
and a Southern Democrat, to take
counsel with Democrats, in order to
make practical the Democrats’ idea
of government—yet to discuss the
strange proposition of attempting to
secure this ideal Government, by
elevating to the head of that Gov
ernment a life-long enemy of Democ
racy.
Now I have stated the proposition
thus broadly, squarely and bluntly,
to meet it and discuss it, not to
dodge it. I propose, in this discus
sion to-night, to sound no uncertain
note. I trust 1 shall blink at no
issue. I shall certainly indulge in
no spirit of apology. In all I have
to say I propose to recognize the
fact
THAT HORACE GREELEY IS JUST WHAT
HE CLAIMS TO BE—A REPUBLICAN,
notwithstanding Cincinnati or Balti-
inore. And yet I believe that all
Southern Democrats can support
him as a Republican without lower-
“‘it their banners or staining their
“oiiors, and without any abandon
ment of principle. In the effort, to
>how this I shall sail, as I hinted
*d>ove, under no false colors. I shall
not pretend that it is an agreeable
Ihing to vote for Horace Greeley.
I shall not attempt to disguise the
met that if my individual impulses
had guided me without any refer
ence to consequences, I should have
preferred a Democratic nomination
on a Democratic platform—a Dcrno-
vrati fights, even with defeat; but I
could not claim that that would be
wisdom or statesmanship. I shall
not .dignise the tact that now deep
down in my heart I find a ctrnncr
?ympatby with those honest straight
Democrats who as yet have been un
able to make up their minds to vote
at all. I do not mean with those
who propose.
TO DIVIDE THE SOUTHERN PEOPLE,
but with those who cannot vote at
all. And now, if because of these
impulses and these sympathies and
the hope of establishing Bourbon
principles by voting for Greeley to
defeat the Radicals, I am to .be
classed as a Bourbon, I must plead
guilty to the soft impeachment.
And as I have come fo the con
fessional, I had as well make a clean
breast of it and say that if diagnosis
of my political health were made to
night my condition could not be bet
ter described than by the usq of the
language so common among ns upon
the happening of that most interest
ing of events in our families. He’d
tell that I am “about as well as
could be expected under the circum
stances.”
REPUBLICANISM IN GEORGIA.
The truth is it is not very easy
for a Democrat, aud especially a
Georgia Democrat^ to vote tor a Re
publican—even for a Liberal Repub
lican—and our Northern friends
must excuse us if we can have no
very enthusiastic relish for this thing.
They must remember that the
Republicanism our eyes have been
accustomed to .in Georgia has not
been l b ral in a way to excite our
admiration or our confidence. It
has been liberal it is true—liberal
in the use of registration laws
by which to vote its own minions
ar.d exclude honest men who were
entitled to the franchise. It
has been liberal in its manipulation
of bailot boxes for its own purposes.
It lias been liberal in its use of the
bayonet at the polls. It has been
liberal in election laws, for the ar
rest and trial and imprisonment of
honest men who would preserve the
purity of the ballot by the exercise
of the sacred right of challenge. It
lias been liberal with the State's
credit. .It has been liberal, if I am
correctly informed, in its appropria
tion of tlic public school funds. It
lias, in a word, with a liberality
which would really be sublime if it
were not infamous, appropriated our
property, squandered our money,
stolen our bonds, and trampled our
rights.
THE GREELEY REPUBLICANS OF GEOR
GIA.
Of course I mean no discourtesy
to the men who in Georgia, with a
commendable self'respect and a
proper regard for honesty, have
come out from among the plunder
ers and now propose to unite in the
effort to drive lrom the Federsfl Gov
ernment the commanders of those
foragers, who have robbed Georgia,
and still riot in the ruin of our sister
States. I am glad they have aban
doned the decaying carcass. I only
mean to say by all this that Repub
licanism has never been and is not
likely to become a very sweet smel
ling savor in Georgia nostrils. I*
mean only to show that the Geor
gia Democrat who votes tor any sort
of a Republican must do so at no
small cost of'personal comfort; and
it would be a happy hour for me if I
could persuade myself that to act as
our “straight” friends propose to
act—not to vote at all—was consis
tent with my obligations as a citizen
and freeman. But I cannot do this.
I feel it my duty to vote, and I pro
pose now to give some of the reasons
which impel me to
VOTE FOR HORACE GREELEY AND
GRATZ BROWN.
I set out with the proposition that
Greeley or Grant will certainly be
the next President of the United
States. No sane man with any re
gard whatever for candor will deny
this. We could not prevent this if
every man in Georgia and in the
South were to vote for a third candi
date. Whatever therefore aids
Greeley hurts Grant, and vice versa.
No doubt about this. Now if there
be no choice between them—as evils
if you please—then it’s right not to
vote. Then no Southern man ought
to vote. If, however, there be any
choiee, we are bound to make the
selection and attempt success.
OUR SOUTHERN SISTER STATES AP
PEAL TO US.
First, then, I set out with the de
claration that if these two candidates
stood beforAhe country upon the
platform of principles, with tbesame
surroundings ani^promises, there is
a consideration which would still
impel me to vote for Greeley. It is
this: Our sister States, Florida,
South Carolina, Mississippi, Louis
iana, Arkansas and Texas believe
we can aid them by electing Gree
ley. Georgia in the Convention at
Baltimore refused his platform—they
took him and his platform. And
however much we may differ with
them, I am not going to refuse the
aid which they imagine we can
give. They are our brothers—they
are bone ot our bone, and flesh ot
our flesh. They are bound to ns by
stronger ties than those of mere con
sanguinity. We are linked, to them
—heart to heart—by the strongest
of all bonds, the bond of a common
sorrow, and an immortal sympathy.
And although we have weathered
the storm, and now sail into port
with the pirate crew thrown over
board, and our tried, trusted pilot,
James M. Smith, at the holm, I do
not propose, in the great joy of our
deliverance to forget our comrades
who are still outside. They are
still in the midst of the breakers—
the roar of the reef is around them—
the clouds roll heavily above them—
the tempest sf.ll sweeps them away
—yet with canvas all rent and masts
all ri\ rr, n they refuse to lower their
flags before the Radical storm. Let
us not stand idly, coldly debating
with them as to whether they are or
are not mistaken in the belief that we
can give relief. Let us fly at their call
with all the life boats that we can
command. Aye, but say men, that’s
an appeal to the heart and not to
reason. So it is. But when neither
reason nor duty dictates a different
course, I am ready to follow the lead
of an impulse inspired by so gener
ous a thought. I repeat, therefore,
if there were no other reasons tor
voting for Greeley, I would do so
because our suffering kindred ask it
of us.
THE TWO NOMINATING CONVENTIONS
CONTRASTED.
But there arc other considera
tions which have had their influence
witli rne. One is the concomitants
or collaterals of the nominations of
these two tickets. At Baltimore
was assembled the great Democrat
ic party ol the country, which had
survived the conflicts, foreign and
domestic, for nearly six jears, and
which, to sa\ the least of it, num
bered in ranks many of the truest
and ablest defenders of liberty this
country has ever produced. They
were there assembled beneath the
motto of “Peace and good will
among the People.” After the nomi
nation the candidate was presented
—a life-size picture—a plain civil
ian standing upon the steps of the
Capitol—an emblem of the suprema
cy of the civil over the military law
while from horn and pipe and drum
came alternately “Yankee Doodle,”
the “Bonny Blue Flag,” and our
soul-stiring “Dixie.”
At Philadelphia were assembled
the Radical party of the North—the
party of destruction, the murderers
of the Constitution, with the paid
renegades and carpet-baggers of the
South, while General Grant, the
nominee, was presented as on horse
back,
A PANOPLIED SOLDIER,
in all the trappings of war—fit em
blem of the subordination of the
civil to the military power, of the
reign of the last four years and the
years to come, under him—and from
horn and pipe and drum, from braz
en dusky throats, rolled the sad
music of “John Brown’s soul is
marching on.” I can scarcely con
ceive of a more diabolical scene. A
great convention—august by reason
of important destinies involved—as
sembled in a Christian land—revel
ling in its reckless disregard of the
sensibilities of the age and holding
a high carnival of crime against the
peace and good order of the land.
Like the howling Dervishes 'shout
ing to their false gods, these men
bellow their maniac adorations to
the soul of the dead criminal, and
waking, I can almost fancy, with
their wild demoniac songs, echoes
in the very realms of the damned.
Southern patriot, which picture do
you preier ?
BRIDGE OVER THE BLOODY CHASM.
Fourthly, Horace Greeley propos
es to shake hands, as you know,
across the bloody chasm. Well, new
I propose to talk with you a little
about this shaking ot hands. If I
understand what Mr. Greeley pro-
But General Grant’s mouth piece,
Mr. Bcutwell, “protests against”
this shaking .4>f hands across the
chasm, and wants it “filled up”—
and tells when it is to be filled up,
When we all get so sorry for our
sins, that we will not only abide by
what has been done until rectified
peacefully; but confess the outrages
upon ns are all right and be thank
ful—not onlyreceive the smitings of
the rod uncomphumngly, but gra
ciously exclaim well , done good and
faithful servants. It will be filled
up, Mr. Boutwell thinks, when we
all get loyal, and we>will ail get loyal
when we get ready ot tote for Gen
eral Grant. gnu^ vote for
him because we love him. We must
not take him. like the boy 'did the
diuner to which he, was' invited.
Said his host to him, “My friend,
this meat you see in this dish is dog,
and it is all I have for dinner; shall
I ‘help you to a piece of the dog ?”
‘ ‘Well,” said the boy, “If I’m obliged
to eat. dog* I can do it; but I tell
you now I’m not a hankerin’ after it.”
We must not only take Grant and
the Radical party to get the chasm
filled up, but we must take them
like my North Carolina soldier friend
Bill’s sweet-heart took him, when
she wrote him to come along home
and get married. We must be like
she said she was, “ready, a willin’
and a waitin’” for them. That’s the
way to fill up the chasm. I think I
see
MR. BOUTWELL FILLING IT UP
nr>w—filling it Ijke his master fills
Albany prisons—filling it like the
Russians filled the ditch at Sweid-
witz Fort with the bodies of its vic
tims, except in this case we are to
be the victims—filling it with the
sacred writ of habeas corpus—filling
it with the rights of the States, local
self-government and the Constitu
tion, filling it as Jeffries filled the
dungeons and graves of England—
filling it with condemned innocence
by the wicked enforcement of the
Ku-Klux laws through* Federal
Judges and packed perjured jurors,
and then like the. witches Cauldron:
poses, and I have no doobt about it ;
by this shaking of hands, viz: the
meeting npon grounds of mutual re
spect, I am willing to shake hands.
“Mix a little white man’s blood, ,
Then the chasm is firm and good.”
Well I believe I would prefer that
THE CHASM SHALL REMAIN OPEN
awhile, rather than fill it up huthat
way, and just let us shake hands
across as Mr. Greeleyreuggests.
Now I understand Mr. Greeley’s
idea of shaking hands, as I said be
fore, to be a meeting npoa grounds
of mutual respect. Well, he means
that, and who doubts.
I’M WILLING TO SHAKE HANDS.
I’m willing that the Southern cause
and the Northern cause should each
stand upon its merits, I’m willing
that the soldier who sustained each
shall be treated with the deference
by the other, due a sincere, an hon
est and a brave foe. I am willing
that the Northern soldier who backed
the convictions of his mind and his
heart with his life shall be regarded
as a hero; but I claim a no less ex
alted'opinion-for the Confederate
soldier. If he means this, then I am
ready to shake ha'nds, but if he
means what Bout well means by fil
ling up the chasm, which he cannot
—which he does not m.ean—that we
are to affect sorrow for treason, so-
called, then I am unwilling to shake
hands. Whenever Southern men
begin that, we shall lose, as we
ought, our own self-respect—the
only stay of our manhood and hope
of our country—and the respect of
the North and of the world. When
ever Southern tongues begin to talk
disparagingly of our cause it is time
for Southern tongues to be still.
Whenever the traitor’s blush begins
to mantle Southern cheeks—when
ever Southern hearts send the blood
to Southern faces to paint aught else
than the glow of pride it feels for
Southern achievements, it is time for
these hearts to cease their pulsations.
I deplore—I know of nothing in this
life which I more deplore than that
any Southern man should feel it ne
cessary or just to speak of our past
as in any degree dishonorable or in
glorious.
Whenever that feeling becomes
general amongst us, it is time for ns
all to die. Spirit of Lee and Jack-
son, safe us from such a calamity!
Rather lets us continue to feel, like
Mark Antony over the dead body
of Caesar, that our hearts are there
in the coffin with the dead. And,
unlike Anthony, let ns draw the
mantle over these gashes thus cut
in the body of our prostrate South,
and thus save the shock to the sensi
bilities of our people.
GBFELEY’S DEMOCRATIC ADVISORS.
In the next place, I prefer the ad
visors' w&o are likely to surround
Mr. Greeley to those who we know
will control Gen. Grant. I under
stand Mr. Greeley to be pledged to
a recognition of the claims of the
Democratic party, in the appoint
ment of his Cabinet and in other ap
pointments.
[General Gordon here gave his
reasons for this belief, and, among
others things, related a conversation
had, in company with Southern gen
tlemen, with Mr. Greeley upon this
subject. This conversation, the
General stated, had aided in remov
ing one of his objections to voting
for Mr. Greeley.]
Now, a« to platforms. I’ not going
to detain you 10 talk much about
PLATFORMS.
I am trying to give briefly and hon
estly my .reasons for preferring Gree
ley to Grant, nnd the reasons which I
think ought to influence every South
ern man to prefer him; aud I want
you to keep stadily in view the fact
that Grant or Greeley is to be Presi
dent inevitably. There are some tilings
in Mr. Greeley’s platform which I
cannot endorse. There are some
thing in it that are good—many that
are Democratic. It pledges
AN HONEST ADMINISTRATION.
Well, ii is irne we are not so much
interested in honest administration as
we ODce were, for they have not left
much amongst us to steal. [Laughter.]
But we prefer honesty as a sentiment,
and Jefferson said '‘the whole art of
government consists in the art of be
ing honest,” and Jefferson is good an-’
thorny. Everybody says Horsce
Greeley is honest, and Georgians are
likely to appreciate that.
Another plank is the demand that
the.Federal power shall be restrain
ed within the bounds ot the Constitu
tion. Old Carroll,* of Carrollton,
said “in a free government the exer
cise of arbitrary power by the Ex
ecutive must not and will not be en
dured.” We have endureo it under
Grant arid have lost our liberties.
We could not, the Northern people
would Dot resist, and libeity, as our
fathers understood liberty, is lost.
Arbitrary power by an Executive
and liberty can not live in the same
atmosphere. Old Carroll saw this—
our fathers saw this—and at last
some of the wisest and most patriot
ic of Grant’s former supporters see
it, and they sound the alarm—they
break the chains that bound them
to this Executive and the party
which sustained him, and they de
mand, with old Carroll, that “arbi
trary power” shall no longer be en
dured.
I LOVE LIBERTY; I HATE TYRANNY;
I SHALL STRIKE WITH ANYBODY FOB
negro and in defiance of the sworn
statements contradicting it, of forty
of South Carolina’s most virtuous
daughters, arrested and dragged to
prison and denied the sacred right
of habeas corpus, guaranteed to
every citizen, whether guilty or in
nocent. But I will not harrow up
your feelings by a recital ot
THESE HORRORS—
the depth of whose infamy no tongue
could describe. I ( will not insult you
by supposing that any Georgian can
vote to perpetuate such a reign in a
sister State. For one, I shall neither
vote to sustain Jt directly nor indi
rectly. If such a reign is to be per
petuated, I shall not so act as to
have the bitter reflection, weighing
by night and qy day upon my mind
and my heart, that I refused to co
operate with the only movement
against it, which has the remotest
possibility of success. Whether I
like or dislike the leaders of%hat
movement, I shall not refuse to strike
a blow for
THE FORMER.
I shall strike with anybody co put
down the latter. The “restraints”
are what we want—the restraints of
the Constitution. Webster said “the
Constitution is the sheet anchor of
our liberties.” Old Hickory said “it
is our defense in war, and the source
of our prosperity in peace.” I un
derstand the men who made Gree
ley’s platform to propose to restore
this “sheet anchor” to the drilting
shio, or at least a part of it. Grant
and his party have broken it and
thrown it away. I am for those who
will restore it.
WHOEVER WILL RESTORE THE CONST!
TUTION IS FOB YOUR BIGHTS.
Whatever he or they may have
been, if notk for the Constitution,
they are. your friends. And if by
reason of former hostility to you,
and asssociation with these breakers
of the Constitution they can now
wage a more successful war against
them, don’t let that formey hostility
prevent oar supporting them in the
effort. Bat I can’t stop to talk abont
this. I'm only trying to show that
this is better than •
GRANT’S PLATFORM.
Now what is Grant’s ? I shall not
tax you to read it What matters
it to you or the country what plat
form he stands upon ? Were it ever
so unobjectionable it could not res
train him or his supporters. An Ex
ecutive and a party who cannot be
restrained by the platform on which
government rests—the platform of
the Constitution—which he and they
were sworn to observe.and protect,
can scarcely be restrained by one
which he is not -sworn to observe.
Suffice it to say that both he and
his platform tell us that his future
is to be as his past; and from
SUCH A FUTURE,
(I presume we can all join in the
prayer) “Good Lord deliver us.”
We all know what that past has been
—we have seen it—we all have felt
it. Have, you forgotten it? Ask
South Carolina what it was—what it
still is. Ohl that it were the past
with her! Ask the thousands of her
sons, scattered at this hoar from one
end of this country to the other,
DRIVEN BY BAYONETS FROM HOME AND
EMPLOYMENT.
Ask the grave and reverend profess
or, arrested by soldiers at the head
of his classes, upon the affidavit of a
THE RELIEF OF MY SUFFERING COUN
TRYMEN,
nor will I join some other movement,
which can only bring confusion to
oar ranks and eonfusion to our ef
forts. I shall keep steadily in view
the goal of deliverance. I shall al-
low'nothing to divert me. Perish
pride of opinion; perish hatred of
former enemies, who fight for liberty
now; perish prejudice and all consid
erations of personal preferences or
personal comfort; let all be subordi
nated to the higher and holier, bra
ver determination to lock shields for
this final charge, with any men and
all men, who will move upon this
Despotic Power, which has subver
ted the government, and made the
name of the
REPUBLIC A REPROACH.
I know you do not wish to perpetu
ate this despotism. None who have
eyer tasted the sweets of freedom;
none but slaves can refuse to strike
it down.
I hear one say, “yes, we desire
to bo rid of this;” but we fear we
shall get nothiDpc hotter hv electing
Greeley. Is there nothing better in
the surroundings of Mr. Greeley
than in the surroundings of General
Grant? Is'there nothing better in
the Baltimore than in the Philadel
phia picture? Is “Yankee Doodle,’
tempered by Dixie, not better than
“JOHN BROWN’S SOUL IS MARCHING
ON ?”
Is the civilian battling now for
local self-government, not better
than the hostile soldier riding in the
kingly pomp of his power over tha
restraints of the Constitution, and
with haughty ' tread trampling the
rights of the States and the liberties
of the citizens ? Oh, is there nothing
higher and nobler in heeding the
load wail of woe from South Carolina
and-our sister States than in folding
our arms with “I cannot,” “I will
not?” But if these considerations
do not move us there is still the
great, the overshadowing fact that
Greeley and his party against Grant
and his party are against the men
who have done more to stir the bad
blood of our people, more to drive a
suffering and down-trodden section
to despair, more to destroy confi
dence in Republican government
than any and all other men who
have ever found foothold on this
continent.. On the one hand is local
self-government—the boon above all
othert we crave. On the other is
centralization and the Federal dutch
at our throats. Is there no choice ?
If there is, make it, and then act so
as to*secore the fruits of your decis
ion.
JIB. GREELEY’S RECORD NOT THE
QUESTION.
But Mr. Greeley’s record is in your
wav. I am not here to defend Mr
Greeley’s record. I am here to desl
with the stern inexorable present. I
am here to tell yon of a battle leagued
against this .Despotic Power, whose
beel is still upon the necks of our suf
fering countrymen. I am here to sound
the battle “long roll,”, and summon
you to arms. I am not here to talk
of what meolwere, but of what men
ar?. What,baa Mr.^Greeley’s record
to do with the question you must de
cide,, viz: “Where is my place in the
fight! who am I to aid f Jhoee who
have deprived as of onr substance as
well as of oar liberties, or those who
have raised against them the standard
ofrevoh?” Who is Mr. Greeley but the
accidental flag-staff to mark the career
of the abip aa she rit’ea the coming
wares of this gigantic popular revolt!
If be bad never sighed (in his own lan
guage) for the “pure atmosphere of
peace and fraternity,” if be bad never
championed the cause of magnaumity
and amnesty, if ha bad sot been
amopg the first to raise that standard
of revolt against Radical despotism, be
is still the bearer of it. Let us not
stand discussing records of long years
ago, when the opportunity to recover
liberty is presented and passing. We
are to deal with a movement sot with
a man.
PRINCIPLE AND POLICY CONTRASTED.
But “principle.” I must cling to ray
Democratic principles* “1 would vote
with you for Greeley, bat I can’t aban
don mv principles.” Let me say a
word about this. I’ve no time to de
velop it. Tbe ideas of men become
a little cloudy over ihie subject, I
think. They confuse ends with ways
and means—principles with the policy
to be pursued in establishing princi
ples. We may not change our princi
ples, bnt we may change the methods
of securing them. Principle, both mor
al and political, is eternal and unchan
geable, but in tbe case of religioua
principle both the principle and the
manner of setting it np are fixed by
unerring wisdom and record in Holy
writ. Neither, therefore, can be
changed. In the case of politicals
principles, tbe method of setting
them np, or what men call policy, is
tbe result of human reason, and, there
fore, fslible, and may be changed ac
cording to circumstances. In states
manship, in politics as in war, results
may be attained by strategy, if it is
honorable’strategy. The changing a
line of policy to secure the triumph of
of a principle is not an abandonment
of that principle.
AN ILLDSTSATION.
D :ring the war General Lee held s
principle. It was the right 0/ self
government—whatever else was in
volved in that contest, this was in
volved. He held it, aa^ during tha
war yon applauded. Bat before supe
rior numbers he surrendered and foil
applauded then hia course. Wes it
that he had abandoned principle that
you applauded ! O, no!' It was sim
ply tbe abandonment of the policy of
its defense by bullets. We are to-day
as much bound to defend this principle
in the conflicts of peace as in those of
war. Are any here who were with
Jackson at Ohancellorsvilie in 18631
If so, you will remember tbe change
in the programme there. I- do not
give words, bat the substance. Gen.
Jackson, after one of bis swift gallops
along the enemy’s front, would ride
up to General Lee aud say :
“General, this is a mistake to more
in here. There is ibis difficulty and
that iu the way."
“Well,, but General Jackson, 1 can
not be everywhere on the line at the
same time. I must trust something
to my snborninates, and my engineers
tell me this is tbe line to approach
'■pUUk i'n
•‘Your engineers are mistaken, sir."
“Well, then, General Jackson, what
we want is to win the battle. You see
the enemy npon tha heights. You
see his entrenchments. Wtrmust carry
them. If you can suggest a better
plan to cany out our purpose, I shall
be glad to hear it. What do you pro
pose I”
“You must go to tbe flank, sir—
you must strijo^iem in the rear,”
and soon JamPon’s ragged lines
dragged not their slow, but swift
length along, through . chiocquepin
and pine, of that now historic Wilder. 1
ness. Soon far off on tbe enemy's
flank, is heard tbe wild shoot of the
Confederate charge. Look! They
scale tbe heights, and the red cross of
battle waves in triumph from the ene
my’s works.
Fellow-citizens, the enemies of liber-
tv; the enemies of the Constitution;
tbe enemies of good government are
entrenched npon the heights at W r aah-
ipgton. Hosts are marshaling; yea,
the battle is already begun. Why
stand we here qoarielling because this
man bas Dot been chosen leader, or
that route has not been selected for
the approach ? Into line and forward.
Most of ns have been soldiers, llavo
we forgotten in what the might ef
armies consists ? I counsel concord.
I plead for unity. I bear tbe olive
branch, and beg that dissension* cease
in onr ranks. Co-operation acd sect*-
sion in 1860 brongbt division. Co
operation and nnion charged seces
sion with the extreme of rashness;
bat aii were brethren, and^ the mi
nority bowed to the majority, and
in 1861 we had unity. In 1812^ tbe
Liberal movement and tbe ‘straight*
movement bring division—not bow
the charge of rashness; but the
straight movement charged tbe ex
treme of caution. Let us, in the in
terest of unity and in the spirit of
conciliation, go with the majority of
onr people. Otlr alms are one. Let
us not divide as to means. Let ns
move into line, and forward. If we
secure nothing more, let us secure
the heights and hold them forever,
we hope, in the interest of the Con
stitution, oflaw, of Liberty and of
peace:
[The General was interrupted
throughout the delivery with fre-
queht applanse.
FURL0W MASONIC
FEMALE collsos.
AMERICUS, #A.
•
Tha Sixteenth Annul Tan* wHl #pna Mm.
September led, and eleee Dec—her JSth.
Spring aad Semfcer Seinoa to epee Jteeewber
30th and eloae led Wedoeedey ia Jane-
Board ia private Tamilian, ex el naira ofvtak.
lab bom 610 to 620 par meath.
For further particular* apply tec aireaUr.
Rev. D. 6. T DOUGLAS,
August 23,1872.
V. *. HAROLD, Eh-.
Secretary Of TrUttaa.
2a