Newspaper Page Text
VOL. G.
THE WEEKLY
CARTERSVILLE EXPRESS.
Is published every
FRIDAY MORNING /
Id C*rtersrille, Bartow Cos., Ga.. by
II. Nmith,
EDITOR and PROPRIETOR at the fol
low >ng
Rate* of Subscription :
One copy three months, P-JJJJ
One copy six months, f-'
One copy one year,
{lnvariable in advance.)
CL I B TTtES:
Five copies, one year #15.00
Ten copies, one year 25.00
Twenty copies, one year 40. GO
And a copy extra to the party getting up the
club.
All papers stopped at the end of the time paid
for if not previously renewed.
Rated of Advertising' ••
Advertisements inserted at One Dollar per
square for the first insertion and Seventy ii-e
Cents for each subsequent insertion. Liberal
deduction made when an advertisemem is in
serted ODe month or longer-
no.squares. jj 1 m0,;2 mo.j3mos A mos. 6 mos
One 7. 3.25 6.o<f 7.00 iO.OO 15.00
']' wo j| 7.50 12 00*13.50 20.00 27.00
q’liree 11.00 16.00 18.00 28.00 37.00
F„ U r 14.00 20.00 24.00 35.00 45.00
Fourth colu’n 17.00 24.00 28 00 41.00 53.00
Six 20.00 27.00 31.00 46.00 60.00
Seven . ..... 23.00 30.00 34.00 50.00 67.00
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Xine .'. 29.00 36.00 40.00 60.00 80.00
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Eighteen .’.. 66.00 R 3.00 67.00 100.00 134.00
Nineteen 59.00 66.00 70.00 105.00 140.00
Twenty 62.00 69.00 73.00 110.00 146.00
Tvventy-f*ne...j|65.00 72.00 76,00 1 15 00 152.00
Column IWOOTS.OO 79.00,118.00:158.00
Parties Advertising will be restricted,
in their Contracts, to their legitimate business;
that is to say, all Advertisements that do not
refer to their regular business will be charged
for extra.
Advertisements inserted at intervals to be
charged as new each insertion.
The above rules will be strictly udheared to.
PROFESSIONAL CARDS,
JERE A. HOWARD,
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW,
CARTERSVILLfi, GA.
PRITCHETT <$- WOFFORD,
Attorneys at Law
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
OFFICE OVER ELSAS STORE,
Oct, 17, 18G7,
THOMAS W. MILNER,
Attorney at Law,
CARTERSVILLE. GEORGIA,
Will attend promptly to business entrusted
to his care. Oct. 5 wly
JOHN J. JONES
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
Curtersvillc, Ga.
WILL attend promptly to all business en
trusted to his care. Will practice in
(he Courts oflaw, and equity in the Cherokee
Circuit. Special attention given to the collec ■
tion of claims. Jan. 1, 1866. ly
John J- Jones.
J 0 H N JJOTes”
REAL, ESTATE AGENT,
CARTERSVILLE GA
I am authorized to seli, anti have on hand several
Houses and Lots, and also numerous building lots in th e
town of Cartersvil’e. Also several plantations of vari
ous sizes in Bartow county. Parties desiring to buy or
sell will do well to give mo a call. All communications
prompily answered. July 17. ISC6.
Surgeon and
Mechanical Dentist.
TIYHE undersigned respeotfully offer his prel
im fessional services to the citizens of Car
tersville and vicinity. He is prepared
to do all kinds of TffprrZf work belonging
to his profession. « Full setts of
teeth put in on gold plate. Work all war
ranted. F. M. JOHNSON.
Cortersville, Feb. 13, 6m°
DR. HUGH A. BLAIR,
Physician and Surgeon,
GartersviUe, Georgia.
EESPECTFULLY tenders hts professional services to
the public.
{SfOtfice at bis residence, on Main St., late resi
dence of Mr. P. Marsh. June 21.
DR. O. PINKERTON,
Cartersville, Georgia
Tenders his professional services to the citizens o f
artersville and surrounding country, and will attend
C3.11s at all hours. Office up-stairs in Dr. Samuel Clay
oa’s New Brick Building. May 10. 1867,w1y
Lanier House,
MARIETTA, GA.,
BY ELLISON A. DOBBS, Proprietors
1 11 HIS House is located iu a few steps of the
I. Railroad, where the cars stop. Passengers
tike three meals a day here. Meals prepared
a all hours. july 24.
_ sTlh Pat till o,
FASHIONABLE TAILOR,
Will attend promptly to the Cutting, Repair-»
Ing and M aking Boy’s and Meu’s Clo'hing.
Office in bacu room of Blair & Bradshaw’s store. lI.J
Oartersville, Ga. .1..
S.O’tKIB&D,
Dress Tailor.
•*££ IS prepared to execute all kinds
wA of work in the Fashionable Tail
'•£- ing line, with neatness and in <1 n- JiT
rablc style. Over J. Elsas & Co’s store,
Cartersville, jan 25.
The Cartersville Hotel.
DR. THOMAS MILAM having
charge of this House, would be £§"« ttt|
pleased to accommodate a few Board- H ! £ !
ers with BOARD, wi.h or without
Lodging. Call and see him at once for terms
Cartersville, Jan 17.
W . R. nOPSTCASTLE,
Jeweller and Watch and
Clock. Repairer,
In the Front of A. A. Skinner <St Co’s store.
Cartersvii! jan 25
THE CARTERSVILLE EXPRESS.
MISCELLANEOUS ADVERTISEMENTS
FURNITURE! FURNITURE! !
GEO. P. FRAZEF.'
Jiarictta street, Atlanta, Ga.
WHOLESALE AiY/J RETAIL DEALER,
Has now on hand one of the largest and cheapes;
stocks of
FURNITURE
in Atlanta, embracing PARLOR SETS,CHAMBER Seis
CHAMBER SETS BEADSTEADS,
WRITING DESKS, SOFAS,
BUREAUS, ROCKERS,
WARDROBES, WASH STADS,
CHAIRS WHAT-NOTC,
in short, everything needed to complete a first- class
tock of furniture. Inducing the
33 SSTmJCHEAPEST
Ever offered in this city. The attention of the cit
zens of Atlanta and and the country generally isre
sptctfully invited to this establishment. Great induce
ment? to the trade Prices low to suit the times. Or
ders fitted promptly and well.
Aug. 9th 1867. ts.
D. H. BAILEY, G. N. ORDWAY,
Formerly of Nf'inry Cos. Os Giles County.
JAMES M. CAUSEY, T. B. SEMPLE,
Os Williainsun county. Os Huntsville, Ala.
BAILEY, ORDWAY & CO.
COTTON COMMISSION
J^JSTID
Wholesale Grocery Warehouse,
d’os. 5 and 7 Jtroad Street
NASHVILLE TKS.Y,
~.E beg leave to return thanks to our friends for the
• H very liberal share of patronage bestowed
upon our house the past season, and would say that,
having enlarged our facilities for storing Cotton, we are
now prepared to give every attention to the storagp,
sale, and shipment of all Cotton our friends may en
trust to our care. We promise that every effort will
•• ■ , - ,-ure the very hi chest market price, wheth
er ?„;d here or In other markets.
Will make Cash Advances on all cotton or other Pro
luce shipped to us. Our terms shall always he as low
as any other reliable house.
James M, Carney and Wm \ .
Sample will give their undivided att<ntioc
to the Cotton Depart man t, and will strain everj as?/
to make it to the interest of planters to patrouit
CIS .
We will always keep a full stock of GROCERIES,
BAG< I SO, ROPE and TWINE, and all grades of
FLOUR for sale at the lowest prices.
W anted.—We wish to purchase wash
ed and unwa-h-d WOOL, FEATHERS, and DRIEJ
FRUIT, and will aiv, ys give the best prices.
HAILEY ORDWAY & CO.,
• TIILL & BEAUT, of Cartersvillu
will act as our agents, and pay tax on Cotton consign
ed to us. BAILEY, ORDWAY & CO.
Sept 27 67 6mo
ROBT. LUSK, Prcs t. T. B. SAMPLE, Cash,
TRADES RS ; BANK
30 Iniou Street,
NASIIAILLE TilJi.Y,
DEALS IN
Coin, Foreign uml Domestic Ex
change , Uncurrent Money of ail hinds.
United States , State, and Rail Roai
Bonds.
.Ugliest prices paid for 5,20s
1 7,20s SO 408, and
Comp. Int. Notes.
FOR SALE
NCAN, SHERMAN & CD’S DRAUro
IN SUMS TO SUIT, ON
London,
Parris,
ISerlin.
-S. pt 27, 1807 6m
J. W. F. BEST,
DEALER IN
AND '
MEDICINES,
Linseed, Tanners and
Lard Oils.
Paints,
Putty,
W indow Glass,
Dye Stuffs
of’all kinds
ALSO
Ftemt Medicines and
TOILET ARTICLES SUCH AS
SOAPS. BP/TJSHES
Combs, Perfumery &e. &c.
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
5ept.20,1867
W. A, OEWEESE,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.,
Dealer in
Family Groceries,
Confectioneries,
TOBACCO,
CIGARS,
LIQUORS.
DYE-STUFFS,
BLUESTONE,
&C., &0.
Store opposite the Courthouse, on Maine
Street, adjoining the new brick store of P. L.
Moon and Cos. oct 17, wtf
J. O. MATUEWSON. G. 11. McLAUGHLIN.
*. 0. MATHtWSOH & CO:
[Formerly Stovall, McLacgiil’n & Co.]
GEM’L COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
Augusta, Ga.
Consignments of*Grain, Bacon and Produce
promptly attended and cash remitted on day of
sale. Grain sacks on hand at very law prices.
Agents for Mentour, Hopewell and Rock
Cotton Mills.
Rinferences; Hon J. P. King, Augusta Ga,
Augusta Savings bank.
July 26, 1867. wly.
J. ILPURTELL!
MERCHANT TAILOR,
White Hall Atlanta, Ga.
CLOT HINli made to order in the very
latest style, and at short notice.
Oct. 25, 3t.
An Address
TO THE
PEOPLE of GEORGIA
AND THE
TTIST-HTIEID STATES.
Fellow-Citizens of Georgia and of the
United States:
By a Convention held at Macon on
the sth and 6th of December, 1867,
representing the Conservative people
of Georgia, the undersigned were ap
pointed a committee to prepare an Ad
dress to you, setting forth their senti
ments, their condition, their fearful
apprehension of future ruin, and the
final overthrow cf constitutional gov
ernment. In discharging- this impor
tant duty, we bring to the task an
earnest and patriotic desire not only to
promote the welfare of our own State,
but also that of our whole coumrv.
When the late unhappy war termin
ated and the Conlederate arms were
surrendered, a single condition only
was required, which was that we should
return to the pursuits of peace and
obey the Constitution and laws of the
United States, under the pledge, by the
victors, that, so long as we continued
to do so, we should be protected in the
unmolested enjoyment of the rights
and privileges which that Constitution
and those laws guarantee to each State
and every citizen. We have kept our
promise in letter and spirit, and from
that day to this no resistance has been
ofiered to the Federal authorities.—
l'he laws of the United Slates are
quietly obeyed, without the necessity
of military power to enforce them.—
Their Courts are open, and their pro
cesses respected. Crime can be pun
ished by the regulat and established
modes of judicial procedure. With
magnanimity and hopefulness our peo
ple united in an honest effort to build
uo their ruined fortunes and le-estab
lish their lost prosperity. The war
left our homes saddened with bereave
ment, and, in thousands of instances,
in ashes. It brought universal sorrow
and poverty. Our fields were desolat
ed, our labor disorganized, our indus
try paralyzed, all our enterprises
destroyed or crippled, and our capital
sunk. Towns and cities were plun
dered and burned, and their inhabitants
driven, in destitution, from their homes.
But these were the fruits of war—not
legitimate, to be sure—such, however,
as usually attends its inarch of fire;
and, therefore, we submitted to them
with patience and fortitude, cheered by
the hope that the quarrel and carnage
having ended, the return of peace anJ
prosperity would begin, and that at
least political fraternity would be re
stored. Under this inspiration we
endeavore to forget the bitterness
which the struggle had engendered, to
cultivate a spirit of conciliation and
harmony, and to evince, in every pos
sible way, our desire to have Georgia
restored to her constitutional relation
to the Union. Terrible has been our
disappointment. Having been baffled
in the attempt at secession, upon the
idea that such attempt was rebellion.
we supposed that its suppression left
Georgia a .State in the Union, still pos
sessing the inherent right of self-gov
ernment and the constitutional right of
representation in Congress. Instead
of this, however, the President of the
United States required that we should
organize anew State goverrment,
ratify the Constitutional amendment
abolishing slavery, and incorporating
the same provision into our fuhdamen*
tal law; that we should repudiate our
State war debt and abrogate the ordi
nance of secession and all the laws in
furtherance of the Confederate cause.
Animated by a determination to make
any sacrifice but that of honor, sup
pressing even the spirit of complaints
tor the sake of peace, we did all that
he required—even surrendering our
most valuable property, that of our
slaves—and consented to become al
most paupers. Supposing that such
deportment might challenge the mag
nanimity victors towards a fallen
foe, we then thought surely the davvr.
of peace was in sight, and that our
right to the protection and benefits of
a common Constitution would be re
cognized. We elected our Senators
and Representatives, thus demonstrat
ing not only our expectation, but also
cor earnest desire again to participate
in the councils and promised blessings
of the Union restored. But, as before,
disappointment was our fate. Our
members were spurned from the halls
of Congress and our people denounced
as traitors and rebels. We have been
persistency charged with hostility to
the Constitution and Union, and treat*
ed as outlaws from both. Whilst we
do not thus allude to the deportment
and temper of our people in a spirit of
boasting, yet we challenge contradic
tion of our statements, and fearlessly
array them before a candid world as
evidence of the injustice, unkindness
and falsehood of the charges against us,
urged as a pretext for our oppression.
Proscription from the Union we!
could endure ; the charge of hostility to
it were tolerable ; from our prostration
we might rise ; our poverty we might
surmount if we could be left undisturb
ed and permitted to enjoy our inherent
right of self government. Our noble
State abounds with the elements and
resources of material wealth ; her peo
ple are enterprising and full of the
consciousness of unsullied and unsub
dued manhood. Give play to their
capacities unfetter their elastic ener
gies, remove unnecessary and unjust
burdens from their labor, and they will
achieve prosperity for themselves and
CARTERSVILLE, GA., JANUARY 17, 1808.
the blessings of exalted civilization for
their posterity. But our oppressors
are not willing to do this. They claim
to make us the victims of their political
policy—-worse than tuat, they require
us to be instrumental in executing that
policy, upon the peril of their ven
geance : that a proud and gallant peo
ple, upon whose honor none but the
tongue of slander ever breathed aught
of shame —their own brethren by race,
by ancestry, and by political ties—
shall vute lor their own degration or
forfeit the rights of free American
citizens. Demand alter demand hav
ing been made, and submitted to with
as much complacency as a generous
people could bring to the performance
of humiliating duty, the scheme pro-
posed by the military acts lor recon
struction is the bitter chalice offered to
our lips as the maximum of ihe victors’
magnanimity, which we are to drink io
the dregs, on pain of political death lor
refusal. But, in our anxiety for friend
ship and good government, we did not
dasli it hastily from us. On its face it
professed to respect our wishes; it pro
posed that we should vote freely, for or
against it —accept or reject it—and
thus, by implication at least, invited us
to examine and consider it. We did
so, in the light of the Constitution, and
we found not one word in that instru
ment to warrant the passage of the
reconstruction acts. They rest upon
the assumption that Congress lias the
power to construct governments tor the
State. They abrogate the Govern
ment of Georgia, .which the people
organized in deference to the Presi
dent’s wishes, and, in its stead, place
us under a Military Governor clothed
with the power of despotism, under
which the sovereignty of the people
ignored and the principles ot Magna
L.'iurta, incorporated into the Consti
tution for the security of properly, life
and liberty, are trodden under foot.
They disfranchise a large portion of
the most intelligent and virtuous citi
zens, as a punishment for alleged
crime of which they have not been
legally convicted, and confer universal
suffrage upon the emancipated negroes.
Hence, the Congressional scheme is
not only violative of the Constitution,
but grossly cruel and unjust, devoid ol
that far-seeing and comprehensive
statesmanship which seeks good gov
ernment, in contradiction to partisan
ascendancy. For who can fail to see
those acts must lead and were inten
ded to lead to negro supremacy ? Else
why such disfranchisement of the
wiiite as to throw the power of the
ballot-box into the control of the en
franchised black race ?
Such is obviously their design, de
duced from their letter and spirit, not
denied by their authors and fully illus
trated by the manner of their enforce
ment. Having placed us under military
law, and tolerating our organized
government as merely provisional, its
civil officers were compelled to support
them, on pain of dismissal. Judges
anti other officers were deposed for
refusing to violate the Constitution and
laws which they had sworn to obey
and execute; all civil and military
officers were ordered to publish their
legal advertisements in such papers
only as sustained the Congressional
scheme. Thus the purity and inde
pendence of our judiciary have been
polluted and stricken down and the
sanctity of the jury box desecrated by
compelling jury lists to be made up of
whites and blacks indiscriminately ;
and thus the liberty of the press is
fettered and tolerated at the will of the
District Commander and military Gov
ernor of the State. To these we might
add numerous instances of the viola
tion of personal liberty, by arrests
without legal accusation or warrant,
and imprisonment without an impartial
and public trial by jury. In consider
ation, therefore, that the establishment
of negro supremacy was then* intention,
and that, trom the mode of their en
forcement, it would inevitably be con
summated, we firmly and deliberate! v
opposed the Reconstruction acts, as
most compatible with cur tell respect
and our duty to the dead and the living
—to the present and futuregenerations.
But power has. thus far, triumphed
over reason, justice and right ; and the
Convention provided for, representing
negroes only, with the exception of a
lew thousand whites, now sits, to
crystalize into constitutional forms the
policy of bringing the State of Georgia
under the dominion of negro supremo, -
cy. It is without parallel in the an
nals of the world. For although his
tory furnishes instances of abolitions
yet it affords no example of an attempt
by military force to elevate the eman
cipated slave above his recent master,
to subordinate the superior to the infe
rior race, and clothe the the latter with
the political power of the State. It is
the most outgageous policy ever advo
cated by a Christian people. It should
arrest the alarmed attention of every
friend of constitutional government
throughout the Union, as it must
awaken the astonishment ol the civil
ized world. The perpetration of such
monstrous wrong has been reserved
for the dominant power now controll
ing the destiny of this country —for
men, sworn to support and obey the
Constitution of a government profess
edly deriving, as a fundamental princi
ple. “ks just powers from the consent
of the governed.”
Fellow -citizens : Shall negro supren.
macy be permanently enthroned in the
State of Georgia ? Shall ten States of
this Uuion be surrendered, at the point
of the bayonet, to the dominion of the
African r ice ? Shall eight millions of
whites be subjected to the rule of four
millions of blacks ? Shall they become
our Magistrates, our Legislators, our
Judges, our Governors, and Represen
tatives in Congress? Shall seven
i hundred thousand ignorant negroes,
who can neither read nor write, who
I know uothiYig of the principles of the
I Constitution or of legislation agrarians
by instinct, and taught by political
drill-masters that they have injuries to
avftige against the wiiite race, be sub
milted to the ballot box ? These are
the momentous questions which de
mand solution and desturb the-peace
end harmony of our country. If thev
are to be decided affirmatively, what
pen or tongue can portray the direful
calamities w hieh we shall reap at no
distant day ? The present derange
ment of Government will continue to
grow worse ; our material prosperity,
already arrested, will Le destroyed
forever; society, already shocked by
sudden anJ forced changes, will be
thrown into the most deplorable condi
tion of insecurity, and property, life and
liberty will be exposed to irremediable
peril.
If our silence, in the past, has been
construed into apathy and indifference,
then we have been greatly misappre
hended. We have submitted, almost
without complaint, because every whis
per of protest has been construed into
disloyalty by our oppressors.
We have offered the feeble opposi
tion of scarcely uttered remonstrance,
only because outnumbered at the ballot
box. and therefore impotent for suc
cessful resistance. The Conservative
people ol Georgia feel that tame
submission has ceased to be a virtue,
and has become a crime against their
country, their race, and future genera
tions. The ruthless arm of unhallow
ed power may enslave and degrade
them, but they will never, bv wore! or
deed, active or passive, consent to the
ouWage offered to their manhood, but
will struggle against it by every legiti
mate means which they can command.
They appeal to the friends of Consti
tutional government throughout the
land 1o rally to its rescue from the
grasp of relentless centralism.
It is the province of enlightened
statesmanship to search for the causes
of political maLdies, with a view to
their removal. It is easy for any
candid observer to detect the origin ol
those existing evils which threaten
such calamity to our country. We
have previously remarked, that the
Reconstruction Acts assume that Con
gress has the power to construct gov
ernments for the proscribed States.—
This assumption is the fruitful parent
of all our political troubles. It is not
pretended that the authority is to be
found in the Constitution ; an the con
trary. it is asserted to be outside of the
Constitution. This is an admission ol
tiie nufilv of the whole scheme.
How can Congress act outside of the
Constitution? Outside of the Consti
tution there is no Executive, no Judi
ciary, no Congress—no Government o'
the United States. Outside ol the con
stitution, the Congress—or rather the
men who compose it —have no more
authority than any other body of indi
viduals voluntarily assembled. Out
side of the Constitution, they have no
commission to legislate upon any
subject, (or any purpose, or in any
manner whatsoever. Every act out
side of the Constitution is usurpation
and utterly void. What vitality, then,
can there he in a Slate government,
constructed in pursuance of laws passed
by authority, c Mined to be outside of
the Constitution? How long can it
stand, after the bayonets that nrop it
up shall have been removed? It is a
fabric without foundation and must fall,
These are all self-evident propositions,
too axiomatic to admit of argument;
and they necessarily present, for the
consideration of the people of the
United States —especially lhe people of
those States designated, in the parlance
of the day, as loyal—this grave and
momentous question. It I fie Slate
governments, now being constructed by
Congress, are thus invalid, and can be
maintained only by force, are they pre
pared to incur the expense and hazard
to liberty of a standing army, for such
purpose? Are they paepared for a
military despotism over leu great States
of this Union, for the mere purpose of
oppressing the white race and sustain
ing negro supremacy l Will it be se
riously maintained that the Govern
ment can retain its Federal character,
and yet sustain such a policy ? Will
any candid man assert ihat it is con
sistent with the confessedly reserved
rights of the Slates? Who does not
perceive that ii will be their entire
absorption, and the conversion of our
Constitutional Republic into an elective
oligarchy, whose will , instead of the
Constitution, will be the “supreme law
of the land ?” And alt this tor what?
For lire sake of negro supremacy over
the Southern States ; lor the sake ol
degrading eight millions of wiiite peo
ple, that four millions of negroes may
lie forced into a status for which they
are utterly unfittted.
We appeal to the people of the
North, who have the power, to pre
serve the Constitution. Are you pre
pared to put in jeopardy our wise
fabric of government, and the liberty ol
more than thirty millions of your own
race, for the sake of enfranchising four
millions of illiterate and semi-civilized
Africans? “We speak as unto wise
men—judge ye what we say.”
We beg to offer another view for the
calm consideration cf lhe Northern
people. They almost universally con
tend that secession was a nullity. The
war having so decided ir. as a question
of practice, it iu not necessary now to
contest nasa question of right. Then
let the assumption be granted. It
follows, then, that not only the Ordi
nance of Secession was void, but that
all the subsequent proceedings —the
entire fabric erected upon it—tfere also
void. I'his fabric was the State gov
ernment which were in existence and
in operation when the Confederate
arms were surrendered ami the war
was terminated. These State govern
ments were illegal because they were
built on breach of the true Constitu
tional relation between the States and
the Federal Government. These pro
positions are true, upon ihe assumption
• that secession was a nullity, as insisted
upon by the Northern people. It
follows from them that the Slates were
never out of die Union, and that they
retained the ir right to continue as such,
however their visible organization and
Constitutional relations may have been
disturbed by secession. Ho far all is
plain and easy. The next step is the
beginning ol the difficulty. If these
H.ate governments were void, and
therefore fell with the Confederate
cause, how can their places be consti
tutionally supplied? Chin it be done by
reconstruction? By new State gov
ernments constructed by the President,
the Congress, or any other power?
Surely not. No department of the
Government ol the United Slates, nor
ail of them combined, is invested with
power to construct governments for the
States. Instead ot being conferred by
the Constitution, it is palpably incon
sistent with it. The duty, and the
whole duty of the United Slates, with
uespect to the State governments, is
cleaiiy defined in the Constitution. —
That duty is to guarantee to every
State a republican for m o I
government; to guarantee it, not to
create it—to preserve, not to destroy
and then reconstruct it. Can you
guarantee what does not exist? 'The
very idea of guaranteeing a government
implies, necessarily, ti e pre-existence
of the government. And tills is pre
cisely the duty which the U oiled Stales
owe to each Slate —to support anil
uphold the government vvuii wliicli
each State started in the Union, wheth
er that start was made at the beginning
or at a later period of our history.—
Whenever the start was made, each
State started in the Union -with a re
pub 1 icau form of government. This is
certainly true of Georgia and all the
original thirteen ; anti the admission of
other States, at subsequent periods,
was a confession by the Government,
which it is estopped from denying,
that »1 1 ev, 100, were republican.
'The government, therefore, with
which a tot He started in the U ii ion is the
government which the United States is
obliged to uphold. It may be modified
in the legitimate way —that is, by the
people ol the State, but always under
the limitation that it must remain re
publican, in form. And since the fail
ure ot secession and the decision by
the sword, that secession was a nullity,
Us a question ot practice, it would seen
that each Stale is bound to preserve us
original relation to the Union, as well
as to Have a Republican lorin of gov
ernment. When there is a breacli ol
either of these limitations, the thread
ot legality or constitutionality is drop
ped. All that may come afterwards
is on an illegal basis and void. Such
is the inevitable conclusion, viewing
the subject Iroin the Northern stand
point. What, then, is the remedy? Is
it for Congress to step in and construct
anew government? We have already
shown that they have no such power.
But the remedy is to go back am! pick
up the thread o!' legality right where it
was dropped, or, 111 oilier words, re
store the government which was wrong
lully displaced. It was not destroyed
bv secession, assunring secession to be
void; its functions were suspended
onlv; its offices were vacated, but not
extinguished. Hence, it follows, that
as soon as the disturbing cause (which
was secession and its results) was re
moved, the legitimate Constitution of
the Stales, which were in lorce at the
time of secession, stood in their original
vigor, and the offices of their govern"
merits should have been imuiediati ly
tilled by the proper constituency. This
doctrine of maintaining the succes
sion of legality in the Stale governs
ments is precisely what was decided
by the Supreme Court of the United
States, in the ease of Dorr’s rebellion,
in Rhode Island. The duly belongs not
to Congress alone, nor to the President
alone, nor to the Federal Judiciary
alone, but to all of them, each acting in
us appropriate sphere —it belongs to the
United Stales,. All of the powers of
Mie united Stales stand pledged to its
performance —the duty of maintaining
the State government with which each
State entered the Union, with such
modifications as it may have received
by the free and voluntary action of its
people, consistently with the Constitu
tion of the United Stales. Whenever
there is a branch of the liminalion im
posed by toe Constitution oltbe United
Slates’ everything thereafter too be
comes illegal and void. The remedy
therefore is a remission hack to the in
terrupled legal statutes. JNow the late
war has decided, as a question of fact,
that secession broke the thread ol con.
stitutional relation helvven the seceding
States and the United Stales, add that
the State governments lounded on se
cession were illegal and void, and fell
with the Confederate cause. These
■abrics have thus fallen, the people of
the Slates, as a logical necessity, arc
remitted back to their Constitutions
and Governments which existed at the
time of secession. Ail that was neces
sary—all that the United Stales, under
the*Federal Constitution had the right
to and—(and that they were bound to
do) —was to restore those governments
and constitutions back to the people.
This was their solemn constitutional
obligation. If it had been promptly
recognized and performed, tiie Union
would have*been immediately harmon
ized ciul all political disturbance set*,
tied. The remedy therefore for pres
ent ills, and the only preventive of
utter future ruin is, for each department,
iii its appropriate sphere, and all she
departments combined—constituting the
Government of the United Slates—to
return, in good (aith, to the Cutisliiu
lion. That instrument guarantees the
equality of the Slates in rights and
dignity, and recognizes tiie fundament
al principle that each, for itself, shall
confer and define State citizenship,
ami prescribe the qualification for ex*
ercifiinif the elective franchise and
holding niiice.
In making this earnest protest against
being placet), bv lt-rce, under negro do
minion, we disavow a’l feeling of re
seatment towards tjial nnlorluoate race.
As we are destined to live together, we
desire harmony and friendship between
them and ourselves; as they are made
the dupes of unscrupulous partisans and
designing adventurers, we pily them;
as they are ignorant, dependent and
helpless, it is our purpose to protect
them iti the enjoyment of all the rights
of peison and property to which their
freedom eulilies them.
Conservative Men of Georgia :
Awaken to a proper seuce of your dan
ger! Organize lor self-protection and
ceaseless opposition to the direful rule
of negro supremacy. which is sought to
be enforced upon es and our children,
in defence of the Constitution, and in
contempt of the civilization of the age
and the opinions of mankind.
Fellow-citizen* o>‘ lhe North: With
in the last lew mouths, the question of
negro suffrage lias been before you at
the ballot box. In a voice not ly be
misunderstood, you have tlecided
against it. You decided vo/unioi l/t/.
It has been decided /or'tf*. against our
will and against our convictions ol
what is compatible with good govern
ment and the Constitution of the U. IS.;
and decided by those who do not ex
pect to live underlhe Slate governments
they propose to establish by lorce.—
You decided against it, although the
number ol negeoes among you was too
smad to constitute a considerable, much
less a controlling element in politics.—
It is ordained by our oppressors that
we shall, have it, notwithstanding that
it will lead to negro supremacy over
is. We are powerless; you are potent
to forbid the outrage. Will you siund
aloof and candy see us subjected to this
damning wrong; and that, too. when it
will imperil the Republic and spread
baleful disaster over every iulrest.
Renewing our pledge of unsullied
honor and our tender ol bank and
manly obedience to the Constitution,
we appeal to you, in the name of the
Conservative people of our tStale, to
unite together in the patriotic olloit to
restore and perpetuate constitutional
government. Your recent elections
encourage our hopes and < ha I tenge our
gratitude. May truth, justice and right,
••terrible as an army wit 1, banners,”
gathering strength in every conflict,
march oil “conquering and to conquer,
until ils friends, rescuing it from the
grasp es centralism, shall restore, to its
appropriate supremacy, the Constitu
tion of the United States, so that
Georgia, together with her sisters in
oppression, shall enjoy the same pro
tection which its honest enforcement
would give to every Stale in the
Union.
Hf.kscuee V. Johnson,
AIISALOM 11. CllAl>rEi.L,
Bknj. 11. Hill,
Wahi:en Akin,
T. L. G (TERRY.
January 3d, 1808,
GEnEsmiivKoc ox tiie SIT
UATION.
Mississippi Territory, Dec. 18U7.
Editors SouruniiN Cultivator :
••Just a leelle spinnin kotton,” said
Ithody one day, when old Aliss Mar
row axed iiei “how much kotton does
the Col’n xnect ter make” Now
whether she saw like a propliit the Lii
lute purdtice, or kuowed 1 were go in
ter plant er big krap, and wanted ter
surprize the fokes when geilitnn lime
koine, it don’t behoovi tti her liusban
let say. Howsoever, l can trust to say
this much, llhody ar a iruthlol wo
man, and more than frequently does
“lie say ter me, when things turns out
rung, says she. “Gomes, L told you so,”
and this latter suyin has got to be a
koulinua), household, everyday savin,
fur things ar been turning out tong all
the year round, and winds up now,
shone null, with only a “leelle spinin
kotton,” and liiiody still say in, “1 told
you so, Gemes,” and “i told Miss
Marrow so too,” Riiody always lakes
the black side of the picler, and has iiit
the nail on the head every since the
surrender. History, true to her in"
slinks, ar repeatin herself—that is ter
say, is winding up 18 ! J7 just line 18GG
—only a little more so. it bergau
raimn last April—we had a Hood in
July, and it ar a dnzzlin now. Well
agrikulture ar diseased—yes, sir a de
funct perlession, and like Jonah’s
guard, only somethin you read about —
taint hardly in the memry of man.—
When the year begun, kotton war 30
cents per lb. Everybody went crazy,
and I inong em—hired a heap er nig
gers, rented laud, but pervissions and
planted hugely of koltpn. We all
walked on stilts—l kould see over an
y man’s head. Truth is, I went to
town and bought me a money cliist,
give away all my genus klollics and
bergttn chaw in terbacker
Well, Paul planted and PoLlus poured
down rain perfusely—then bone, mus
cle, sweat and hope were all brot to
bare—but the increase, it ar turning to
ashes on our expectations, and each !
farmer feels like one who were all a-
Sone in some banquet hall deserted —
that is ter say, when he walks in the
gin house or feels in his pocket. Yes,
sir, the floods koine and descended on
the krups—then the “Military bills,”
with territories, taxes, bayonets and o
ther terrorems —then winning Kail
speakers, hjpperkrittkal preachers and,
NO. 28.
infamous teachers, terg li.er with h *1“
lish Loyal Leagues, boll worm, army
j worm, craw fish, cotton lice so and rcg»
j islering— in short, a?l the ukarted ia*
■ lamilies that an avengin yanky spirit
! kould konjure up, to krusli a kotton
knp, koine altogether kombined with
it, and the harvest ar a fruitless, cheer'
less, mock holiday—just nothin—
“only a k-ctUe spinain kotton, shore
r.i.'lT. and “didn’t 1 tel! you so. Gomes.”
Mill ringing like a liuklin simbhr or a
sounding brass : and my aforesaid mon
ey c'tist, it ar bekotna a cupboard fur
krockery, and a.old par of slippers is
one of the pigeon holes. Jaruselatn I
wit h mv name was moss kivered, in
some old dvluppidiled monastery,
where monks iive without concern., and
Yanky’s never coine_ I'll be dad
rubheb ii I wouldn’t like to see An.lv
Jackson rise from tlie Hermitage, and
git m the Presidcn’ts cheer, bout now.
Ihilli bout rmpcuchin him ! By the e
ternal,” he'd take a Lzzltd hickory
broom and sweep Ivongriss so clean
you meglit sen your lace in the floor.
Whoopee! W oulnn’l Thud git over
•hem sick spells, sing a doxolngy t«*
his pack and curl up in hi* kennel,
quick ; that thar beast (Ben Beast tho
■butler) who is branded with a spoon,
and looks so much like the but cut of
; a broad tree, wouldn’t he be big enough
for a single rail cut. Yes sir, and lint
Constitution we used to have, would be
snatched out of the dead letter office and
the people made free again.
Talk about your National Banks —
Slates having no reserved rights—set
ting up an absolute consolidated Gov
ernment, without limitation of powers
—freedmen.s franchise and bureau’s—
these here things wouldn’t Ire narrate J.
confidentially , in Gath, not u-hi»pcre.l
in the corpoiation of Askaloti. No, sir!
a thunder bolt fulminated bv Jackson’s
will, out of the Constitution, would
crash Radical ranks so rapid, them
wouldn’t be a detail left, to put head
boards over the hellish crew. AU crea
tion would cry out "so mote it be." and
Rhodv —well she’ll jest say, “I told you
so, Gemes,” Do you think the (Spirit
of Liberty will hold up these Rails like
the Gruccian mother of anchicut days,
and say these ate mv jewels?’* No sir,
lint shakin her lorn tattered, bloody
locks in disgust, wul say, “depart Irom
me, ye despoilers of human rights, l
give you over "to believe a he." I)r.
Slop's Katalogue ol Uurses he heaped
all over poor Obediah, will be a Chris
tian’s evening chant, beside wlmt will
follow, “Mv people down South war
anhungered lar their rights under the
Constitution, and you give cm bullets,
blood, and burnt their corn; they were
poor and naked, and you look their
spoons and dishes, and stole the remain,
ing shreds of their poverty, and w hen
Irom sheer xauslon they broke down in
manly open combat, you ptomised if
they would lay down their arms, to tie
up the hounds of war, and respect per
son and property. Now that they ar
at your mercy, you ar fixed up plans
for kotifiskalin properly, and makin
menials of their person, ye are they who
under the cant ami hippcrkritrcal whine
of restoring the Union, ar disgorging
whole venimous volumes of (tiskord
and disunion the land over. Look out
somebody else may have ter lie whipped
bark in the Union." Yes sir! L'bertv
will say a heap er hard things, and she
ought ler. After we had stopped shoot
ing and slacked arms, see them loud
mouthed Bob Akerses, whose konragiC
had leaked out er the ir fingers, jumped
up in thelofi of sekurity, agin bullitsand
bombshells, while they war living, and
lay down flatter than a lizzird oil the
floor—see em now, when tltar amt no
powder burning, dr>p outer that afore
said lull— y«v, sir, koine rattling down
like post oak akrons in Ok tuber, The
bar is dead, and who’s al'eard. See cm
buckle on the saber, santer forth, rob us
ol millions of properly kick the Stat
utes often States higher than Hainan,
inter pie, and lighi em up with the glare
ol despotic bagonits. Shame has truly
an unblushing marble face, and down
light lying become Kougressioually,
kronicaily, konstitntionally national.
Il this bet) cason, then brand the signers
ol the dekluration of independence and
Gemes Munro <s traitors,and “let cm
rip”—that Is ter say, means must lie
given the latter ter “l ip;” lur Irotn short
krans and konliscatiou in the way
taxes, he aint able to run away, even
kongriss mav knock the lax off kotton
now; but its too late. Kotton haw ab
dicated, tuck all the money, pernoun ie-1.
a benediction over t tie nigger, and gone
to Egypt. King Korn bread ar tht
mighty mounrk the Southern stomaek
ar worshippin now; and that aforesaid
nigger ar in a gloomy and pakuliar kon
dilion. He didn’t bring it on liissel f,and
ar to be piuied. llis friends made him
free, and like a hungry stem, untied
loose in a lull pea-field, he led too high;
and the Koroner's verdic war, he "bus
ted Irom too much peas.” The nigger
ar now icedin on freedom mighty high,
and when he gits inter these here K.nt
venlunis aloresaid, tiie verdto will be,
that lie too busted, and not only busted,
but bespattered Ins frunds , ait over.—.
•Thou kansl not say I did it.’ No sir,
Mr. Rad, fur L found him whar the Bi
ble put him—took kare of him, clothed
and led him; made nim behave
and live by the sweat of bis brow, and
when be died I pul him in a decent grave
dropped a tear thar. and had his funer
al preached. Now, he ar turned loose
to graze on the kommons, whar deadly
weeds do grow; and I’ll bo dad-Tabbed
if your “Bill of Rights” don’t preach
his funeral, afore he is dead. Welj» io
sum up: kottor. ar dead, the nigger ar
dying, and the Government stand in out
in the cold, ihotit any konstiunional
kivemig—ar get the gallapin konsump
lion, and “Bateman’s Drags” wojuMuT
save hit, tlioul a mirakle from the Dllu
akratic party North— which lul cr