Digital Library of Georgia Logo
GALILEO Logo

The Cartersville express. (Cartersville, Ga.) 1867-1870, January 17, 1868, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

VOL. G. THE WEEKLY CARTERSVILLE EXPRESS. Is published every FRIDAY MORNING / Id C*rtersrille, Bartow Cos., Ga.. by II. Nmith, EDITOR and PROPRIETOR at the fol low >ng Rate* of Subscription : One copy three months, P-JJJJ One copy six months, f-' One copy one year, {lnvariable in advance.) CL I B TTtES: Five copies, one year #15.00 Ten copies, one year 25.00 Twenty copies, one year 40. GO And a copy extra to the party getting up the club. All papers stopped at the end of the time paid for if not previously renewed. Rated of Advertising' •• Advertisements inserted at One Dollar per square for the first insertion and Seventy ii-e Cents for each subsequent insertion. Liberal deduction made when an advertisemem is in serted ODe month or longer- no.squares. jj 1 m0,;2 mo.j3mos A mos. 6 mos One 7. 3.25 6.o<f 7.00 iO.OO 15.00 ']' wo j| 7.50 12 00*13.50 20.00 27.00 q’liree 11.00 16.00 18.00 28.00 37.00 F„ U r 14.00 20.00 24.00 35.00 45.00 Fourth colu’n 17.00 24.00 28 00 41.00 53.00 Six 20.00 27.00 31.00 46.00 60.00 Seven . ..... 23.00 30.00 34.00 50.00 67.00 Ei-rht 26.00 33.00 37.00 55 00 74.00 Xine .'. 29.00 36.00 40.00 60.00 80.00 qv n 32.00 39.00 43.00 65.00 86.00 Half-column.. 35.00 42.00 46.00 69.00 92.00 Twelve 38.00 45.00 49.00 74.09 98.00 Thirteen 41.00 48.00 52.00 78.00 104.00 Fourteen 44.00 51.00 55.00 83.00 110.00 Fifteen 47.00 54.00 58.00 87.00 116.00 Sixteen 50.00 57.00 61.00 92.00 122.00 .Seventeen 53.00 60.00 64.00 96.00 128.00 Eighteen .’.. 66.00 R 3.00 67.00 100.00 134.00 Nineteen 59.00 66.00 70.00 105.00 140.00 Twenty 62.00 69.00 73.00 110.00 146.00 Tvventy-f*ne...j|65.00 72.00 76,00 1 15 00 152.00 Column IWOOTS.OO 79.00,118.00:158.00 Parties Advertising will be restricted, in their Contracts, to their legitimate business; that is to say, all Advertisements that do not refer to their regular business will be charged for extra. Advertisements inserted at intervals to be charged as new each insertion. The above rules will be strictly udheared to. PROFESSIONAL CARDS, JERE A. HOWARD, ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW, CARTERSVILLfi, GA. PRITCHETT <$- WOFFORD, Attorneys at Law CARTERSVILLE, GA. OFFICE OVER ELSAS STORE, Oct, 17, 18G7, THOMAS W. MILNER, Attorney at Law, CARTERSVILLE. GEORGIA, Will attend promptly to business entrusted to his care. Oct. 5 wly JOHN J. JONES ATTORNEY AT LAW. Curtersvillc, Ga. WILL attend promptly to all business en trusted to his care. Will practice in (he Courts oflaw, and equity in the Cherokee Circuit. Special attention given to the collec ■ tion of claims. Jan. 1, 1866. ly John J- Jones. J 0 H N JJOTes” REAL, ESTATE AGENT, CARTERSVILLE GA I am authorized to seli, anti have on hand several Houses and Lots, and also numerous building lots in th e town of Cartersvil’e. Also several plantations of vari ous sizes in Bartow county. Parties desiring to buy or sell will do well to give mo a call. All communications prompily answered. July 17. ISC6. Surgeon and Mechanical Dentist. TIYHE undersigned respeotfully offer his prel im fessional services to the citizens of Car tersville and vicinity. He is prepared to do all kinds of TffprrZf work belonging to his profession. « Full setts of teeth put in on gold plate. Work all war ranted. F. M. JOHNSON. Cortersville, Feb. 13, 6m° DR. HUGH A. BLAIR, Physician and Surgeon, GartersviUe, Georgia. EESPECTFULLY tenders hts professional services to the public. {SfOtfice at bis residence, on Main St., late resi dence of Mr. P. Marsh. June 21. DR. O. PINKERTON, Cartersville, Georgia Tenders his professional services to the citizens o f artersville and surrounding country, and will attend C3.11s at all hours. Office up-stairs in Dr. Samuel Clay oa’s New Brick Building. May 10. 1867,w1y Lanier House, MARIETTA, GA., BY ELLISON A. DOBBS, Proprietors 1 11 HIS House is located iu a few steps of the I. Railroad, where the cars stop. Passengers tike three meals a day here. Meals prepared a all hours. july 24. _ sTlh Pat till o, FASHIONABLE TAILOR, Will attend promptly to the Cutting, Repair-» Ing and M aking Boy’s and Meu’s Clo'hing. Office in bacu room of Blair & Bradshaw’s store. lI.J Oartersville, Ga. .1.. S.O’tKIB&D, Dress Tailor. •*££ IS prepared to execute all kinds wA of work in the Fashionable Tail '•£- ing line, with neatness and in <1 n- JiT rablc style. Over J. Elsas & Co’s store, Cartersville, jan 25. The Cartersville Hotel. DR. THOMAS MILAM having charge of this House, would be £§"« ttt| pleased to accommodate a few Board- H ! £ ! ers with BOARD, wi.h or without Lodging. Call and see him at once for terms Cartersville, Jan 17. W . R. nOPSTCASTLE, Jeweller and Watch and Clock. Repairer, In the Front of A. A. Skinner <St Co’s store. Cartersvii! jan 25 THE CARTERSVILLE EXPRESS. MISCELLANEOUS ADVERTISEMENTS FURNITURE! FURNITURE! ! GEO. P. FRAZEF.' Jiarictta street, Atlanta, Ga. WHOLESALE AiY/J RETAIL DEALER, Has now on hand one of the largest and cheapes; stocks of FURNITURE in Atlanta, embracing PARLOR SETS,CHAMBER Seis CHAMBER SETS BEADSTEADS, WRITING DESKS, SOFAS, BUREAUS, ROCKERS, WARDROBES, WASH STADS, CHAIRS WHAT-NOTC, in short, everything needed to complete a first- class tock of furniture. Inducing the 33 SSTmJCHEAPEST Ever offered in this city. The attention of the cit zens of Atlanta and and the country generally isre sptctfully invited to this establishment. Great induce ment? to the trade Prices low to suit the times. Or ders fitted promptly and well. Aug. 9th 1867. ts. D. H. BAILEY, G. N. ORDWAY, Formerly of Nf'inry Cos. Os Giles County. JAMES M. CAUSEY, T. B. SEMPLE, Os Williainsun county. Os Huntsville, Ala. BAILEY, ORDWAY & CO. COTTON COMMISSION J^JSTID Wholesale Grocery Warehouse, d’os. 5 and 7 Jtroad Street NASHVILLE TKS.Y, ~.E beg leave to return thanks to our friends for the • H very liberal share of patronage bestowed upon our house the past season, and would say that, having enlarged our facilities for storing Cotton, we are now prepared to give every attention to the storagp, sale, and shipment of all Cotton our friends may en trust to our care. We promise that every effort will •• ■ , - ,-ure the very hi chest market price, wheth er ?„;d here or In other markets. Will make Cash Advances on all cotton or other Pro luce shipped to us. Our terms shall always he as low as any other reliable house. James M, Carney and Wm \ . Sample will give their undivided att<ntioc to the Cotton Depart man t, and will strain everj as?/ to make it to the interest of planters to patrouit CIS . We will always keep a full stock of GROCERIES, BAG< I SO, ROPE and TWINE, and all grades of FLOUR for sale at the lowest prices. W anted.—We wish to purchase wash ed and unwa-h-d WOOL, FEATHERS, and DRIEJ FRUIT, and will aiv, ys give the best prices. HAILEY ORDWAY & CO., • TIILL & BEAUT, of Cartersvillu will act as our agents, and pay tax on Cotton consign ed to us. BAILEY, ORDWAY & CO. Sept 27 67 6mo ROBT. LUSK, Prcs t. T. B. SAMPLE, Cash, TRADES RS ; BANK 30 Iniou Street, NASIIAILLE TilJi.Y, DEALS IN Coin, Foreign uml Domestic Ex change , Uncurrent Money of ail hinds. United States , State, and Rail Roai Bonds. .Ugliest prices paid for 5,20s 1 7,20s SO 408, and Comp. Int. Notes. FOR SALE NCAN, SHERMAN & CD’S DRAUro IN SUMS TO SUIT, ON London, Parris, ISerlin. -S. pt 27, 1807 6m J. W. F. BEST, DEALER IN AND ' MEDICINES, Linseed, Tanners and Lard Oils. Paints, Putty, W indow Glass, Dye Stuffs of’all kinds ALSO Ftemt Medicines and TOILET ARTICLES SUCH AS SOAPS. BP/TJSHES Combs, Perfumery &e. &c. CARTERSVILLE, GA. 5ept.20,1867 W. A, OEWEESE, CARTERSVILLE, GA., Dealer in Family Groceries, Confectioneries, TOBACCO, CIGARS, LIQUORS. DYE-STUFFS, BLUESTONE, &C., &0. Store opposite the Courthouse, on Maine Street, adjoining the new brick store of P. L. Moon and Cos. oct 17, wtf J. O. MATUEWSON. G. 11. McLAUGHLIN. *. 0. MATHtWSOH & CO: [Formerly Stovall, McLacgiil’n & Co.] GEM’L COMMISSION MERCHANTS, Augusta, Ga. Consignments of*Grain, Bacon and Produce promptly attended and cash remitted on day of sale. Grain sacks on hand at very law prices. Agents for Mentour, Hopewell and Rock Cotton Mills. Rinferences; Hon J. P. King, Augusta Ga, Augusta Savings bank. July 26, 1867. wly. J. ILPURTELL! MERCHANT TAILOR, White Hall Atlanta, Ga. CLOT HINli made to order in the very latest style, and at short notice. Oct. 25, 3t. An Address TO THE PEOPLE of GEORGIA AND THE TTIST-HTIEID STATES. Fellow-Citizens of Georgia and of the United States: By a Convention held at Macon on the sth and 6th of December, 1867, representing the Conservative people of Georgia, the undersigned were ap pointed a committee to prepare an Ad dress to you, setting forth their senti ments, their condition, their fearful apprehension of future ruin, and the final overthrow cf constitutional gov ernment. In discharging- this impor tant duty, we bring to the task an earnest and patriotic desire not only to promote the welfare of our own State, but also that of our whole coumrv. When the late unhappy war termin ated and the Conlederate arms were surrendered, a single condition only was required, which was that we should return to the pursuits of peace and obey the Constitution and laws of the United States, under the pledge, by the victors, that, so long as we continued to do so, we should be protected in the unmolested enjoyment of the rights and privileges which that Constitution and those laws guarantee to each State and every citizen. We have kept our promise in letter and spirit, and from that day to this no resistance has been ofiered to the Federal authorities.— l'he laws of the United Slates are quietly obeyed, without the necessity of military power to enforce them.— Their Courts are open, and their pro cesses respected. Crime can be pun ished by the regulat and established modes of judicial procedure. With magnanimity and hopefulness our peo ple united in an honest effort to build uo their ruined fortunes and le-estab lish their lost prosperity. The war left our homes saddened with bereave ment, and, in thousands of instances, in ashes. It brought universal sorrow and poverty. Our fields were desolat ed, our labor disorganized, our indus try paralyzed, all our enterprises destroyed or crippled, and our capital sunk. Towns and cities were plun dered and burned, and their inhabitants driven, in destitution, from their homes. But these were the fruits of war—not legitimate, to be sure—such, however, as usually attends its inarch of fire; and, therefore, we submitted to them with patience and fortitude, cheered by the hope that the quarrel and carnage having ended, the return of peace anJ prosperity would begin, and that at least political fraternity would be re stored. Under this inspiration we endeavore to forget the bitterness which the struggle had engendered, to cultivate a spirit of conciliation and harmony, and to evince, in every pos sible way, our desire to have Georgia restored to her constitutional relation to the Union. Terrible has been our disappointment. Having been baffled in the attempt at secession, upon the idea that such attempt was rebellion. we supposed that its suppression left Georgia a .State in the Union, still pos sessing the inherent right of self-gov ernment and the constitutional right of representation in Congress. Instead of this, however, the President of the United States required that we should organize anew State goverrment, ratify the Constitutional amendment abolishing slavery, and incorporating the same provision into our fuhdamen* tal law; that we should repudiate our State war debt and abrogate the ordi nance of secession and all the laws in furtherance of the Confederate cause. Animated by a determination to make any sacrifice but that of honor, sup pressing even the spirit of complaints tor the sake of peace, we did all that he required—even surrendering our most valuable property, that of our slaves—and consented to become al most paupers. Supposing that such deportment might challenge the mag nanimity victors towards a fallen foe, we then thought surely the davvr. of peace was in sight, and that our right to the protection and benefits of a common Constitution would be re cognized. We elected our Senators and Representatives, thus demonstrat ing not only our expectation, but also cor earnest desire again to participate in the councils and promised blessings of the Union restored. But, as before, disappointment was our fate. Our members were spurned from the halls of Congress and our people denounced as traitors and rebels. We have been persistency charged with hostility to the Constitution and Union, and treat* ed as outlaws from both. Whilst we do not thus allude to the deportment and temper of our people in a spirit of boasting, yet we challenge contradic tion of our statements, and fearlessly array them before a candid world as evidence of the injustice, unkindness and falsehood of the charges against us, urged as a pretext for our oppression. Proscription from the Union we! could endure ; the charge of hostility to it were tolerable ; from our prostration we might rise ; our poverty we might surmount if we could be left undisturb ed and permitted to enjoy our inherent right of self government. Our noble State abounds with the elements and resources of material wealth ; her peo ple are enterprising and full of the consciousness of unsullied and unsub dued manhood. Give play to their capacities unfetter their elastic ener gies, remove unnecessary and unjust burdens from their labor, and they will achieve prosperity for themselves and CARTERSVILLE, GA., JANUARY 17, 1808. the blessings of exalted civilization for their posterity. But our oppressors are not willing to do this. They claim to make us the victims of their political policy—-worse than tuat, they require us to be instrumental in executing that policy, upon the peril of their ven geance : that a proud and gallant peo ple, upon whose honor none but the tongue of slander ever breathed aught of shame —their own brethren by race, by ancestry, and by political ties— shall vute lor their own degration or forfeit the rights of free American citizens. Demand alter demand hav ing been made, and submitted to with as much complacency as a generous people could bring to the performance of humiliating duty, the scheme pro- posed by the military acts lor recon struction is the bitter chalice offered to our lips as the maximum of ihe victors’ magnanimity, which we are to drink io the dregs, on pain of political death lor refusal. But, in our anxiety for friend ship and good government, we did not dasli it hastily from us. On its face it professed to respect our wishes; it pro posed that we should vote freely, for or against it —accept or reject it—and thus, by implication at least, invited us to examine and consider it. We did so, in the light of the Constitution, and we found not one word in that instru ment to warrant the passage of the reconstruction acts. They rest upon the assumption that Congress lias the power to construct governments tor the State. They abrogate the Govern ment of Georgia, .which the people organized in deference to the Presi dent’s wishes, and, in its stead, place us under a Military Governor clothed with the power of despotism, under which the sovereignty of the people ignored and the principles ot Magna L.'iurta, incorporated into the Consti tution for the security of properly, life and liberty, are trodden under foot. They disfranchise a large portion of the most intelligent and virtuous citi zens, as a punishment for alleged crime of which they have not been legally convicted, and confer universal suffrage upon the emancipated negroes. Hence, the Congressional scheme is not only violative of the Constitution, but grossly cruel and unjust, devoid ol that far-seeing and comprehensive statesmanship which seeks good gov ernment, in contradiction to partisan ascendancy. For who can fail to see those acts must lead and were inten ded to lead to negro supremacy ? Else why such disfranchisement of the wiiite as to throw the power of the ballot-box into the control of the en franchised black race ? Such is obviously their design, de duced from their letter and spirit, not denied by their authors and fully illus trated by the manner of their enforce ment. Having placed us under military law, and tolerating our organized government as merely provisional, its civil officers were compelled to support them, on pain of dismissal. Judges anti other officers were deposed for refusing to violate the Constitution and laws which they had sworn to obey and execute; all civil and military officers were ordered to publish their legal advertisements in such papers only as sustained the Congressional scheme. Thus the purity and inde pendence of our judiciary have been polluted and stricken down and the sanctity of the jury box desecrated by compelling jury lists to be made up of whites and blacks indiscriminately ; and thus the liberty of the press is fettered and tolerated at the will of the District Commander and military Gov ernor of the State. To these we might add numerous instances of the viola tion of personal liberty, by arrests without legal accusation or warrant, and imprisonment without an impartial and public trial by jury. In consider ation, therefore, that the establishment of negro supremacy was then* intention, and that, trom the mode of their en forcement, it would inevitably be con summated, we firmly and deliberate! v opposed the Reconstruction acts, as most compatible with cur tell respect and our duty to the dead and the living —to the present and futuregenerations. But power has. thus far, triumphed over reason, justice and right ; and the Convention provided for, representing negroes only, with the exception of a lew thousand whites, now sits, to crystalize into constitutional forms the policy of bringing the State of Georgia under the dominion of negro supremo, - cy. It is without parallel in the an nals of the world. For although his tory furnishes instances of abolitions yet it affords no example of an attempt by military force to elevate the eman cipated slave above his recent master, to subordinate the superior to the infe rior race, and clothe the the latter with the political power of the State. It is the most outgageous policy ever advo cated by a Christian people. It should arrest the alarmed attention of every friend of constitutional government throughout the Union, as it must awaken the astonishment ol the civil ized world. The perpetration of such monstrous wrong has been reserved for the dominant power now controll ing the destiny of this country —for men, sworn to support and obey the Constitution of a government profess edly deriving, as a fundamental princi ple. “ks just powers from the consent of the governed.” Fellow -citizens : Shall negro supren. macy be permanently enthroned in the State of Georgia ? Shall ten States of this Uuion be surrendered, at the point of the bayonet, to the dominion of the African r ice ? Shall eight millions of whites be subjected to the rule of four millions of blacks ? Shall they become our Magistrates, our Legislators, our Judges, our Governors, and Represen tatives in Congress? Shall seven i hundred thousand ignorant negroes, who can neither read nor write, who I know uothiYig of the principles of the I Constitution or of legislation agrarians by instinct, and taught by political drill-masters that they have injuries to avftige against the wiiite race, be sub milted to the ballot box ? These are the momentous questions which de mand solution and desturb the-peace end harmony of our country. If thev are to be decided affirmatively, what pen or tongue can portray the direful calamities w hieh we shall reap at no distant day ? The present derange ment of Government will continue to grow worse ; our material prosperity, already arrested, will Le destroyed forever; society, already shocked by sudden anJ forced changes, will be thrown into the most deplorable condi tion of insecurity, and property, life and liberty will be exposed to irremediable peril. If our silence, in the past, has been construed into apathy and indifference, then we have been greatly misappre hended. We have submitted, almost without complaint, because every whis per of protest has been construed into disloyalty by our oppressors. We have offered the feeble opposi tion of scarcely uttered remonstrance, only because outnumbered at the ballot box. and therefore impotent for suc cessful resistance. The Conservative people ol Georgia feel that tame submission has ceased to be a virtue, and has become a crime against their country, their race, and future genera tions. The ruthless arm of unhallow ed power may enslave and degrade them, but they will never, bv wore! or deed, active or passive, consent to the ouWage offered to their manhood, but will struggle against it by every legiti mate means which they can command. They appeal to the friends of Consti tutional government throughout the land 1o rally to its rescue from the grasp of relentless centralism. It is the province of enlightened statesmanship to search for the causes of political maLdies, with a view to their removal. It is easy for any candid observer to detect the origin ol those existing evils which threaten such calamity to our country. We have previously remarked, that the Reconstruction Acts assume that Con gress has the power to construct gov ernments for the proscribed States.— This assumption is the fruitful parent of all our political troubles. It is not pretended that the authority is to be found in the Constitution ; an the con trary. it is asserted to be outside of the Constitution. This is an admission ol tiie nufilv of the whole scheme. How can Congress act outside of the Constitution? Outside of the Consti tution there is no Executive, no Judi ciary, no Congress—no Government o' the United States. Outside ol the con stitution, the Congress—or rather the men who compose it —have no more authority than any other body of indi viduals voluntarily assembled. Out side of the Constitution, they have no commission to legislate upon any subject, (or any purpose, or in any manner whatsoever. Every act out side of the Constitution is usurpation and utterly void. What vitality, then, can there he in a Slate government, constructed in pursuance of laws passed by authority, c Mined to be outside of the Constitution? How long can it stand, after the bayonets that nrop it up shall have been removed? It is a fabric without foundation and must fall, These are all self-evident propositions, too axiomatic to admit of argument; and they necessarily present, for the consideration of the people of the United States —especially lhe people of those States designated, in the parlance of the day, as loyal—this grave and momentous question. It I fie Slate governments, now being constructed by Congress, are thus invalid, and can be maintained only by force, are they pre pared to incur the expense and hazard to liberty of a standing army, for such purpose? Are they paepared for a military despotism over leu great States of this Union, for the mere purpose of oppressing the white race and sustain ing negro supremacy l Will it be se riously maintained that the Govern ment can retain its Federal character, and yet sustain such a policy ? Will any candid man assert ihat it is con sistent with the confessedly reserved rights of the Slates? Who does not perceive that ii will be their entire absorption, and the conversion of our Constitutional Republic into an elective oligarchy, whose will , instead of the Constitution, will be the “supreme law of the land ?” And alt this tor what? For lire sake of negro supremacy over the Southern States ; lor the sake ol degrading eight millions of wiiite peo ple, that four millions of negroes may lie forced into a status for which they are utterly unfittted. We appeal to the people of the North, who have the power, to pre serve the Constitution. Are you pre pared to put in jeopardy our wise fabric of government, and the liberty ol more than thirty millions of your own race, for the sake of enfranchising four millions of illiterate and semi-civilized Africans? “We speak as unto wise men—judge ye what we say.” We beg to offer another view for the calm consideration cf lhe Northern people. They almost universally con tend that secession was a nullity. The war having so decided ir. as a question of practice, it iu not necessary now to contest nasa question of right. Then let the assumption be granted. It follows, then, that not only the Ordi nance of Secession was void, but that all the subsequent proceedings —the entire fabric erected upon it—tfere also void. I'his fabric was the State gov ernment which were in existence and in operation when the Confederate arms were surrendered ami the war was terminated. These State govern ments were illegal because they were built on breach of the true Constitu tional relation between the States and the Federal Government. These pro positions are true, upon ihe assumption • that secession was a nullity, as insisted upon by the Northern people. It follows from them that the Slates were never out of die Union, and that they retained the ir right to continue as such, however their visible organization and Constitutional relations may have been disturbed by secession. Ho far all is plain and easy. The next step is the beginning ol the difficulty. If these H.ate governments were void, and therefore fell with the Confederate cause, how can their places be consti tutionally supplied? Chin it be done by reconstruction? By new State gov ernments constructed by the President, the Congress, or any other power? Surely not. No department of the Government ol the United Slates, nor ail of them combined, is invested with power to construct governments for the States. Instead ot being conferred by the Constitution, it is palpably incon sistent with it. The duty, and the whole duty of the United Slates, with uespect to the State governments, is cleaiiy defined in the Constitution. — That duty is to guarantee to every State a republican for m o I government; to guarantee it, not to create it—to preserve, not to destroy and then reconstruct it. Can you guarantee what does not exist? 'The very idea of guaranteeing a government implies, necessarily, ti e pre-existence of the government. And tills is pre cisely the duty which the U oiled Stales owe to each Slate —to support anil uphold the government vvuii wliicli each State started in the Union, wheth er that start was made at the beginning or at a later period of our history.— Whenever the start was made, each State started in the Union -with a re pub 1 icau form of government. This is certainly true of Georgia and all the original thirteen ; anti the admission of other States, at subsequent periods, was a confession by the Government, which it is estopped from denying, that »1 1 ev, 100, were republican. 'The government, therefore, with which a tot He started in the U ii ion is the government which the United States is obliged to uphold. It may be modified in the legitimate way —that is, by the people ol the State, but always under the limitation that it must remain re publican, in form. And since the fail ure ot secession and the decision by the sword, that secession was a nullity, Us a question ot practice, it would seen that each Stale is bound to preserve us original relation to the Union, as well as to Have a Republican lorin of gov ernment. When there is a breacli ol either of these limitations, the thread ot legality or constitutionality is drop ped. All that may come afterwards is on an illegal basis and void. Such is the inevitable conclusion, viewing the subject Iroin the Northern stand point. What, then, is the remedy? Is it for Congress to step in and construct anew government? We have already shown that they have no such power. But the remedy is to go back am! pick up the thread o!' legality right where it was dropped, or, 111 oilier words, re store the government which was wrong lully displaced. It was not destroyed bv secession, assunring secession to be void; its functions were suspended onlv; its offices were vacated, but not extinguished. Hence, it follows, that as soon as the disturbing cause (which was secession and its results) was re moved, the legitimate Constitution of the Stales, which were in lorce at the time of secession, stood in their original vigor, and the offices of their govern" merits should have been imuiediati ly tilled by the proper constituency. This doctrine of maintaining the succes sion of legality in the Stale governs ments is precisely what was decided by the Supreme Court of the United States, in the ease of Dorr’s rebellion, in Rhode Island. The duly belongs not to Congress alone, nor to the President alone, nor to the Federal Judiciary alone, but to all of them, each acting in us appropriate sphere —it belongs to the United Stales,. All of the powers of Mie united Stales stand pledged to its performance —the duty of maintaining the State government with which each State entered the Union, with such modifications as it may have received by the free and voluntary action of its people, consistently with the Constitu tion of the United Stales. Whenever there is a branch of the liminalion im posed by toe Constitution oltbe United Slates’ everything thereafter too be comes illegal and void. The remedy therefore is a remission hack to the in terrupled legal statutes. JNow the late war has decided, as a question of fact, that secession broke the thread ol con. stitutional relation helvven the seceding States and the United Stales, add that the State governments lounded on se cession were illegal and void, and fell with the Confederate cause. These ■abrics have thus fallen, the people of the Slates, as a logical necessity, arc remitted back to their Constitutions and Governments which existed at the time of secession. Ail that was neces sary—all that the United Stales, under the*Federal Constitution had the right to and—(and that they were bound to do) —was to restore those governments and constitutions back to the people. This was their solemn constitutional obligation. If it had been promptly recognized and performed, tiie Union would have*been immediately harmon ized ciul all political disturbance set*, tied. The remedy therefore for pres ent ills, and the only preventive of utter future ruin is, for each department, iii its appropriate sphere, and all she departments combined—constituting the Government of the United Slates—to return, in good (aith, to the Cutisliiu lion. That instrument guarantees the equality of the Slates in rights and dignity, and recognizes tiie fundament al principle that each, for itself, shall confer and define State citizenship, ami prescribe the qualification for ex* ercifiinif the elective franchise and holding niiice. In making this earnest protest against being placet), bv lt-rce, under negro do minion, we disavow a’l feeling of re seatment towards tjial nnlorluoate race. As we are destined to live together, we desire harmony and friendship between them and ourselves; as they are made the dupes of unscrupulous partisans and designing adventurers, we pily them; as they are ignorant, dependent and helpless, it is our purpose to protect them iti the enjoyment of all the rights of peison and property to which their freedom eulilies them. Conservative Men of Georgia : Awaken to a proper seuce of your dan ger! Organize lor self-protection and ceaseless opposition to the direful rule of negro supremacy. which is sought to be enforced upon es and our children, in defence of the Constitution, and in contempt of the civilization of the age and the opinions of mankind. Fellow-citizen* o>‘ lhe North: With in the last lew mouths, the question of negro suffrage lias been before you at the ballot box. In a voice not ly be misunderstood, you have tlecided against it. You decided vo/unioi l/t/. It has been decided /or'tf*. against our will and against our convictions ol what is compatible with good govern ment and the Constitution of the U. IS.; and decided by those who do not ex pect to live underlhe Slate governments they propose to establish by lorce.— You decided against it, although the number ol negeoes among you was too smad to constitute a considerable, much less a controlling element in politics.— It is ordained by our oppressors that we shall, have it, notwithstanding that it will lead to negro supremacy over is. We are powerless; you are potent to forbid the outrage. Will you siund aloof and candy see us subjected to this damning wrong; and that, too. when it will imperil the Republic and spread baleful disaster over every iulrest. Renewing our pledge of unsullied honor and our tender ol bank and manly obedience to the Constitution, we appeal to you, in the name of the Conservative people of our tStale, to unite together in the patriotic olloit to restore and perpetuate constitutional government. Your recent elections encourage our hopes and < ha I tenge our gratitude. May truth, justice and right, ••terrible as an army wit 1, banners,” gathering strength in every conflict, march oil “conquering and to conquer, until ils friends, rescuing it from the grasp es centralism, shall restore, to its appropriate supremacy, the Constitu tion of the United States, so that Georgia, together with her sisters in oppression, shall enjoy the same pro tection which its honest enforcement would give to every Stale in the Union. Hf.kscuee V. Johnson, AIISALOM 11. CllAl>rEi.L, Bknj. 11. Hill, Wahi:en Akin, T. L. G (TERRY. January 3d, 1808, GEnEsmiivKoc ox tiie SIT UATION. Mississippi Territory, Dec. 18U7. Editors SouruniiN Cultivator : ••Just a leelle spinnin kotton,” said Ithody one day, when old Aliss Mar row axed iiei “how much kotton does the Col’n xnect ter make” Now whether she saw like a propliit the Lii lute purdtice, or kuowed 1 were go in ter plant er big krap, and wanted ter surprize the fokes when geilitnn lime koine, it don’t behoovi tti her liusban let say. Howsoever, l can trust to say this much, llhody ar a iruthlol wo man, and more than frequently does “lie say ter me, when things turns out rung, says she. “Gomes, L told you so,” and this latter suyin has got to be a koulinua), household, everyday savin, fur things ar been turning out tong all the year round, and winds up now, shone null, with only a “leelle spinin kotton,” and liiiody still say in, “1 told you so, Gemes,” and “i told Miss Marrow so too,” Riiody always lakes the black side of the picler, and has iiit the nail on the head every since the surrender. History, true to her in" slinks, ar repeatin herself—that is ter say, is winding up 18 ! J7 just line 18GG —only a little more so. it bergau raimn last April—we had a Hood in July, and it ar a dnzzlin now. Well agrikulture ar diseased—yes, sir a de funct perlession, and like Jonah’s guard, only somethin you read about — taint hardly in the memry of man.— When the year begun, kotton war 30 cents per lb. Everybody went crazy, and I inong em—hired a heap er nig gers, rented laud, but pervissions and planted hugely of koltpn. We all walked on stilts—l kould see over an y man’s head. Truth is, I went to town and bought me a money cliist, give away all my genus klollics and bergttn chaw in terbacker Well, Paul planted and PoLlus poured down rain perfusely—then bone, mus cle, sweat and hope were all brot to bare—but the increase, it ar turning to ashes on our expectations, and each ! farmer feels like one who were all a- Sone in some banquet hall deserted — that is ter say, when he walks in the gin house or feels in his pocket. Yes, sir, the floods koine and descended on the krups—then the “Military bills,” with territories, taxes, bayonets and o ther terrorems —then winning Kail speakers, hjpperkrittkal preachers and, NO. 28. infamous teachers, terg li.er with h *1“ lish Loyal Leagues, boll worm, army j worm, craw fish, cotton lice so and rcg» j islering— in short, a?l the ukarted ia* ■ lamilies that an avengin yanky spirit ! kould konjure up, to krusli a kotton knp, koine altogether kombined with it, and the harvest ar a fruitless, cheer' less, mock holiday—just nothin— “only a k-ctUe spinain kotton, shore r.i.'lT. and “didn’t 1 tel! you so. Gomes.” Mill ringing like a liuklin simbhr or a sounding brass : and my aforesaid mon ey c'tist, it ar bekotna a cupboard fur krockery, and a.old par of slippers is one of the pigeon holes. Jaruselatn I wit h mv name was moss kivered, in some old dvluppidiled monastery, where monks iive without concern., and Yanky’s never coine_ I'll be dad rubheb ii I wouldn’t like to see An.lv Jackson rise from tlie Hermitage, and git m the Presidcn’ts cheer, bout now. Ihilli bout rmpcuchin him ! By the e ternal,” he'd take a Lzzltd hickory broom and sweep Ivongriss so clean you meglit sen your lace in the floor. Whoopee! W oulnn’l Thud git over •hem sick spells, sing a doxolngy t«* his pack and curl up in hi* kennel, quick ; that thar beast (Ben Beast tho ■butler) who is branded with a spoon, and looks so much like the but cut of ; a broad tree, wouldn’t he be big enough for a single rail cut. Yes sir, and lint Constitution we used to have, would be snatched out of the dead letter office and the people made free again. Talk about your National Banks — Slates having no reserved rights—set ting up an absolute consolidated Gov ernment, without limitation of powers —freedmen.s franchise and bureau’s— these here things wouldn’t Ire narrate J. confidentially , in Gath, not u-hi»pcre.l in the corpoiation of Askaloti. No, sir! a thunder bolt fulminated bv Jackson’s will, out of the Constitution, would crash Radical ranks so rapid, them wouldn’t be a detail left, to put head boards over the hellish crew. AU crea tion would cry out "so mote it be." and Rhodv —well she’ll jest say, “I told you so, Gemes,” Do you think the (Spirit of Liberty will hold up these Rails like the Gruccian mother of anchicut days, and say these ate mv jewels?’* No sir, lint shakin her lorn tattered, bloody locks in disgust, wul say, “depart Irom me, ye despoilers of human rights, l give you over "to believe a he." I)r. Slop's Katalogue ol Uurses he heaped all over poor Obediah, will be a Chris tian’s evening chant, beside wlmt will follow, “Mv people down South war anhungered lar their rights under the Constitution, and you give cm bullets, blood, and burnt their corn; they were poor and naked, and you look their spoons and dishes, and stole the remain, ing shreds of their poverty, and w hen Irom sheer xauslon they broke down in manly open combat, you ptomised if they would lay down their arms, to tie up the hounds of war, and respect per son and property. Now that they ar at your mercy, you ar fixed up plans for kotifiskalin properly, and makin menials of their person, ye are they who under the cant ami hippcrkritrcal whine of restoring the Union, ar disgorging whole venimous volumes of (tiskord and disunion the land over. Look out somebody else may have ter lie whipped bark in the Union." Yes sir! L'bertv will say a heap er hard things, and she ought ler. After we had stopped shoot ing and slacked arms, see them loud mouthed Bob Akerses, whose konragiC had leaked out er the ir fingers, jumped up in thelofi of sekurity, agin bullitsand bombshells, while they war living, and lay down flatter than a lizzird oil the floor—see em now, when tltar amt no powder burning, dr>p outer that afore said lull— y«v, sir, koine rattling down like post oak akrons in Ok tuber, The bar is dead, and who’s al'eard. See cm buckle on the saber, santer forth, rob us ol millions of properly kick the Stat utes often States higher than Hainan, inter pie, and lighi em up with the glare ol despotic bagonits. Shame has truly an unblushing marble face, and down light lying become Kougressioually, kronicaily, konstitntionally national. Il this bet) cason, then brand the signers ol the dekluration of independence and Gemes Munro <s traitors,and “let cm rip”—that Is ter say, means must lie given the latter ter “l ip;” lur Irotn short krans and konliscatiou in the way taxes, he aint able to run away, even kongriss mav knock the lax off kotton now; but its too late. Kotton haw ab dicated, tuck all the money, pernoun ie-1. a benediction over t tie nigger, and gone to Egypt. King Korn bread ar tht mighty mounrk the Southern stomaek ar worshippin now; and that aforesaid nigger ar in a gloomy and pakuliar kon dilion. He didn’t bring it on liissel f,and ar to be piuied. llis friends made him free, and like a hungry stem, untied loose in a lull pea-field, he led too high; and the Koroner's verdic war, he "bus ted Irom too much peas.” The nigger ar now icedin on freedom mighty high, and when he gits inter these here K.nt venlunis aloresaid, tiie verdto will be, that lie too busted, and not only busted, but bespattered Ins frunds , ait over.—. •Thou kansl not say I did it.’ No sir, Mr. Rad, fur L found him whar the Bi ble put him—took kare of him, clothed and led him; made nim behave and live by the sweat of bis brow, and when be died I pul him in a decent grave dropped a tear thar. and had his funer al preached. Now, he ar turned loose to graze on the kommons, whar deadly weeds do grow; and I’ll bo dad-Tabbed if your “Bill of Rights” don’t preach his funeral, afore he is dead. Welj» io sum up: kottor. ar dead, the nigger ar dying, and the Government stand in out in the cold, ihotit any konstiunional kivemig—ar get the gallapin konsump lion, and “Bateman’s Drags” wojuMuT save hit, tlioul a mirakle from the Dllu akratic party North— which lul cr