Newspaper Page Text
B. 232iLIS Si. GO., Proprietors.
Volume XV.
BRADLEY & PHTERb’,
vfiKNcY ron tub inracrtASE and sale op
H ALBSATB,
In thoQity of Memphis.
\v. 1 Lottd- UJ ll:n State® adjacent to Memphis,
, viz: 1 Mississippi,Arkansas A Louisiana
Office No. .* Calhoun Clock. Main St,
The u>itlef*igud btvinx :*um for many
. ;ears emra pea m a I *ntl buii:es*, off r tiioir
i. tiu* put* i -to buy or sell Heal
■
-tale* named nh *■ We have for sate o itmnher of
finely Imp oved Piani;; i n*. witli ami without Ac
► roes, ft largo qnanti;y <tf unimproved kmd* a:*l
‘ll cmphis t’ilj Property,
And r all ta’*e pleasure m giving, free of charge, to all
(ujraons it. any ni.d nit ini’ rotation in uur
i royn-iti ami
also that of othem.wh his offered for sale, making
no charge until a Iran? at linn Rmncmted.
Inspect tills, liSAI’LFY f PETERS.
-■ 1 j T
TRY THE GARGLING! OIL
Tlint Nover Pails
A, „ ll ‘.n ,1 ... uo rqual.
Prom a Veterinary burgeon, T.conderef* New York
March I.
(MiM is tqcertify that t, Wm. K Iw.tr.l*. an Eng
lish Veterinary Sorirenii, having had m-canon
to •nucittsa akouie of your valaablo Oarfling <U
Mr * U Smith your’aftant I I in a num
ber of • irfical operation* with wnndirfitl effect; and
limit 12 it n and much more than recommended, I
‘•avc used it *mct In every variety of disease. and
• • und it to be almost of magical verve e in every
• ise Vet Liniment for human fir Ji u u not #ut
. -ed bv any other ia ute. WM EDWARDS.
Habwa, M*a..* pt. 23, UfcH.
M IF Tucker k O: 0-..tVo„| ( -Please forward
111- at Oxford Depot 3 dot l.arie .“tee O Oil, 3d* a
iium and Odot Stna.i. . am nearly out. only •
t nuien on hand. I ihuik by nett yar the Cargling
<> vv ill ,’o utf wry fa - 1, a* itie n reasing In demand.
I hal an applu'axi >u for it fro in T<uti©s*.e eighty
unties fnnu here, an/ aent the oil h< mail.
Youre, J.V P. McLAUTY, P M.
Ktrrvtnf a tellei from P.. flirnord, druggist. TaJ
Enclose I please tin : drao pn",M. ssrs. Goodhue tc
Cos. New York for nu. h m ired dollar*.
■ Ini! ir and fifty rent lonic- Th- ‘Tinrglmf**UU will
in all proba ihtv take woll.aa it tuts become a little
1 sown, and a who have used it speak well ofit.—
-..-v K R. call esteems it vervhivhiy. not only for
■••• • hut for use am-. of negroes uthcled with lUit-u
-hv Pearterton Carter, C o: imbue; /.elin # Hunt,
:te Rriggs Patent Piauo,
THESE BEAUTIFUL INSTRUMENTS
Are tho Bjst in theWoild!
• * ;3 ••<• or ts*. I.^.l MKtaOhm* M
t ? 5
made as much as posaibi* like the Violm. having tw o
soendhig boards, uoe at the top. the other unite bot
tom conv. rgingoiuwards; a thin case with aval ends,
ill free from the strain ofalicatriujr*. w hirh com, * on
an non frame or bed plate. I'y those and other pe
i tilt.tr arrangemeirs. a hotter tom: is piodttced than
.1 as ever board m a PI ino before. * dee,., organ toned
••IS* and a bHltlant hell ike tre!>!>* They will *ay
.-eathor Any to thuirdurability win
be given to panics purchasing, and they will be kept
in tuue two years free or charge by the agent Nev
er was th tc so maiiv oOro ;, iiiattojM ttsat go to m kc a
good and durable io*ruiuent in a piano hefor-,'and
wh mver say* diftWeutly is eitnor ignorant or tells a
‘aLeh ‘t l. The Agent, wh • Ims been tuning and rr
p.lring ianosforM Yens, cinm* to undemand
the instrument thoroughly Dr. Mltags of (%.lumbus
owns the one that wa* on cxht .ltinn ar the Perry
lions* Two h • p been sold to teacher* in Macon,
and seven to othffrpftrson*.
Thmc Piano- cost from *375 to 9001* Anv further
information wi’lbi t lx-erftiliy given. Direct ;li eoru
imtnicattonsto o. ft RICE, M-tcon. (in.
r-ol* ng* .t for th*s.'lo(.ft!:'*®e Pi.tMos In tluoigj*
Pianos Melodeous A Organs.
BRANDS & KHONER,
4G BROAD STREET,
—nr -| t’KrER th'ur Plano# of ihebest nta
4. -J3js6jgk* r * m New Yo l< s. .it at r.-r*
W J Jwii:tw> ( worranted A good Piano Ibi
2ised npto !55\ Prince** Met -deone lor *9“
to MV’ Pur- genuine Alexander Organ trom*loo
Oueof tiinm, a ntzgmflceut Instrument, may
be ••■an our Rtore. No 43 Hroad tMrcet.
March 19, 1800—w If
lUKßtvll’Ni UKtttn tR
up mi:
ENGLISH LANGUAGE,
.“■‘..'“id"!!
tiffnMHe nccorduni-with renen ant con.uiun
mitiAc. ep cimon copies may ire obtained bveucios
me i'-* rttnntn Ataio -to Cliafii.i and Johnson Co
lumbus, (it J l. DARKER
February th, 1800—w3m.
ksikNFORDS 7
LIVEE I iVIGOKATOE
N j;V i:lt DEBILITATES.
[T Id COMPOFINt'ED ENTIRELY from • -utus.and
X has liecoiue an r. -talilished fact,a standard medicine
approved by all that . bv vi*. ; -.l p, mid it. re
borted to with conft- as deace in all disease* for
tvdicii it is recommend- ■* ed.
It ha* enredthou -ands “ lUainthe lag*tw o years
wito had given up nope * of relief as numerous
UMoUcitoA certificates in my possession show.
Tiled wm! must he adap- fed to the temperament
lon the dictates of your ss |n.|guieat guido you in
useofflte LiyRH LY’ YIUVRA TOR, ami it
will cure l.urr fv, m . pUumtf, BILIOUS At
talks, n YfiBEPSU, tm Ckrmtti. L> iarr ka a,
HU MM EH COM PLAOfTSjIYMrjfI’R
RY, DROPSY, 9Q UR ” **7 QJUACfL Habitual
COHTMCME9B. Choi- ,c, CHOLERA CWc
raM'ilnts, CHOLERA C g IMb’AJtTUM FLATU
LM/tCF., JAVA DICE FrmaU tVEAKRMSS
FA, and may be used successfully as an Ordtw
an>, FUmtly M- Unnc— ■ fii It will cure SICK
HE AIJAC II A,
Kf* “ re t^eu ‘^r
AU who v.,c r ac* “ gixiMf their testimony
in it* favor tea
MIX WATER IN TUP. MO FT II WITH THE IN-
Vlfl iRVTtHL AND SWALLOW BOTH TCKiETH
ER, I'RJt R ONE IXII.LAtt PER BOTTLE.
ALSO,
SiiNFORD’S
lliathariic Pills, j
COMPOUNDED FROM
Pure YcgtablExtrarir, ami put up
In <;las Cases, Air Tight, and will
keep In any Climnte.
The FAMILY CA - TWABTtC Pu.L is a gen
tle mit actfvs Cafharti. Q which the pioprietor nns
used m his practice more than twenty years.
The constantly incn:.'Mi?if i*.demand from those who
have long .i si dtbs PILI.H . and ibvutixfiv iion tvlikh
all express Inrega rdf otliefr H uw',tin* induced me to put
them in the r-acb of all
Theproft-Asmu well know |L that >litU<r:Mt rhatlianc*
acton dMP*rer.tport;-m*of. tbebowein
Tins FAMILY CA Tll AUTI ( PILL
lmw. with due reference to [.thie well e*:l>n*lied fart
been compounded from m v-trietyofthe purest vege
table extracts, which RU r 'ullke on every part of the
a!iment*ry canal, and are good and ear* in ail can
es where'a dntklftic liy ir' , tf*d. such as Dic
hanci*.m*:nt* of th f ” STOMA* 11. Ht.cget-
Haa. PAI.\ in thcQBALK AND V. OIN H,
t; ISTIVKNEH S. PAIN a.vp *<>*K**as ovr.a
tiik WHOLE BODY ~ from sudden cold, which
frequently, if neglected. TJ endin a hmg course of Fe
ver, LO*H OF a DagEPTKc StN
* ATT OR (*V • ’Ol,ll OVB TH E Bt>t)V, UIiSTLESM*
\f.si, HEADVL’HFI or p weight ts the Hea.
all INFLAMMATORY h Dirkamcr. WOItM, Ir
Chiu>bkr or Adults, l 1 Rheumatism, a Grrt,
Purifier of the Blond. snmdiaaßydiMWiMlowlili'b
fl.*ih is heir, too numerous **• to men non in this adver
tisement. DOSE lto 3. ’* j
Price 30 Cent*.
TIIB L! VETUVVIGORATon and FAMILY CA
TIIAHTU PILLS are retailed liy Dntinp(* generally
andoMirb6Milu4 retail by the Trade in all the
luce towns.
S. r r. W. MAX FORD, M. D.,
Mnufacturer and Proprietor,
line|t~w'mo M3 Broadway, N*-w York
WAITED-
I A KIUNOLE BLOCKS (tosquare not ]*s* than
lUUUa A*oti dfttiverort in CoJu:i.b<a, for which a
lair price in Cash will be elven. Applv to
oct 17-wtf JOHKPH 11. WYNN
51ic (falnwlins) U'cchlj dimes.
COLUMBIA TIKSDAT, MAY I. ISflO.
EDITORIAL OORRESPOMDSSCEr
CiLtttLBSTOM, April 27,18C0.
D;: is Timer : I so *1 you tbo majority and mi
nority reports of tbo Cominittoe on Platform sub*
milted to the Convention to-day. Tbo majority
is signed by delegates representing all the South
ern States and California and Oregon—making
<o von teen in all. The minority by the sixteen
aon-slavoholdiug States, thus giving the first re
port a majority of ono. Counting by States in
*bo Convention the fifteen Southern States, Inclu
ling California and Oregon, will give a vote of
127 f;r tho majority report. In opposition of this
report, are 17C votes from the non-slaveholding
Slates. It will be seen from this, that between
the two reports tho minority will be adopted by
the Convention. A series of resolutions offered
by Mr. John Cochrane, of New York, as a sub
stitute for the whole, may l*e adopted by the
Convention. They recognize the doctrine of pro
icetion, and if they can carry the 3i votes from
New York, majority in favor of this
principle. Tbo volfrof Georgia will bo divided
upon the majority report of the Committee. It
will stand S for and 1 against the reporl.
Mr. Av*ry, of .North Carolina, is chairman of
the maj ritv committee. He addressed tho Con
vention this morning, and was followed by othor
gentlemen. No vote lias yot been taken. Tho
tspects of the quesiinn threaten much confusion
in the Convention. We trust that the discussion
may end in harmony. It is impossible now to
say who Will bo the nominee. Much depends on
the platform adopted, and tbo number of South
ern States that remain in the Convention. C.
k\plolon Los* es Life
Wo are in possession of intelligence, which was
‘ransmitred by telegraph to a gentleman in this
icy, that tho fine new steamer J C. Calhoun bad
become a total wreck by the explosion of her
boilers, at aorno point between tho junction of tho
Flint aud Chattahoochee rivers and the city of
Apalachicola.
Wc learn that six valuable negro men are min
ing, all supposed to have been killed. Captain :
• ‘rawford, the commander of the steamer, and Mr. !
Adkins, the chief clerk, are both severely if not j
mortally wounded, and tho second *!crk, whose I
name ha not been reported, is also severely
The Caibonn was a uow boa', having been built
last .-ittumor expressly for this river. Bho was
owned by Messrs. McAlister & Cos. of Ibis city,
and wc understand that, if any insurance had been
effected, it was only partial. The loss, exclusive
of tbo value of the ucgrocs, is betwen ten and fif
teen thou sand dollars.
Bishop FI Holt
This distinguished Episcopal divine, Bishop of
the Diocese of Georgia, is at present ou an official
visit to our city. Last Sabbath he preached a most
inti-rcstir g uml impressive sermon, which was at - ‘
tentively listened toby a large audience; after
which tlio ceremony of ordination of deacon was
porformed—the forenoon services closing with
tho administration of tho Sacrament of the Lord's
Sttppar. In tbo evouing, alter another effective
discourse, the solemn rile of confirmation was be
stowed upon a number of persons.
Robbery.
•Some time during the past week the Episcopal
Churcli in this city was entered by force, and the
silver plate kept there for the Communion service
was abstracted therefrom. As yet tliore is no
: clue to the sacrilegious perpetrator of the deed.
Homicide.
A man by the nnmo of James H. Staggs was
killed in Girard, on Sunday night last, by a young
man named Charles Simpson. From the ovldcuce
taken before tho Coroner and jury at the holding
of the iaqaest, it appears that Staggs had, on a
pre\ ions occasion, threatened the live* of Simpson
and other members of bis family; that on Sun
day night ho went to tho residence of Simpsoo's
mother, and r.Lured and insulted her grossly ; the
*on was ent for, and on arriving at home shot
and killed decease Simpson immediately sur
rendered himself* and at the examination was
discharged, the authorities considering him jus
tifiable in the commission of the deed.
Thr Contention
From intelligence received from a gentleman
who arrived yesterday from Charleston, we infer
that there is little or no ground to ho}*- for the
harmonious action of tho Convention. Tho mi
nority platform, or something equivalent thereto,
wU be adopted. Alabama, with several other
States, will retire from tho Convention,
and it is thought Georgia will be included in
the latter number. The matter is, of course, in
the bauds of our delegates; hut, iu tho presont
aspect of the case, we confess wo would not regret
their adoption of this course.
Ui'KLixa Axn Tali.(u>e(ia Railboar.-■••The
Tallapoosa (Ala.) Times of the 2Clb, states that
Col. Slaughter, the President of the above named
rued, has just returned from a tour West of the
Tallnpoora river, and reports prospects brighten
ing in that direction. Tho peoplo arc becoming
convinced that the building of railroad* require
un effort, und are beginning to see tho importance
of their taking action in the premises. Colonel
Slaughter averaged about ono thousand dollars
of stock per day—the two last days getting be
tween eight and nine thousand.
Stki'HE.xs will mot Accept.—The Charleston
correspondent of tho Savannah News states tha
Mr- Stephens’ friends arc authorized to say that
he will not accept the nomination for the Vice
Presidency on any ticket, and it is the opinion
now that Mr. Orr, of South Carolina, will be put
on the ticket with Douglas.
Georgia Uroei* to Withdraw with Ala-
I v. am a.—The Augusta Evening Dispatch publish
ej a telegram ftjtn Charleston, dated at noon on
j Saturday, which says : “Dispatchesfrom Toombs
and Iverson urge the Georgia delegation to with
draw with Alabama, if a sound platform and a
sound man are not adopted.”
Fnm is CheLnba, Mash. —Chllki.a, April 2.!.
—A fire in Sunday morning, destroyed
Dean A Bo<lwell'* ."table, together with twenty
b'x horses; also, two other stables and three or
fynvr wooden bouses adjoining. Lose, slo,ooO.
• -
Sam IIot;*TO row I'kesidbst. —The Charles
ton Mercury says: “We publish a letter from
a reliable source in Texas, to a gentleman nowin
Charleston, concerning Gen. Houston’s Candida
cy lor President. On the 21st he was nominated
at a large Mass Meeting held on the battle ground
of San Jacinto. He bus come out as the con
servative opposition candidate, to take advantage
of any mistake committed by the Democratic par
ty now assembled. Sam would buve strength at
the North, if he could muster up at the South by
reason of un exceptionable candidate.”
llt'XTgvillk, Texas, April 12, 1860.
Dear Sir: 1 have this day been informed by a
gentleman who has the confidence of Uen. llous
'"O, that Houston is out as an independent can
didate for the Presidency of the i’nited States.—
\ ou may regard this Information as being true
beyond all doubt. The Opposition hero arc very
much in hopes that the lion. tt. A. Douglas will
he the nominee of the Charleston Convention.—
They think that if the Hon. Stephen A. Douglas
is the nominee that Gen. Houston can carry this
State by a large majority. But if you should
nominate (Jen. J. Lane, nr Hon. Hunter, of Vir
ginia, or Hon. Breckinridge, or any distinguished
statesman and good Democrat opposed to popu
lar sovereignty, then I tbiuk the Houston party
would give up the struggle and kick the bucket.
Respectfully, your obedient servant.
THE UNION OF THE STATES, ANB THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES
(COR it KNS ED FnOM CHARLESTON EVENING NEWS.)
PROCUEVLUCiS
OF TUB
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION.
OiarirMon, Friday April 27
nm dat.
MORNING SESSION.
At 10*4 A M. the Convention carno to order.
Prayer by the Rev. Dr, Smyth, of the Presbyte
rian persuasion. Rending of tho Journal dis
pensed with.
Mr. Kiug, of Missouri, offered a resolution giv
ing to Kansas a representation on the National
Coicmitteo, to bo selected by tho delegation uow
in town. Referred to the ooiumittee on tho sub
ject.
Mr. Avery of North Carolina from tho majority
of the Committee on Platform reported the fol
lowing :
THE PLATFORM.
Resolved, That tho Platform adopted at Cin
cinnati be affirmed, with the following resolu
tions :
1. Resolved, That tho Democracy of the United
States hold these cardinal principles on the sub
ject of alavory in tho Territories : First, that Con
gress has no power to abolish slavery iu tho Ter
ritories. Second, that Territorial Legisla
tures have no power to abolish slavery iu any
Territories, nor to prohibit the introduction of
slavery therein, nor any power to exclude slavery
therefrom, nor any power to dostroy or impair
the right of properly iu slaves, by any legislation
whatever.
2. Resolved, That the enactments of Stato Leg
islatures to defeat tho faithful execution of tho
Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, sub
versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in
their effect.
3. Resolved, That it is the duty of tho Federal
Uovernment to protect, when necessary, the rights
of person and pro}>crty, on the high sens, iu the
Territories, or wherever else its Constitutional au
thority extends.
4. Resolved, That tho Democracy of tbo Na
tion recognize it us tbo imperative duty of this
Government to protect the naturalised citizen in
all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands,
to tho same extent as its native-born citizens.
5. Resolved, That tho National Democracy
earnestly recommend the acquisition of the Island
ot Cuba at tho earliest practicable period.
Whereas, That ono of the greatest necessities
| of the ago, in a political, commercial, postal and
| military point of view, is a speedy communication
i between tho Pacific and Atlantic coasts. There
fore, be it
Resolved, That iho National Democratic party
’ do hereby pledge themselves to use every means
in their power to secure tho passage of somo bill
for the construction of n Pacific Railroad, from
tho Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at tho
earliost practicable moment.
Mr, Avery in explanat on said that the report
was not adopted with unanimity. The Ist and
3d resolutions wero adopted by a bare majority,
the remainder, except tho last preamble and reso
lution unanimously. The last by a majority.-
Tho prefix of National Democracy had been
truck out.
The second resolution having keen applauded,
the Chair said applau.se iu the galleries would
not be tolerated. If it occurred again they would
be cleared.
This report was signed by all the Southern
members of the Committee and those from Cali
fornia aud Oregon.
Mr. Avery called for the reading of the minori
ty report, when
Mr. Payne of Ohio, from a Minority of tha
Committee submitted tho following :
uinority report :
Tho undersigned, a minority of the Committee
on Resolutions, regretting their inability to con
cur with the report of the majority of our Com
mittee, feci constrained to submit the following as
their Report, and recommend its adoption as a
substitute for the report of tho majority.
Respectfully submitted,
Amos Roberts, Delegate from Maine.
W. Burns, Delegate from New Hampshire.
E. M. Brown, Delegate from Vermont.
C. S. Bradley, Delegate from Rhode Island.
A.G. llnzzard, Delegate from Connecticut.
Edwin Colaw ay, New York.
ilondrit k B. Wright, Pennsylvania.
lionj Williamson, Delegate from New Jersey.
11. B. Payne, Delegate from Ohio.
P. C. Dunning, Delegate from Indiana.
0. B. Ficklin, Delegate from Illinois.
G. V. N. Lathrop, Delegate from Michigan.
A. S. Palmer, Delegate from Wisconsin.
Ben. S. Samuel, Delegate from lowa.
Jas. M Cavanaugh, Delegate from Minnesota.
1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the
Unioii, in Convention assembled, hereby declare
uur affirmance of the Resolutions unanimously
adopted and declared os a platform of principles
by tho Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in
the yoar 1856, believing tbut Democratic princi
ples aro unchangablo in their nature, when ap
plied to the same subject matter ; and wo recom
mend as the only further resolutions the follow
ing :
2. Resolved, That all questions in regard to
the rights of property in States or Territories,
arising upder tho Constitution of the United
States, are judicial iu their character; and the
Democratic party is pledged to abide by and
faithfully carry out auch determinations us hun
been or may bo mudn by tho Supreme Court of the
United States.
3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the Uuited
States to afford ample and complete protection to
all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and
whether native or foreign.
4. Resolved, That one of tho access ties of tho
age, in a military, commercial, and postal point
of view, is speedy communication between the
Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic
party pledge such Constitutional Government aid
a* will insure tho construction us a railroad to
the Pacific coast, at the earliest practicable pe
riod.
5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in
favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on
such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and
just to Spain.
6. Resolved, That the enactment* of Stato
Leg i slat urea to defeat the faithful execution of
the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character,
subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary
in their effect.
Mr. Payne moved those resolutions as au
amendment.
Mr. Butler, of Massachuscssts, as another mi
nority, submitted the following :
AUDITION AI. MINORITY RKI’OHT.
Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union
in Convention assembled, hereby declare our af
firmance of the Democratic resolutions unani
mously adopted and declared as a Platform of
Principles at Cincinnati, in the year 1*66, with
out addition ora'teration ; believing that Demo
cratic principles are unchangeable in their nature,
when applied to the same subject matter, and we
recommend as the only w further resolution, the
following:
Resolved, That it is the duty of the United
States to extend it* protection alike over all its
cltixcns, whether native or naturalised.
A minority of your committoe have agreed to
the above as the sole resolutions upon the subject
of tho principles of the party.
Inbehalf of a Minority
of the Committee,
B. P. BUTLER.
Mr. Butler moved these resolutions as an amend
ment to tho amendment.
Mr. Payne of Ohio, in presenting his report,
stated his minority report represented 176 electo
ral votes agninst 127 represented by the majority
report.
Mr. Bradley T Johnson of Maryland asked him
how many Democratic votes his 176 electoral
votes represented. [Applause.]
Mr. Johnson in reply to some question of Mr.
Payne further said, that Maryland would stand
wit the South on thia question. [Applause.]
Mr. Coehrano, of New York, endeavored to get
in un additional amendment, which was ruled out
of order, but which was ordered to he printed.—
Mr. Cochrane would offer it at the proper time.
The following is a copy of the resolutions:
1. Resolved, That the several States of this
Union are, under the Constitution, equal, and
that the people thereof are entitled to the free and
undisturbed possession and enjoyment of tbeir
rights of persons and property in the common
Territories; and that, any attempt by Congress or
a Territorial Legislature to annul, abridge or
discriminate against such equality of rights,
would be unwise in policy and repugnant to the
Constitution ; and (hat it is the duty of tho Fed
eral Government, whenever such rights are vio
lated, to afford the necessary, proper and consti
tutional remedies for such violations.
2. Resolved, That the platform of principles
adopted at the Convention held at Cincinnati in
1860 and the foregoing resolutions are hereby
adopted and declared to be the platform of the
Democratic oartv.
Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, proceeded to de
fend the majority report. He represented in his
report what is required by seventeen Democratic
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, MONDAY, MAY 7, 1860.
States, as a vital principle recognizing the equal
ity of tho people of all the States to the Territo
ries acquired by tho common blood and treasure.
[Applause.]
Mr. Avery w.nl into a detail of the uniform
political adhereuco of some of the States repre
sented iu the majority report to Domooratio prin
ciples.
lion. J. B. Clark, of Missouri, interrupting.Nta-
Ud that whilst on the committee, and carrying
out tho instructions of his delegation, he had
agreed to the platform; but ho should vote to
strike out tho third resolution. Ho wanted to
read the third resolution, but Mr. Avery declined
to yield further.
Mr. Avery ikon referrod to tho other States
which had signed the majority report and which
wero now Democratic States. Was such a pha
lanx of Democratic strength to concede to ami
noiity which, out of 170 electoral votes, docs not
represent, according to the last elections, a single
electoral voto what they contend for in the mi
nority reports.
Mr. Avery continued, aud denounced squatter
sovereignty as dangerous aud heretical as Con
gressional prohibition. Do alluded to the ad
vantages of Northern emigrant aid societies over
Southern settlers iu the territories. If this prin
ciple of territorial sovereignty was then adopted,
it would affect the South tho samo as tho Wiltnot
proviso. We of the South do not propose to ex
clude the proporty of our Northern brethren, we
only want what we concede them.
Mr. Avery forcibly defended the majority re
port, and exhibited the injustice which would bo
worked to tho South if the principle of territorial
sovereignty was adopted. Sovereignty did not
commence until tho condition of a Stato had been
reached. Tho Cuba resolution proposed would
lie valueless to the South, as well as uny acqui
sition of territory, if this principle was established,
lie enforced tho inequality of the negro; and
contended that this emancipation is what is
looked lor by those in the North, to defeat whom
this proposed concession is asked, would moot the
unlimited opposition of the white laboring men
of the South. The idea of squatter sovereignty
was not in the Cincinnati platform. Ho refuted
tho fallacy that Cougrossional intervention for
prohibition implied the power to assail. Ho de
nied that this was a judicial question. A thou
sand ways could bo resorted to to impair tho titlo
iu slaves, which the judicial arm would po pow
erless to remedy.
lie implored the Northern democracy not to
press the question. There never was a time when
u bold and manly oourse bad not met the sauo
tion of tho Northern democracy. The President
(Mr. Cushing) had pursued such a course, und ho
will toll you that it is the true way touttain suc
cess. [Applause.] The South required the con
vention to take a bold stand. The judicial idea
in tho minority report afforded no solution of the
question. Every man therefrom tho North was
a law abiding citizen ; therefore, any declaration
on that point wa* immaterial.
Mr. Payne, of Ohio, addressed the convention
on behalf of his minority report. Tho minority
had gone into the convention with an earnest de
sire to occommodato tho differences in tho party.
Tho question of slavery had distracted the party
aud the country since 1820. The Northhadhoped
that tho compromise measures of ’SO, the Kansas
bill of’s4, and tho platforms of ’53 nnd ’56 bail
fettled this questiou. They had hoped that it
wa* finally removed from Congress, where all agi
tation had originated. The democracy of the
North claim no credit for standing hy tho rights
of the South. Though they had occasionally
been denounced in the Senate by Southern men,
as “uu-muud and rotteu,” they had always acted
in good fuitb. Tho platforms alluded to emana
ted from the South, and recognized non-interven
tion. He could prove by the record of Southern
urgumont in the Senate and House of Repre*en
tative*, that tbo construction now contended for
was theirs, without a dissenting voice up to 1858,
Mr, Payne continued, and contended that
the South as well as the North, had conceded
it to he a political question. 110 sent to the
Secretary's desk extracts from speeches of
the Hon. Isaac Toucey, Secretary of the
Navy ; Howell Cobb, present Secretary of the
the Treasury; Vice President Rreckenridge,
aud Ex-Speaker Jas. L. Orr, of S. C., which
were read, sustaining his position. Mr. Payne
then read the Cincinnati Platform, and con
tended that it meant the same thing.
The Cincinnati Platform had been adopted
by the representatives of thirty-one Slates
unanimously, with the exception of the Pacific
Railroad resolution. lie read part of Mr.
Buchanan's letter of acceptance to ahow that
he regarded popular sovereignty as in the
platform.
Mr. Payne referred to extracts from the
speeches of Senators Mason of Virginia, Bay
ard ot Deleware, Badger of North Carolina,
Butler of ISoiith Carolina, Hunter of Virginio
and Toombs of Georgia, sustainiug popular
sovereignty.
The Northern mind was iinhued with the
love of this great principle. We give the
people no right that the Constitution does not
give them. The extent of this right the
courts could decide, and the North would
abide by the decision.
He then read the platform of the Ohio De
mocracy, recognising the judicial character
of the issue. Ohio was committed by the
action of Congress and the Conventions of
the Democratic party She cannot recede
from it without dishonor, and so help us God.
we never will. (Applause). Self-respect was
as dear to them as to the men of the South.
If the majority report is adopted the South
cannot expect any assistance from the North
ern Democracy, lie cited the election returns
of 18W and ’56, to show that when Southern
States faltered, the entire North-West sus
tained the Democratic party. The South
talked about lighting the enemy; they knew
nothing about it. He referred to the battle
they had fought in Ohio, and how now the
majority of Republicans was so reduced as to
promise a Democratic victory if not embar
rassed by the action of this Convention. The
North would live under a Black Republican
administration. Could the South do it? It
was a question materially affecting the South
whether she would embarrass their Northern
friends. The Northern Democracy had fought
the battles of the South. Mr. Payne con
cluded in an impressive manner exhorting
the South to a course of moderation and not
to burden the Northern Democracy with too
much weight in the coming contest. *lf the
majority platform was adopted he would go
home and light the battles as best he may.
Mr. Butler of Massachusetts. He owed an
apology for imposing upon the Convention his
single judgment in opposition to both the ma
jority and large minority of the Committee.
His resolution represented 31 Slates, commit
ted to it by their action at Cincinnati. He re
ferred to Mr. Avery's remarks in the Cincin
nati Convention sustaining the plutlorm. He
asked where the leaders of the South were
in 1860, that they did not oppose it then. It
had received the endorsement of the people
in the last contest. He asked, has there beeu
any charge in the governmental policy to
justify this opposition to it now? Every plat
form would bo subject to a double construc
tion. Divine revelation did not escape it.
The constitution had received various inter
pretations. In this day of growing distrust
it was belter to stand by the old platform, un
der which it had ao often triumphed. The
difference of construction was not a practical
one. The North understood the question
now. If a now series of principles were
adopted now, all the explanation and argu
ment of the past, which had fixed the security
of Southern rights in the North, would be lost,
and would have to be gone over again. The
majority report justified a construction in
favor of re-opening the African slave trade.
The second resolution of the minority report
met with his dissent. The first branch of it
was a mere truism. It is nothing more than
an affirmation that the sun shines and water
runs. The second branch of it met bis ob
jection, because he, like old Geperal Jackson,
did not r r er bis political opinions to the Su
preme Court, and it determined the Conven
tion in favor of any decision the Court may
make. He revered past decisions. What
they may make he won’t endorse in advance.
Would the Convention pledge itself to carry
out a decision which may be made by it under
its threatened re-organization—threatened by
Mr. Seward. (Cries of no, no!)
We can’t look to caucuses for our opinions,
affected more or less by bad whiskey. ( Laugh
ter.) If under a supposed administration of
Mr. Seward vacancies should occur on the
supreme bench and filled by him, and it should
decide that slavery existed no where except
by natural law, and that man could not hold
property in man, would the South stand it?
He referred to Mr. Johnson, of Maryland,
remark about States that gave no Democratic
vote, and said 11 the pot should not call the
kettle black.”
Mr. Bradley T. Johnson said that when
Maryland occupies the position of Massa
chusetts in nullification of the Constitution,
she would be more modest in the expression
of her opinions. [Applause.)
Mr. Butler. Comparisons are odious. In
Massachusetts a man can go to tha polls and
and vote without having a cudgel broken over
his head. (Applause.) By a vote from Mary
land the Black Republican organization of
the present House of Representatives was
effected.
Ho asked his friends from Tennessee, Ken
tucky, and North Carolina, how they stood in
the House ill the event of tho election of
President going with the House. In view of
their decisions in that event, was it right to
throw up the weakuess of the Northern De
mocracy in some of the Northern States,
where, though defeated, they fight so gallant
ly for the rights of the South.
He alluded to the double interpretation by
the Slate Department, upon the rights of na
turalized citizens abroad, and contended for
a correction of it by a platform.
Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi, moved a
recess until 4 o'clock. Carried.
Charleston Conventlon-Mr. Bigler’s Resolatloas-
Declslon by the Chair that the Georgia ltrlega
lion must vote as a unit
In the Saturday morning session of the Con
vention, Mr. Bigler, of Penn., m ved that the
platform resolutions be recommitted to the com
mittee, with instructions to report, in one hour,
the following:
Resolved, That the Platform adopted by the
Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with
the following explanatory resolutions:
Resolved, That the Government of a Territory,
organized by an act of Congress, is provisional
and temporary; aud, during its existence, all oiti
tens of the Uuited Slates have an equal right to
settle iutbu Territory, without their rights, either
of person or property, being destroyed or impair
ed by Congressional or Territorial Legislation.
Resolved, That the Democratic party stands
pledged to the doctrine that it is the duty of Gov
ernment to maintain tho Constitutional rights of
property of every species, and to enforce all the
docisionsof the Supreme Court in roferencethere
to.
Resolved, That it is the duty of tho United
States to afford ample and complete protection to
all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and
whether native or foreign.
Resolved, That one of the necessities of tho age
in a military, commercial and postal point of view
is speedy communication between the Atlantio
and Pacific States; and the Dcinooratio party
pledge such Constitutional Government aid as
will insure the construction of a railroad to the
Pacific coast at tho earliest practicable period.
Resolved, That the Democratic party are in
favor of tho acquis it ion of the Island of Cuba, on
sueh terms a* shall be honorable to ourselves and
just to Bpain.
Resolved, That the ennr'jnents of State Leg
islatures to defeat tho faithful execution of the
Fugitive Slave I,aw, are hostile :n character,
subversive of the <iou*titution, and revolutionary
in their offset-
The demand for tbo previous question was se
conded.
Mr. Walker of Ala., called for a division.
Whou the vote ou ordering the main question
was abou: to ho taken,
Mr. Nelms of Georgia. raised tho question of
privilege, that the Georgia delegation was not
instructed to vote as a unit, the resolution merely
requested them to do so. He contended for his
discretion to voto as he pleased.
Mr. John A. Jones of Georgia, opposed the
effort of Mr. Nelins to break the unit vote of the
State, and contended that the term request had
all the weight of instruction.
Tho Chairruled in favor rs a point raised, that
this debate was not in order.
Mr. Jones wanted to know how the vote was
to be cast.
Tbs Chair said that when the State wus called
it would be determined.
Mr. Cessna of Pa., called for a division of the
question.
The division being made, the vote was first
taken on the first branch being to commit, and
carried by a vote of 152 ayes, 15! uays—the
Southern States, except Missouri, whose delega
tion was divided —five in favor and five against
voting recommitment of tho resolutions.
The news of the passage of the motion to re
commit whs received with great applause.
Mr. Brooks, of Ala., moved to lay the instruc
tions on the table
The Chair derided the motion to lie on the
table to ho in order.
Mr. Seward, of Georgia, aguin raised the ques
tion of privilege relative to the right ot individual
delegates in the Georgia delegation to cast their
own vote.
Tho chair repeated bis formerdecision the ques
tion could not l)e entertained at this time.
The motion to lie on the table was then voted
on by States with the following result: Ayes,
142)9; nays, 66%.
Georgia, when she wus called, answered tea
votes yea.
Mr. Seward claimed the right to votohis indi
vidual vote, as did miother delegate.
Mr. Lainur, of Georgia, called for the reading
of the order of the Convention on the subject,
wbioh was done, lie said there was a division
in the Georgia delegation. He contended tho
resolution of the Georgia Convention, requesting
a unit vote, to be equivalent to instructions.—
When Georgia requested, it should be the pleas
ure of her dutiful sons to obey. Ho discussed
the legal effect of.the term “request,” and appeal
ed to every lawyer in tho Convention if it did not
have tho weight of command.
Mr. Nelms, of Georgia, contended for the right
of the minority iu tho delegation to vote their
own vote. He wanted to make hia rnn record.
Mr. Nelms then went into a bistory of (lie eir
cuuistHDces attending the passage of the resolu
tion of requeat.
The debate on the question was continued by j
Messrs. Nelms and Jones, of Georgia, Cessna, of
Pa., and Meek, of Alabama
Mr. Montgomery moved that the members of
each delegation he permitted to vote ms they
pleased.
lie afterwards withdrew it upon the suggestion
of a point of order.
Mr. Henry K. Jackson continued the debate
against the right of individual delegates from
Georgia to vote otherwise than ms a unit.
Mr. Nelms then staled thequeslion of privilege.
The Chair would be reluctantly compelled to
decide the question. An appeal could be taken.
The announcement of the Chairman of the Geor
gia delegation of the 10 votes o> Georgia in the
affirmative, must stand. In his opinion the term,
in the order of this Con volition, “provided,” em
braced within its intention the • request’ of the
Georgia* resolution.
He did not think (he delegates appointed by a
State (-on vent ion had any right to find any fault
with limitations placed upon their power by the
body which they represented. He therefore de
cided that the vote tught to lie cast as an unit.
[Applause.]
Debate on Platform*.
We have kept our rendors informed of the pro
ceedings of the Convention up to the discussion
on the platforms, which wore reported by ooin
inittee in charge of that subject. Below we givo
the remarks of Mr. Avery of North Carolina, in
bebalf of the majority report of tbe committee,
which report has already appeared in our col
umns. We shall continue to publish such speech
es as their importance may seem to demand and
our space permit:
Mr. Avery, of North Carolina. On bebalf of
the majority of the Committee on Resolutions, he
was instructed to express their regret that they
were compelled to appear before the Convention
and present a report that had not been agreed on
by tbe entire committee. He asked tbe gentle
man from Ohio, if the report of the minority of
tbe committee represents a greater number of
States than be found appended thereto in the
printed copy of tbe Resolutions.
Mr. Payne. It represents also the States of New
York and Pennsylvania, which have been added
this morning.
Mr. Avery. He said that it was a source of re
gret that the report he had presented had failed
to receive tbe assent of the entire committee, but
be bad no apology to make, for the report repre
sented the seventeen banner Democratic States
of tbe Union. He stood there representing what
is regarded by those States as a great vital and
fundamental principle —the principle of perfect,
unqualified equality of every State, and of the
eitixens of every State in the Territories acquired
by the blood and treasure of the whole people of
the United States.
Mr. Scott, of Alabama, (in tbe Chair,) called
the Convention to order, and requested more
quiet in the galleries.
Mr. Avery continued : Ue bad stated that tho
difference in the committee had been a source of
regret, but that he had no apology to make, be
-1 cause the majority report represents a majority of
the States of tbe Union, wbioh States represent
127 electoral votes, every one of which will be
east for the nominee of the Democrats Cooven-
tioo, representing the principle which that report
presents to the Convention. They had, therefore,
no apology to make. They nlanted themselves
upou tho imperishable principle, and appealed to
the well known devotion es the Democratic party
to fairness, honor and justice to stand hy their
side. Hovontoou States of the Union had re
nounced the adoption of tho report. It had been
remarked that in tho divisiou on tho report, there
wore fifteen slave States and two Northern States.
He knew the gentleman from Ohio meant no sec
tional allusion iu speak mg as he did, for as far as
ho knew, there exists no sectional feeling in tho
bosom of any gentleman who signed the majority
report. But they catne there representing a
great principle—backed by the Democracy of
Virginia, which had never faltered in the hour of
the darkest peril. They came horo as the repre
sentatives of the South-western States, thut had
never cast, where vital principle.* wore involved,
any but a Democratic vote. They came here as
representatives of the central Southern
from whose mind* the political delusions'of past
years have been removed, and who have come
into the Democratic fold, there to remain for
ever.
Mr. Clark, of Missouri, was one of the majority
who had endorsed the Platform. Tho gentleman
had alluded to his Stato as one that stood by tho
report. Ho wanted to announce to the Conven
tion that he did not approve wholly of the report,
and would not vote for the first resolution in the
report, lie had signed the report only in order
to enable the committee to report.
Mr. Avery objected to the interruption. He had
remarkod that tho report of the majority had
beeu sustained by the South-western States, that
had always stood firm and unshaken,and cast none
other than democratic votes. He proceeded to
say that the several States now newly taking their
position boneath the Democratic banner, endors
ed its principles. The far distant Stato of Cali
ornia, baptised in Democracy, stood by the prin
ciples of the report. The far-off Oregon—still
younger, but not less pure -stood by them.—-
These States could givo, combined, one hundred
and twenty-seven eleotoral votes for the Deino
eratio candidate for the Presidency, and he asked
if the settled principles of these Status does not
demand consideration at the hands of the Con
vention. Ileasked those whoso names wore af
fixed to the minority report—to bear in mind that
the States they represent cannot be depended on
to oast a single Democratic eleotoral vote. They
stood there, then, with 127 Democratic electoral
votes, representing a great principle, while tho
gentlemen on the othor tide representing not one
single leectoral voto, stand in autagonism to this
principle. He appoaled to them if a respectful
consideration should not be paid to those who
represent tho voting Democracy of the United
States. He had said that this report represents a
great principle—the principle of the equality of
tho gt eat States of this Union in tho Territory of
the United States. The committee, regarding
this principle as one of vital importance to tho
interests they represent, as a principle not effect
ing the rights or interests of the free States, have
thought that when they alone wero interested in
its enforcement, this should not be sacrificed but
that if the Convention was to settle n question
upon which a difference oxists, it. ought at, least
to bo settled in favor of the parties whose rights
and interests alone are involved.
Mr. Lowry of Indiana, endeavored to tuako nu
enquiry, but was prevented by loud cries of “or
der, order !”
Mr. Avery could not consent to yield the floor.
Ho was speaking not lor himself, but in behalf of
those whose rights it was to bo heard without
interruption, They spoke the common sentiments
of thoir constituents at borne, and he intended no
reflection upon those who ontertained a different
opinion, whau they said that the effect to the
Southern States of tho confirmation of tho doc
trino of popular sovereignty would be diaastrou*.
That doctrine is as dangerous and as subversive
of Southern rights us was the duotriue of Congres
sional intervention for prohibition of slavery in
the Territories. And why? They say that in
the oonteat for the oecupuucy of the Territories
of the United Stales, the Southern States cannot
compete with the emigration of the Northern
States, aided hy the Societies that exist there.
These Societies can send a vote into the Territo
ry for two hundred dollar*, while it costs tho
South one thousand five hundred dollars. They
say that wherever this competition between tho
slave States aud the North occurs, tho latter will
always obtain advantage over the slave States.—
Whou it is suid that tho Territorial Legislature
established hy Congress in a Territory, has tho
right, directly or indirectly, to regulate the insti
tution ofsluvory, a blow is given to exclude
every slaveholding Stato from the Territory, a*
effective as could be inflicted by the adoption of
the Wilniot Proviso, out aud out.
There is no proposition contained iu tho mi
nority report that invades tho Constitutional
rights of the North; no proposition that the
North or the property of the North shall bo ex
cluded from the Territory ot the United States.
They wore invited to come and settlo in, and im
prove that vast Territory which remaiu* uuoecu
pied ; but tho South usks that they may be per
mitted to go there too, with their negro property ;
that when they do so, they may flint protection :
and when thoy sit down under their own vine and
fig tree, they may ho covered hy the /Egis of the
Constitution.
Nor should it ho forgotton that the emigrants
sent into tho Territories by the societies of tho
North wore not sent by the Democracy, but by
the Opposition: by those who are banded togeth
er to destroy ine restitution of the South. If the
Booth could sit down iu the Territories with tho
consciousness that they should not he interfered
with till the State Constitution was adopted—if
they could feelthx’ ‘hoy were 011 terms or equali
ty, with respeot to die if property, with the citi
sens of free States, • l that if any attempt’ wus
made to interfere hi 1 their rights, the Govern
ment was ready to interpose its strong arm to
protect and defend them, they would feci that
they wero ready and willing to risk emigration
into the Territories of the United States. They
would then leave it for the people of the Territo
ry*. p mention assembled to say whether
th try . .. orne into the Union with sluvo or
free Contitutioni. It wus iu this light they re
garded the question. He asked any Northern man
if he believed that, uuder existing circuiusiuu
cos, any Southern man who owned 1 slave, or 6 or
tun slaves, would venture with them to settle in
any Territory of the United States? If it was
said that this wus ail abstraction, for that we have
no Territory to settle uow.be would answer that
it might be an abstraction, fur that Democratic
principles arc all abstraction.—they are nothing
else, at least until they are wade pructical by
legislation. But these abstractions laid down
principles which shall guide legislation as the
present or future exigencies of the country may
require.
The Committee on both sides had reported a
resolution favoring the speedy acquisition of tbo
Island of Cuba. They all said, privately and
publicly, that if the bonds of the Union be pre
si rved, tbe flag of this great country must float
over all tbeHtates of Central America—over tho
whole of Mexico, unless that unfortunate country
remodels its form of government. There is, then,
anew country opening before us which invites
Southern labor; and yet the principle contained
in that minority report—tbe principle of popular
sovereignty—would virtually exclude tbe Houth
with her slares from the Territory of Central
America.
And what is to he tbo destiny of tho peoplo of
the Mouth? With them, this is u case of life and
death. He regarded this principle as tbe most
important that ever agitated the minds of the
people of tho South; for, if you establish the doc
trine of popular sovereignty, it will destroy the
rights and tbe safety of tbe South as surely hh
would Congressional intervention and)prohibition.
If we are to have a cordon of free States binding
us ia from the Atlantie to the Pacific coast, to
wbat Territory are the people of tho South to em
igrate? Where is the negro population, when it
becomes redundant, to be placed? Are you pre
pared to bring on tbe irrepressible conflict, the
agitation of wbioh baa received the indignant re
buke of every Democrat in the United States?—
That irrepressible conflict would come, if tbe doc
trine of popular sovereignty should prevail; and
it was this conviction that forced itself on tbo
minds of the South, and made them more bitterly
hostile to that doctrine tbau tbe dogma of Con
gressional intervention itself. This may be uew
to tbe North; but they must bear iu miud that
a vast number of the citisens of slavobolding
States desire to remain at borne, from their at
tachment to the soil of their birth, and to see
their families grow up around them, surrounded
by the property they have accumulated for them.
Now, as the slave population increases, If thero
is no labor to employ U, tbe result must be eman
cipation or tbe irrepressible conflict; and when
emancipatiou comes, do we not know that then
comes the contest between white and black labor,
upon an equality. That equality may be ac
knowledged at tbe North, but tbe poorest white
man in a.slave States scorns it, and should eman
cipation come the strongest army that could be
raised could not prevent the expulsion of the
blacks, in bloodshed, beyoud tbe borders of tbe
State. He stated these conrictioas because he
desired to show to tbe people of the North that
tbe same sentiment animates all people of the
South, whether they be tha owners of slaves or
oe ~
But they were told thut in advocating tho doc
trines now advanced by tho majority they were
violating the principles of the Cincinnati Rlatform.
They were told that the Cincinnati Platform is a
Popular Sovereignty Platform, and was intended
to advance and enforce that doctrine by its adop
tion. They who represented tho majority of the
Committee deny that this is the faithful construc
tion of the Cincinnati Platform. We, of tho
South, say that when we adopted that Platform
wo understood (hat iion-interveution was the non
interference of Congress to establish or abolish
slavery even a* the doctrine exists in relation to
tho District of Columbia. Wo say that the same
doctrine applies to the Territorias as to the Dis
trict of Columbia. We maintain that Congress
has no right to abolish or prohibit sluvery in the
District of Columbia. And why? Because it
exists there us an institution. To seor.re unequal
right of all the States in thnt District, the common
property of all, and every year the National leg
islature. composed of Southern und Northern
men, is le&islat ng to uphold uud foster slavery
there.
Wo say that tho Constitution to this anme ex
tont recognizes slavery in a Territory. It docs
not carry it to the Territory, hut when it is taken
there, then the ACgis of the Constitution spreads
its shiold ovor it, and it is the duty of Congress
to iutervonefor its protection when tho destruc
tion of tho property is threatened. Wo hour con
stantly of the intervention of Congress when evil
legislation prevails in a Territory. A few dayß
since a statue passed by tho Legislature of Utah,
being an odious law, was repealed by Congress.
8o laws passed by the legislation of Congress
have beeh abrogated by the same power. Is not
this intervention ? If Congress can interfere to
destroy an odious law in a Territory, it can Inter
fere to protect the rights and property of the peo
ple of a Territory, when interfered with by Ter
ritorial legislation.
lie had endeavored to show thnt this was not
only a question of principle, growing out of men
tal conviction on tho pan of the South, but was
also a question of self-preforvation in the future.
Ho asked what principle of self-preservation can
influence our Nortiiern brethren on this question?
What groat matorial interest is to be effected, on (
their part, if they should surrender this doctrino
of popular sovereignty ? It is not proposed to
exclude you from the Territories. No one says
because a Northern man is not the owner of slaves
that, therefore, be shall not come into tho Terri
tory. No such proposition is made —no such
doctrine exists. Our principle secures perfect
equality to all the citizens of the several States.
If there is to be a surrender of principle in this
conflict of opinion, our friends say they arc ready
to yield whenever the Supremo Court of the Uni
tod States shall sottle the issue by a decision.—
They hold it to be only a judicial question, but
he begged to say, in his judgment, it was not al
together a matter for tho Courts todocide. There
are a thousand indirect ways of legislative, by
which the property of tbo South cau be assailed
iu the Territories. There aro a thousand ways
in which slave property can be destroyed, and
for which the Supremo Court cannot furnish ad
equate remedy’ If there be auy doubts, then, in
the case, ought they not to bo yielded to the
States whose interests are most at stake?
This is not a question that can bo scttlod in a
day, or ineight years,ortwenty years. By whom
is it to he settled? If it he a popular doctrine at
the North, there will bo no need to endeavor to
tako it to (he Courts for settlement there. Will
tho Southern men go to the Territory with their
slaves for tho solo purpose of instituting a suit to
settle the question in Courts? We say this is a
great fundamental principle with us, and we,
therefore, desire tho Democratic.party to take its
stand upon it. It is not so with the North, be
cause it involves the yielding of no rights on
their part. lie knew a prejudice existed ut the
North against association in tho Territories with
slav'-holders. He asked his Northern Democrat
ic friends to correct thut sentiment among North
ern men, because it is the antagonism which ex
ists hot ween the slave and the free States that lead
to these dissensions, both at the North and the
South.
The preservation of tho Union depends on the
Democracy of the North. Woof the South voto
with the Democratic parly because we bcliovo it
to l*o the only party that can save tho Govern
ment. It is for Northern Democrats to correct
tho views which their people entertain on this
question. They could do it only in ono way, and
he told them that there never had been a time
when a bold uud outspoken platform (bat could
b endorsed by the slave States, would do so much
good as now. lie appealed to tho President of
the Convention, whose holdncss’und manliness in
the conservative cause endears him to the heart
of every Southern uian. [Applause.] Tell them
how to fight the Black Republican party. He will
say, never yield one inch upon the Abolition
question, but meet it boldly, fairly, squarely. He
asked them whether the issue inn mot boldly,
fairly aud squarely upon this popular sovereignty
platform ? Tho Ciucinuati Platform i* ambigu
ous. We at the soutli say it means one tiling—
they at the North say it meuns another. Wcask
you now to settle its moaning. We say take a
bold stand and declare what it really means, bold
ly, openly and thoroughly. The minority say
they are willing - to leave its interpretation to the
Supreme Court. That is ,no convenience to tho
South. They take it for grautod thnt all Demo
crats are law-abiding citizens, and if so, when a
decision of the Supreme Courtis made, adverse to
their viows, they will submit to it, as a matter of
oourse. It is no solution of the questiou ; no
settlement of the issue satisfactorily to the South,
to suy “leave i( to the Courts.” He told them
that amongst the masses of tbo South, there is a
growing distrust of our Northern allies I* did
not exist with him, nor probably with nnv poi
sons who thoroughly know the >'■*■• ’ ’> ii* k*-
racy : but it nevertheless does exist iu the popu
lar mind of tho South.
We say then, it there must ho a little surrender
of principle innke that concession to us. You
say it is a judiiial question altogether. We say it
is not. ft it be, then to you it is immaterial bow
you make the Platform; for you cau say, when
you return home to your constituents, that the
majority thought one way while you thought an
other, and as it is a judicial question, you agreed
to give tho majority their Platform, and let the
Courts nettle whether its principles were right or
wrong.
Before closinz his remarks he desired to say
that he had advanced no views in a captious or
unfriondly spirit. The Committee had heeu enga
ged three days and nights in an effort to harmonize
their views. They finished last night and this
morning, and agreed upon a Platform. He had
not bail lime, therefore, to prepare an address
upon the report. But ho hod advocated it. before
tho Convention in as fair u manner us he could,
and although bis remarks were unconsidered, un
digested, and necessarily desultory, ho would not
shrink from the duty that [devolved upon him.
Ho had endeavored to present his views, as he ho
ped they would he received, in no captious spirit,
lie desired to put tbe Democratic party on a clear,
unclouded Platform so that he who runs may road
its principles. We know that you Democrats of
the North have been called doughfaces—let us
then take a Platform that can hear no double
construction, and there will then he no justifica
tion for this term of reproach. Let us take a
Platform on which ail may stand—a fair Platform
on principles, and every Democrat North and
South will rally beneath the Democratic flag; bid
defiance to the enemy. He tondured his thanks to
the Convention for the courteous attention they
had paid to bis remarks, and the good spirit they
had manifested in this, the openingof an exciting
debate.
fiperrb of Mr l'anrey, of Alabama.
Mr. Yancey said :
Gentlemen of the Convention : This is a very
vast subject, of wido range; whether considered
as policy, or whether considered in its constitu
tional light, of very vast import, when we consid
er tbe consequences of the result a’ which we
may arrive. It has long been my study to arrive
at a correct conclusion, and experience warns me,
gentlemen, that justice cannot be done to this
subject in unytbing like au argument that will
raise above a mere partisan view of the question
in one hour. I will endeavor to eomprecs and
limit luy remarks within tbe lime. I may be
able to do so, but before I proceed I would like
to ask it of this body, whether ii my argument
is not concluded within tbo boar, it will he the
pleasure of the convention that 1 should stop, or
whether it will extend to mo the courtesy vs al
lowing me to finish at least such branch of the
subject I may he upon when my hour expires.--
[Loud cries of “yes, yes,” and “no, no.”)
Mr. PiixsiOK.vr. 1 thought that probably there
was no better occasion for an Alabamian to rise
and address the Demooracy of the Union than
after the remarkable and unnutura! speech that
has just fallen from a native son of the South. 1
could have beard that speech from any Northern
unmoved. I confess I did not hear it from a citl
sen of the State, whose admission has caused the
South nearly all its evils, entirely unmoved.—
Coming too from a State, Mr. President, that has
assumed a somewhat prominent position on this
question, 1 thought It well that one of her sons
PEYTONH. COLQUITT. >-j,.
JAMES W. WARREN, \ Edl t° r *-
Number 19
alioulJ k oavor to |.te..m ht tho BUt, bo
liovea to be the position which the South occupies
on this question. Alabama has instructed bar
delegates to present to this body her platform ol
principles, and ask for it its candid consideration.
Tbo Convention of my State was pleased to ex
press tho hope that,, “from its justice and patriot
ism,” it “anticipated (heir adoption”by this body.
Thus far, gentlemen of tho Democracy, I atn hap
py to say thut tho hopes of the State have not
altogether been disappointed.
A majority of the sovereign States of this Uuiou
have united in making a report which embodies,
substantially, tho position occupied, ns I believe,
by tho Stato of Alabama. Aud not only a majo
rity of the sovereign Slates of thin Union huve
done this, but, although a native eon of tbo South
has raised his voice hero and said that the majo-
rity report oontaiued “an udder's sting to the
Northern Democracy,” and has choien to speak
of it as “poison,” that, report comes to us with
what is to tuo even a biglior endorsement—the
approval of tho Southern patriot's long deferred
hope und desiderutum—a united South- [Great
applause. | And not only is the report thus high
ly commended to us, but 1 desire to direct the
attention of this body and of the Democracy at
large to this striking fact, that tho States thus
making this report represent more thun two-thirds
of the great Democratic party of the Union.—
[Cheer*.] It is also undoubtedly true, Mr. Presi
dent, as was well suid hy the Chairman of the
Committee who opened this debate, that the ma
jority of the Committee who made that report,
represent nbw what is considered the electoral
voto of every Democratic Slate in this Union,
and that the delegates presenting tho minority
report represent Stutos that, in all probability,
will cacti cast u lilack Republicau electoral rote.
That is hardly to be doubted. There is, possi
bly, among those who signed that majority re
port, one State whose positiou might be considered
doubtful at the Presidential poll; but the great
and solemn fact faces you that tbo vote of the
unanimous South askingof this National Demo
cracy that upon u groat issue, in which their prop
erty and constitutional rights uro involved, und
incidentally and remotely, it may he, their very
quiet, and peace, and lives and honor—that ou
that question thoir right to protection Hiali he ac
knowledged.
Mr. Lakeiunu of Missouri. Will the gentleman
allow mo to interrupt him for a moment ? [Loud
cries of “no, no,” and “order”]
The President. Wiiut is thu purpose of tho gen
tleman ? Does he rise to a question of order ?
Mr. Lakomun. I do not.
The President. Then tho Chuircanuot reoog
nize the gontlemun. [Applause.]
Mr. Lukeinan. 1 merely ask the privilege—
[Tremendous shouts of “order.”]
The President. The Chair cannot allow inter
ruptions of speakers unless ut thoir request, ex
cept for the suggestion of questions of otder.
Mr. Yancey. I would say to the gentleman that,
indebted greatly to tho courtesy of this body my
self, I am disposed to yield any courtesy to others
that would not consume tho time of the Couveu
tion or interrupt my own line of argument.
Mr. Lukcman. In order that tho Convention
may know whether tho gentleman who last spoke
(Mr. King, of Missouri,) represents the sentiments
of Missouri, I will ask the gentleman to rvad the
second resolution adopted hy the Democratic
Convention of that State.
Mr. Yuucev. I had intended, ut the proper time,
to allude to the fout that, in my opinion, he did
not represent Missouri. However, I am willing
that tho resolution shall be read by the Secretary,
and tliore I will leave that matter.
Tho Secretary road the resolution as follows :
Resolved, Thut the Democratic party of Mis
souri hold there cardinal principles ou the subject
ot slavery iu the Territories : Ist, that Congr< as
has no power to abolish slavery iu the Territories;
2d, that the Territorial Legislature has no pow
or to abolish slavery in any Territory, nor to
prohibit the introduction ot sluves therein, nor
any power to exclude slavery therefrom by un
friendly legislation, nor uny power to destroy or
impair the right of property in slaves by auy leg
islation whatever. [Loud cheers.]
Mr. King of Missouri. Mr. President. I should
have no objection
Mr. Yancey. I cannot yield the floor to the
delegate from Missouri.
Mr. Avery, of North Carolina. I desire to say
that tho second resolution in the majority re
port—
Mr. Samuel es lowa. I call the gontlemun to
order.
The President. The gentleman from Alabama
has the floor, and the Chair is resolved, so fur as
in him lies, that the gentlemen speaking shall be
permitted to continue their own line of argument
without being interrupted by other members of
the Convention. [Loud cheers.]
Mr. Yancey. Gentlemen of the Convention, my
fctate has now to ask of (his body the adoption of
the resolutions repi rted by tho majority of the
Committee, because her representatives here be
lieve that they substantially coufonu to the prin
ciples enunciated in her platform, which we are
instructed to insist upon as tho only basis upon
which Alabama can associate with the National
Democracy as a party. My State, gentlemen of
tho Convention, bus been the mark of many a
shaft ol'calumny nud ol misrepresentation, and
her delegatus on thirt floor have also been marks,
some individuals more tbau others—of groat mis
representation and falsehood in relation to their
political position.
It hua been charged, in ordor to demoralize
whatever influence we might be entitled to, eitf or
from our personul or politiuul characteristics, or
as representatives of the State of Alabnma, that
we are disruptiouists, disuniouista per te; that
we desire to breuk up the party in tbe State of
Alabama, to break up the party in the Union, and
to dissolve tho Union itself. Each and all of these
and .lions, come from what quarter they may, I
pronouuc to he false. [Applause.] There is no
disruptioiiists that I know of, aud if there are
factiouists in onr delegation they could not have
got in there with the knowledge upon the part of
our State Convention that they were of so envi
able a character. Wo come here with two great
purposes : first, to save the constitutional rights
of the South, if it lay in our power to do so. Wo
desire to save the South by tho best means that
present themselves to us, and the State of Ala
bama believes that the best means now iu exis
ton oo is the organization of the Democratic party,
if we shall be able to persuade it to adopt the
constitutional basis upon which we think the
South alone can he saved. Democrats ourselves
from our youth upward. 1 longing to a State
that has never been nnyibiug but Democratic,
always voting for a Democratic President, and
nearly always sending a united vote to the House
of Representatives, ami Democratic Senators to
the Semite of the United States, we prefer that
the honor of saving the country shall crown the
brow of tbe Democratic party. Deceived as we
have been by much shown in the history of that
party, we yet have some hope tliat it will come to
the rescue of the country ; we have some confi
dence that it has a desire to come to the rescue.
We have couie here, then, with the two-fold pur
pose of saving the country and of saving tho De
mocracy ; and if tbe Democracy will not lend
itself to that high, holy and elevated purpose; if
it cannot elevate itself above the mure question
of how perfect shall be its mere personal organi
zation and how wide-spread shall be its mere
voting success, then we say to you, gentlemen,
mournfully and regretfully, that, in the opiniou
of the Btate of Alabama, and I believe, of the
whole South, you have failed in your mission, and
it will be our duty to go forth and make an ap
peal to the loyalty of tho country to stand by that
Constitution which party organizations have de
liberately rejected. [Applause.]
This gentlemen, I trust, is a position that your
own elevated natures cau, at least, respect. This,
gentlemen, I trust, is a position to which you
cun afford, at least, to accord your sympathies;
aud amongst the members immediately in front
of me from the gallant Northwest, I think that
there are inimJs aud hearts that cun respeot senti
ments that may not agree with their own, as re
gards what is the constitution of the country, and
who will accord to us, at least, their sympathy
and their respect in standing up te what we be
lt. vo to be u constitutional duty, even at tho haz
ard ot disrupting ties so long held ssored—tho
ties that bind us to the Democracy. At all
ovents, wo have u duty to perform to ourselves
and to our country. Tbo Bouth is in a minority,
wo have been tauntingly told to-day. In tbe pro
gress of events, arid the march of civilization and
emigration, the Northwest has grown up from a
mere infant in swaddling clothes, at the forma
tion of the Constitution, into the form and pro
portions of n giant peoplo ; and owing te their
institutions and dcuiaud for white labor, and the
peculiar nature of ours, though advancing aide
by side, iu parallel lines—never necessarily in
couflict in the great march of civilization—they
have surpassed 11* greutly iu numbers. We are,
therefore, in u numerical minority, hut wo do not
murmur at this -we cheerfully accept the result
but wo ms firmly claim the right of the minori
ty- -aud wbat is that? We claim the beuetit ol
the C<mslßu*ion that was made for tho protection
of minorities. In the march of numbers, feeling
conscious of your numerical power, you have ag
gressed upon us. Wo hold up between us and
your advancing oolumna of numbers that written
instrument which your and our fathers made,