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About The Columbus weekly times. (Columbus, Ga.) 1858-1865 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 24, 1860)
COLQUITT & W YKREV Proprietors. Volume XV. A Plantation for Side. ssilmKTilmt, ftsiding in Twiggs .*. > i iJ> , g oifcr? for .>no Ilia Pianta- , j r ii jm u- o-ii cou ny. Ala., containing j i-ultlUllJr, *tuVWfc.i -tiwul I -.•gaUfhrtfc ;~i in ag >o.t idieoi cultivation— I floated toetiv.-'-n the llatcliai htit.bci* and j North <’nwik> i> Croolcn, four zrtllcs south of tfic Mo- j Ink* ami (.irarJ Railroad, adjoining tho plantation* of j Messrs. ItaJiiday. CuibrHh and Mm F.-rrv. There m a good dwelling, gm hx'is.\ <re,x, and ad nerr j i v on! build mgs on ti*’-* place. Purchasers will do well to ‘-all and examine tin; prow; • and see ttu.< line and lujcuriam crop* >f i-ftiton ancl corn. The present | crop u a MJliicuuit guarantee of the produatf*ene?s •ti the anil. ‘l'llum’ wi-btng further iuibrinalmn aie referred to Rohen AH.-i • f Sand For. .-i Tim R < de mail of Gi-. oltviifi , Ala > i nidiAunsoN. Ju!i Isl -M-i-n. Marten. ‘I xrijrr n. asrooridJE, THE suhscrilit r nfi'er? for >.,!•• a valuable ‘j ~r3LFartn in tht* Mh I>Htrki ot Muscog. • county, MKv;,, consist uu. ot Tie .. .3 U m cultivation { v a i-• ui 0.,s !, : ... .oiy?MJ in good pine ( in ml*, the balance Uirned our Upon tlm premise* there area good d%\i:iunii. fein lioir e. and ?cn-xv, barn • t Apply !•> • Tims LIVINGSTON, July 23 wiiUnov. Colnnibu#,G*:oign. . L\Nl F< >R SALE. I will sell my plantatio • where I reside on this ( hattiihoochei! nver j . T.u se land? (■ I.• divi.il il t > ; suit friends that may want in buy near each oMn r. <}- j o h.V) acrei best farming land in Early rmnry, join- ; mg the big tord on the line of F.nf’y and b&Jtct: al*o, iojnrres on A yen*to? erre*. suit It improvement? on *arh tract, and many scatter**.; .on. 1 will sell low My r niJonce is in clay rounty t.a . nine mile* be- j low Fort Gam**, ari l Lit v* n from Makeri. I wilt • alt my woperty on the piece it lean. There .* rite rise of one hundred n goc*. and stock in proper ! tion Gail and look; a bargain can be boiignt in mil- j ‘ r ju!y Vf~ ’ M. W. STAMPER. PLANTATION AND STOC K FOR SALE, I have conic to the conchMion to return to i t ar-rima, as my relative* arc autbrrf*. I I wwh to sell all t>t 1 po***rv. in J Jl_ i.ot.rpia. 1 have a beautiful little nunittier I • ...knee 11 inti*? north of ( dumbo*, t-a ar.d near j •-hi Troy l aclOi v Three hundred acre* of rood j l.sml, well improved; about ij* In a good *10100! rut!notion; good dwelling -i.■. negro house*, barn, stable*, am bouse and ■*••*; farming utensil* of all ) kind*; rows, bug*, ifltUe?, x> ago tut, household aud 1 kM.h. u loir I'ure.i <>iu au ! f- Idir. and v.ir.oll. miter \ ariirh* too lediott* to mdtilton. In a dim rate ue igh- ‘ bortiood.gcH.il neighbors uud good society. Please li. II RRfNSPIRLD j Mty Tih wti. 3J0T1C32. Pa >• v n .tu:. .c vjUiku b’ f 1 id. 130 or | A—, t:- ‘ \ •. • *.!.. a wt. u House and ! s rew opn the place, I*o or ‘iOd lioad ot t:uttle.atiut | iht same uuinbir of lu-p •, and beud of *hcvp. Term-, w into made ac >,n:nadiiiK and atintly no wtisuthe limn jcoffcredL En-jmiem Albany at Jus. 1 iltU'* Livery 6utbh n, f..r diMictions to the pt*re. j li.fie 4 —wtf THOrt || KBNHAI I. Cotton Gin Improvement. hxpaxsioa nohi,:'i ‘pilß pubic .* hereby In formed that 1 am the lnven- ( L tor and .iw-ut* • .. u Mupmeement 01 tl<. t ut- 1 I.u Gin, the TXPANrtIUN MOLL.’* It con ! i-uts in icttiug inti the roll box on each Hide behind 1 •toe out Adr saw* a hoard of melt thick ups* a* to l lowaapa 1 I fan incii between u and th. aff l UM*bevel< l from tho point where the ■ uri tott< h Hie board to the front of the box. -.1 each turn | of the Ct Wilder tb>. roi. • ipaud , ihireby bringing a i ucw urfßC-; us rpih.ri in r<-ntn’ with lic saw* dt ! levoluiinii Wnhth’ a-hh':. l,. t.m n r<- ; lieved trotn a.llinking or c ••gatni,.and win tutnout ! Irani lKi to 3jo pound* o* <U>, n.ore than it : x.ui4 without it I hnve h-rt a itiodrl. showing the • mprox ■ meat at the Tiuiu* Offu . , where p.antcr-* are invited to call and e\ tonne it t..r tlicm< Le- lam permitted to teler to the subjoined certificates* tyom } eenlleMei. who hm tested the value of m> patent vvit.i iam M i.:nf** • n tVuoittmry, Meriwether Cos., oa. < ERflFIt YTF. : 11. ruiy that l have Wiu Mcldsfd >n ,; . unnt -ir- | me lit 111 mv Cotton Cut. and have been Ji-lng it txvo ; vxintereanil would not b# deprived of It f. Idm d-‘ i Ur*, t can gin with ease lihJO lb*, lint'TYnan eunrise I nil sunset with a )” avv gin; h. fore having the im- i provcnieu l I could not gm more than Obo lb*. I at. lie- | ion, putting the improvement m 111) gin It wa almost 1 impossible to gin the last pu.king; how I (art gin the j l*l as well a* lh firtst picking. March Y3d Idtkk Irt.VAt’ FiNtllFW. Merrnx,t.x 1 t , nniy, Ca . Nov. ?, EJ4P Th*s 1- to rertuv that I have u*. and William •hn*s Fsteiit lot Oma and find it t<> be valuable, and I heleve it will gin nt least one fourth M on* third * TUOrtv LIAIAJ* K, J. J, V. -4 After Ps.ng for tw.r year- Un* Mcl-en.ton Cotton, ton Attachim ut, 1 nm tu>la and if 1- an i;upi..\i uicllt upon tbdtonmmon Om. With tins improvement aiiacbcd, the Gin never I break* 1 roll, sndw iU gin about one third luster. It | I* simple In con*trticrton and not liable to get out of order. Al\ Jlll.l, Mcimv.iher to | Wood!.- , Merritveihercounty,Ga I Mauii I Mil, lend \ Sir fh> patent improvement you .01; h< and to my j t otior. Utn prove .ui-rsaerv. and 1* all vou n pre --riteii it to i>. 1 would not dispciiise with it for halj the price of the r-u ltpnevent* choking at tbs come -and .tierear- - the Hu rout w'lint Vour*. A.c. wtf J. A.GAHTON SAMOIID’S LIVEK I.nVIGOEATOR NEVER DEBILITATED. I r is GoMPoL NOEO ENTIRELY from 'tm*.an4 I ha* be- mi • *ta*lilj M .1 t.u tandord uu dicme j ■—approved by a. l that # have used R. an*l wre | ■one.t to wl. ii couli- Ad deun-i a,. 1: iea*s for which it 1 recommend- m . ,1. It ha cured thousand* withdULe lasi ttvo yogi* who had given up hojw r. of relief a* numerous nneoUcilcd certifi- ate* P” in my poisessum show The dose mm be a dap- <*M ted to the temperament “f the individual taking M itanduseduieut li^uan-! titles a* t-< actgently on wa the bowels. I.etthedrctntesof your Judgment gi.ide yon la •’ of tlie Ul h RiX- ytOOAArOH. ..ml it xvi‘l 1 Ul>- I. er r.:n- J pU rs. BU.tOl’ S .db 1 ’ DYSPEPSIA, hm chrome flirrritt.’ V rMM/; ft CO M PLALS"Dx,U Y SPATE HY. UROI’SY . SOVR S7 0 A].lC It, Ilalttunl tOSTIYEXESS, Ch,.b if* Ir, CHOI. EH A Chelt ra Morbus. CHOLERA m IXF.IXJ'L’M FLATU- . I.I.XCF. JAVAJ> / CF, Femah U FAKEXtS and may be r*ed ers. ces*fitßy anf/rdis ! err, Famlp .Vrdirtjw.— U will cure SICK HEADACHE, (a 5 * thousands cadtestifyjt* ! (Krtty nisuh-r, A ** 0 c e thru r*a- KJKHMtfuO i -. t /if n ate -ITI-I-T. . v.entofllie attack . , i a tta favor. **■ MIX WATERIN'THE MOCTII WITH THE JN VIUORATOR, ANRXW.YI.LOYY ROTH TOGETH ER. PRICE ONR DOLLAR PER BOTTLE ALSO, SANFORD’S Chathartic Pills, COM POUNDED FROM Pur* Vegetable Kstrar ts, nun pul nn lu Cilcaa Cnaeu, AU Tlßlit. and will keepinnny Climate. The TAMILY CA- thahti- Pul. a gen lie but active Cathartic Q which the pioprirtor ba* Hied ia hi* practice more than twenty year-. ‘I he constant, vinercnuig jp and. inand from th-who have long used the PILLS . and the satisfaction which .illexpw* inregardtotheir n u*e,haa indneed me to put (hem in the teach ni'atLju The profession well know ddf. rent chathurirs acton difTereut j*ortionof. th* bowel* The lAMli.'x A->TII AHT I ( PI 11. has.withdu- reference to this well established fact iHtn compounded from a M variety ofthe purest Vege table extract Which act *1 alike on every part of the alimentary caual, and arc n good and waie m all ■* where a cliuiharlic .* w needed, ;cli Ds ncxoixtrvr* of the T rtTOMAfH. frt.KKrt xtn, PAINrt 1 s riiaQUACk AM) LOINH, fxmTIVENEfI 8. VAIN and BoaE!*a* ‘via tub WHOLE ItoDY. u from sudden cold, which frequently, if neglected. TANARUS) end in a ionjjoumeofFc* ver, LOB OP APPF.- M TITE, a ( miehno Hn*- NtTiov or Corn llonv, ItrsTLßss nkss, HEAD ACHE or H wnniiT in Ttt*. lit.*t>, nil INFLAMMATORY w DIstASCG WuRM*. In LHIUIEX or AblLTa, P RuixMATiaM, a Or*a Purifier of the Blood, re andinanydiscasestowhicli flesh is heir, too numerous w to niention 1 n ttii- ad ver* i-emenl D4>- 4 E1t03. 1 Price 30 Centj. “HIE UvrttlXVlOOßATofunil I AMU.V CA- Til ARTO Piyjlare retailed Wv Dmggi-ts generally and told whale stoic and retail by the Trado in all the large town* k H. T. W. KANKOIID, OT. D., Maihtfartrtrvr and Propru tor, un-17 --w4.il %*s Itrnfldwav. New York NOTXC2J. VLL neruonn indebted to J. ENNIrt dc CO., elthi by Note or Account, past due are requested! come forward and settle without ilei.iv, Coldtnbu- March I, IWO—wtf ffhe o‘nlmnhtt‘j VeelW Sines* • w COLFMBrS, TI ESBAI, SEPTEMBER I', IMIO. Douglas Tor a ProlffUonVmrlfl. If there ia ono doctrine against which in re ! than another the Democratic party has waged u ■ determined and persistent warfare, it is that of a . protective tariff. Tho old federal idea that tho J industry us ono section should he taxed to sup j port another section, bn. gained a foothold in its freui. ruder the banner of a “tariff for revenno only,” it won many and signal triumph over tho old Whig;party—triumphs which nro justly numbered among its proudest achieve ment?. Hy degrees, the last vestige of opposition to this Democratic doctrine ha? disappeared in the South. The people of this section have, at last, become thoroughly enlightened upon the - subject, and sec that they aro tho bearers of tho | burden, while tho North is, exclusively, the ben eficiary of the protective policy. N-- Southern in.in will 1. xr diro to advocate it. Prominent j among the men who, in days gone by, uesisted to uphold tho Democratic banner in this contliet : with federalism, stoodSTTPIIKN A. DOUULAS. j Sinco hi- advent in public life, up to tho coin- ( menccmont of the present campaign, ho has uni formly opposed the policy of a protection tariff, and fa voted a tariff for revenue, only, in accord- ■ aueo with tho. established doctrine of the Demo cratic j arty. Hut political necessity lias de manded an abandonment of principle, and Mr. Douglas yield* to its requirements, lu u recent speech nt HarrULurg, Teen., in order to make 1 capital lVr himself, he renounced his former faith ‘ on this question, at.d declared in favor of a pro- i toctivc tkrHFto f-utorßho iron interim; of Penn sylvania. Here is a rep rted synopsis of his j speech on that subject .- Mr. Douglas cnmmenotd hi.; speech with a flow of eulogy of Pennsylvania, a State that hud alwav? been loyal to tho uulon—always patriotic always true. An empire within herself, she. as a Mate, hud u rc.it interest in the union and the government. Jlor interests required tho fostering band of the Government, but she had not receiv ed that *--pp>rt from the National Government, which ?ho was outitied to. She had the while t men for a marker. Iler minerals wereinc,.- h uitiblo, ayd w<rih more than mines of gold, j lie pitched generally into the conduct of Con pre -and tho General Government f..r tho past ■ tew year?. The Federal Government had failed lu perform the functions fur which it was created. The syst. m of government was conducted at u mi not- expense of $20,000,000 ever fttnl al x. . die revenue. This system must be changed or a 1 disaster must occur. Tho Government iuu?teitb* j cr reduce its expenditure or increase its ruxenue. Hie only remedy is a proper tariff. When ata ri!) w.s proposed iii Congress, it was nlway over slaughea bv the interminable negrto question.— Theory wa* “the negro,” “the negro,” and the tnriffhili was lost So it uas l**en at every session of Congress.—• When \ u a>kyour representatives why no tariff bill liufbeen passed, they will tell yon it wax tut t i'Mho wont i t time. Why ImHor the tout . t time. Dccauso the negro question must la- .its ca L All thi- w.i- wrong. The Judge then wont into an argument dofen k.xo ol the protective policy, especially as regards I’ciiu -v!.ani.i.- interest*, lint the qnestiuu w.li never be ettlod till the interiuinablc negro qaes- j lioti is thrown out and repudiateiL Thus, i.ue by *ue, Mr. Douglas takes afiection •toand finalloMre .ff his Democratic principle*. Only a f .f days since he announced tho federal, absurd and infamous doctrine, that a .-■.icreign Stato uiu -tbo Hhq.pcd into subjection by tbe Genera! Government, if the funner dared t< think for her-elf and a. t upon her conviction.-. What federal hereby he will next advacco is matter for curi ‘it*, tbi.ugh unimportant, speculation. • ((onwi stiCATgn.j I'ditort :—l am not in the habit of writing for tbe pnblie, but ut this crlticnl time, when wo heat thto cry of fuiluro In crops on ac count of the drought. I thought I would drop a few plain nnd practical hints to farmers in the cotton States, especially where, I am lualh to nay, thatfhcrc la entirely too little attention pnid to raising grain and stock. You haw now saved all your fodder, which wa* ready to cotne off the etulk curlier this than common year ■; consequent ly, your com can le gathered very early, - that yoft can turn your stock In to get the benefit of gra*, dc., J>cfore frost. Your corn elng gathcr ed and housed, (and let me say just here)—when yon arc hauling up your core, if yon want to preserve it from the TVeevil, throw in a load of com ‘tithe shuck, and then a layer of salt, (nay at the rate of ono bushel salt to one hundred bunbcl* corn. If y< u will do (his, iny word fr it, the Weevil will not injure your corn. Now, a- yon have very little cotton to pick, employ every spare moment in rutting bay and gathering potato* and pen vines, which make moat excellent bay for cattU When it rain?, employ all your mailable force in raking up aud hauling trash, ttraw and left\e.’, into you* lots. When your lots arc full, don't stop—rake up leave* end straw in pile* in tbe woods, and while the hunk is thoroughly wet, rake off the surface of the soil to the depth of half ! an inch and throw it on your pile*, covering up the leaves t. decompose by tbe time y. tt will com menu© haulm “ w hen you will hare manure that wjll turps-** your most sanguine expectation.- And while all this is going on, do not forget, when the tima c* iuc* off, to sow fall grain; above ; a!I, be sure and sow all your spare land in oats, rye, wlioaf, Ac.; this will make your own meat.— I And while T atn speaking of economy, and pre ■ paving tf* mako amends for the present and past, 1 f cannot fail to mention one of the most simple [ and e .-nomical farming implements that I have ever cn, vis: n machine for planting cotton and j TiWiog gaano, invented by Mr. E. P. Beauchamp, >4't - ‘is county, which has been thoroughly tested iin tbi l and other counties in Georgia, this sea j son, and give* universal satisfaction. It is light, bandy, simple, durable and cheap; can be easily managed by lifiy plow hand on any kjnd of laud, and the work right ; makes no tkip* in put* I tii . nt t!ie cotton seed or guano. Tn nword.it Lis 1 i.iacbine tbal should be used on every farm | whero cotton is planted or guano is used. I used : the planter this season, and am unable to proper i y c-timate tho benefit derived from it, but can j safely say that each machine is worth at least j SIUO to any fanner. I have hcarJ several farm , er: .ay they would not be compelled to plant thc'.r cr p wilßout them tot SIOO each, while the co?I of the nuiehine i* about SI2OO. The great | advantage hi using this machine is not in saving seed or time In planting, blit in cultivating. It j deposits (he . ceil in a very narrow, ••trait drill, i thick or thiu, as you may w ish, which enables your plowman to do u great .leal better work, j and your hoe hand* can cb..j out at lea -t one j third more than after the old method —sowing by ’ hand. j T hee thought* I have venture.l with the hope of doing coma good; If you think Jh< m worthy, [ give them a place in you iaV.mi:!:. Pfit:- r.>, G t., Sept. 1, ISCO. Mr. pen on Slavery in inr District The Etwjuirtr in It* fruitless ami oft-baflled at tempt to prove John Bell sound on tbe question I of slavery is again harping on his speech upon tho bill to abolish the slave-trade in the District ;of Columbia. A week or so ago it published that document in full, accompanying the same with certain comment*. In our notice of it s conduct • n that occasion, we intimated that the premise* did not authorize it* conclusions, but, ns both were given in the samo issue, we relied upon the I intelligence of tbe reader to correct it* errors. ; It now reproduce* it* doctrine* without tho -peecb, with a certificate from the editors of the THE 1 \ 111 \ U F THE STATES, ANII THE SHYKRKIGNTY HE THE STATES. Nashville Patriot that those doctrine* nro cor rect. Hero tljoy arc “That lie (Mr. Bell) refund to vote lor a bill which proposed to nbulish slavery tn tho District with the cuneurreuco of the slave owner* thorn selves, and which provided full compensation from tho Federal treasury for the slave* thus emancipated - he insisting. In addition to those terms, upon provisiou lor the removal of tho ne groes, and that the concession* should bo regard ed as tn. ‘farthest limit* o|’ the anti-slavery de mand . In plain terms, ho would be content to see tbe remuunt of slavery in the District abolish ed, wdh tho consent aud full indemnity of j tho slave owners, if the fooling? of the t?outh were respected and If the South could thereby estab lish a barrier against abolition progress.” N\>w, taking these e<>uclus2ont: from tbe record t > be true, ti.ov show that .Mr. Bell was willing ; that < ’.) t nbotiil thivry in the Dia | trirt, if the owner-con.wmt hi g 1; c;. . v i.m. jiensated f- r their slave , the lattx r removed from the District, and the ei nr. ( legardcd as the ‘farthest liniit’of tho anti-da very demand*. I* there another man in the Senth who would agree to such a proposition? 1- there a press or an in di vidua I hi hivi,id wh will have tlo hardU , hood (.• defend that position Can the Smith afford to c. . .h to Congrcfs thcpowtoP 1 0 abolish bluet nn,.. },,<■ Out neighbor place* great . stre-s upon the “compensation of the owner#.”— Let u;-eo with what justice, fttidmits that the .South furnish. = at len-t seven-tenths of tho Fed eral revenue Therefore, lor tho liberation of, every negro in 1110 District worth SIO6Q, Mr. 1 Bell would take from the pockets of his Southern I constituents v T -D. *So that tbc South must con j cede, not only tho r tut tho money also.— M hat wonder i? it that Seward wus willing to | alafith on the . nmo conditions? Now what is ’ the po 1 c.p : .;ilcnt 1 to tho South which tl‘ e [ Enquirer claims that Air. Bell demnuded jfur this sacrifice of her interests and her Constitutional rights.’ No thing more than that “tho eoneonrion should bo regarded a? the f irtln. t limit of the i anti-slavery demands.’ By-wh>tn regarded ; By the abolitionists, study. Just think, reader of mvfpting the pledge of 11 Fanatic, who, in vio la; n 1 i hi . •!.-•. !x'pi .claim.’ a law higher than tho 1 \m-t ituti ;i, nod cents the authority of tho Bib!-;■ 1 Os what value tkould you regard I Seward'’ •< what value do you regard tho j-lydc. a; the Black Republican platform j that they 1 .1i t . i:. 1.11, re with slavery In 1 the State? •S > mni !', then, ! >v th j 1 inquirer's deductions, a . ‘U.ui , that tlqjy me sustained by tho record. But arc the t.<t -obtained .’ is it true that Mr. Boil was unwilling t.. idmlish slavery in the Dis trict unless tho owners e nsentd and were rom | peu?a'c.t, I’.c Live removed, and unless *omo ! | übulituMi. t would ilcci::rc tli3t his jtarty -would i > ‘V’ ‘■ . ‘* l! : >rt 1 \ ‘ ,Me,l! j I and •.<*pm, witu.ll, tiiC i ‘iquirer forfeit* It*po sition by producing Mr. Bell's vote against an I amendment prop. . 1 by Mr. Seward. That amend mem W.i offered two .lays before Mr. Bell made Lis rpcci'-li. .'!i.d provided I'.*r tho cinancipa i thin -. ! theglftvis in the Jjislriot with tho consent of, and c.omu, ~-1/. .) V< the i.wnnrs Now because Mr. Bull voted again: ./ihia amendment tho Kn qulrer infer-’[hut ho would favor no scheme for abolition which did net comprehend tho condi tion- which that amendment contained. To argue ; what a man ...o thl and > from what he did not, is rather a queer prute-s of i go , for which wo pro sume, our neighbor enjoy* tho excluaivo patent. OfiL. we are certain, tho fort must be establish -1 ed by attar kind of r/nii ning, for if can neverbo [ proved by tbe declare'.inn- 1 .f Ur Bull, and the | Enquirer bus, j i bahly, .-druck upu the only |p< ible tio c , detnoustration. What he did dec]aro is exceedingly explicit and would teem to j exclude tlie idea tliat Im required any other con iditiou than that emGrn f, ed in the following • I “I would bo glad to sou all cau*o of disturbance I and contention in tho District wholly removed ; j but lot mo .y that tbi •: c*fl never be done by the abolition ot . livery, unless it bo accompanied by ! some adequate provision fur tbe removal ortho I effective control of tho slave* after they shall be emancipated. With thin oualijication, and in or der to tent tho determination of tho North in re i gard to any further nlld continued aggression j upon Southern property, / v ould be content to SEE *LAV£gr <■ the it tit riel ABOLISHED TO-DAY.” I it jos ,iblo for language to be plainer 4 Douglas anfi I‘ugb At Notfolk t V a., an lat Raleigh, N r . Mr Douglas proclaimed the, federal doctrine of the. “potrtr of the (Jencral Gsn mount to coerce a 00c erti <n , v ’ tU\’’ In the ofiiciul proceeding of the sth day:i of tho Charleston Convention appear* an elaborate apecoh from Serial.>r Pugh, i of phi.> in whi h tho doctrine contained in tbe subjoined extract i J enunciated. Can Mr. Doug- I lai'proi reu the serv ice* of hi* confidential friend, , holding as he d.c-tin h doctrine)-, t. co-operate j with him in giving aid and comfott to Lincoln to mljugatc the South ? j “I ngree tbnt no court, ?up*emo or inferior, hat right to bind any State in tbe last resort. I J believo tl:e Federal Government to bo founded tip ! on mutual comj'tict between tho State*, and ns I the Staten entered into that compact of thoir own sovereign will,No it belongs to each of tlmn, as the arbiter of it - own destiny, tn decide when the compact turn hern t n, and the mode and meat* ore of retire**. A Frlotlpic. We have frequently stated ouripability to corn preheud on what principle National Conservative ! men. opposed to the Democratic party—to eith jer faction whether representing squatter sover eignty, or intervention for slavery, tinder pain of I disunion --could coalesce, fuse, join, or. In any j way mix politically, with, either. Haiti more Pa- I trial. 11l nthi-; The Is'. i<>t i.i supporting Bell and Everett in this canvas -, nnd repndiates “in tervonL 0 for slavery,” or protection! Bon. Hill, the IJii'juirrr, it id omne gcnustkSO Slipport ling the same candidate*, and advocate “protec tion’ -Mr. Hill dcclariug that tho record of Mr. ’ Bell show, him to lie sounder on that question J than any platform could maV O him! Does the faquir* coraprebeud it > The Doi'ulah “haid” is Vikuinia.—The siuatter ranfliJut fur tho Presidency cannot congratulate himself upon hie gains in consc- I quenco of his specchcf in Virginia, hut tho con trary, if wo can judge by the expression which j reach u*. Tho lioikbridgo Democrat says: i “From all we eon learn the Little Giant ha* 10-t ground everywhere he spoke in Virginia.— j And no wonder; hi* doctrine* aro directly an i tagOnivtie to the Stuta right* principles for whi<‘b ; Virginia democrat* have always contended. IJe- I side*, bo told them they bad to vote for squatter ! sovereignty in 1* I Sand 18ifi~ two of hi* charac teristic fact?, which every Virginian who heard j hiiu knew to be falcc. Dunce we hear of Douglas men bolting everywhere lie attempted to cram such facte down their throats. The Douglas de mocrats of Virginia ure supporting the ticket in , spito of his squatter sovereignty, and will not [ bear to be told that they have ever voted for such [ an oduts and heretical doctrine.” Thu Alexandria Sentinel says : “Ikbeing reported that Judge Douglas [Hull I three hundred friend* by tho New Market (Who -1 ntTiiloah) speech, the Spirit published there 1 says ; *\Vc wire pment and had the curiogitv to 1 count the aadMenco. Thorc were one hundred 1 and fifty-six persons in the church.’ j “The editor further say* there was not a single ; change that wa* beard of.” Wiivr y Cam.id Republican Thinks.—Wo have seen a letter from a gentlotnnn in Lie cola . county, says tho Belfust Journal, who, although I :i decided Republican, does not permit party feol- I ing to blind bis ti*ion. lie iayi: “To be candid, I I consider Maine n doubtful State, very, for Lincoln. I think the leader* of the Republi can party leel it. Tbo Deck affair, and the com plicity of tho leaders with it, will influence the election more than they are wllHnv to admit ” COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, iB6O. SPEECH I lon. .1.0. 1 rrookimldge. Delivered at Lexington. Kentucky. Soptember 13th, 1860. 1 beg you, my neighbors, friend.*, and old con stituent?, to bo assured that l loci profoundly grateful for tho cordial welcome you have exten ded to mo The circumstance* under which I ap pear before you are unusual; Idoit in obedience t j the request of friends whose wishes 1 have been accustomed to observe; and, if it bean un common thing for a person in my position to ud dres*. assemblages of the people, I can only say l Lope to discuss the topic* which I shall handle to-day, in a meaner not altogether unworthy the attitude which I occupy. 1 shall certainly in dulge in no language which, in my opinion, will tall below tho dignity of political discussion.— The condition ofuiy health makes it impossible to extend my voice over thin vest assembly, but l hope it will become stronger n* I proceed. I appear before you to-day tor the purpose— lirst, of repelling certain accusations which have boon tnude against rao personally, and industri ously dkutomiuatedox’br other Stales; and next, to show that the principles upon which 1 stand are the principles of tho Constitution aud the Union [great applause;] and surely, if at any time a justification could bo found by any mau for addressing tbo pooplein the position I occupy, it will bo found in my case. Anonymous writer? and wandering orators have chosen to tell tbo pcoplo that 1 am a disunlouist* and u traitor to mv country, and thoy declare that the atrocious form iu which I have exhibited that treason make?, by comparison with it, Burra patriot and the memory of Arnold respectable. But, fellow-ciliton*, before I como t >ilm.o topics, 1 desire to make a brief but comprehen sive statement in regard to my position in con nection with the Rreoldency of the Uuitod States. 1 have Lecu charged with a premature ambition. 1 have been charged with leaping before the wishes of the people, and desiriug to thrust my sclf before them lor the highest olli.-e in their gilt. ‘To ail this 1 answer, that it is wholly uu i true. 1 have written to nobody for their iiup part. I have conversed with nobody, soliciting support, i have intrigued with nobody. IJliave promised nobody. To these statement* l challenge contradiction from any human being. [Cheer?. A Voice ‘ That'.* so, John CV’] Nay, more. 1 did not seek or desire to be placed before the poople for tbe office of I'resident by any Convention or any part of any Convention. When 1 return. U to tbe State of Kentucky, iu tlie Spring of Is.VJ, aud wa* intormed that some partial friends were pre senting my name to tho public in that connec tion, and certain editor?, wLose presence I see bore, had hoisted my name for the i'resi.lency, 1 said to them all -“Friends, 1 am not in any ?n?o n candidate for tbe Presidencyand I desired that my name might betaken down from the bend of their columns. It was done. Avery eminent eitisen of tho Commonwealth of lion lucky was presented by hi* friend* for that office ; I xv,ip gratified to see it, itnd united cordially iu presenting him l.>r the ?uffrgo el tho American ) people. At tin time, in or out of the State of Kentucky, did Ido au act of utter word which I would bring my name in conflict with Lis, or that of any eminent American citixen who desir ! e.l, or whose friend* desired for him, that posi tion ; and if you have taken the trouble to read tho proceedings of tho Charleston Convention, vou will remember when I received the vote of i Arkansas one of my friend* arose and requested that tho voto might be withdrawn, declaring that I would not allow tho use of my name in compe tition with that of the flistiagliiahed Kentuckinu t.. whom I have referred. And when tlmt Convention assembled ut Ralli- j more, uiv feeling -and my conduct were etill un .'hanged. After the disruption which took place there, my name, without any fudicitatiou u iny part and against my expressed wishes, wu? pro rented to th© country tor the office of President by a .'"mention, and under circumstance* which certainly deserved the mo-t respectful considera tion. No umn could be vain . tiough to antici pate that hi* natno would bo placed before the country, but having beurJ rinif auch a thiug was possible, I constantly said that “1 did not dosiro to bo presented to the American people, out whs coil tent and more than content with tho honor? which have been heaped upon me by my State and country.” And I looked forward with pleasure to the prospect of serving Kentucky in tbo Senate of iho United State* for the next rix years. [Cries of “good.”] Myuumc, however, was presented, and 1 foil that I could not refuou t ■ accept the nomination under the circumstances, without abandoning xital principle* aud l.otrsy mg my Ir end*. [Applause.] It i* said that 1 wus not regularly nominated, and that au eminent ntTzen of Illinoi.* was regu larly uoiuinated for the Presidency. But thiu is * question which 1 have not time to discuss to day, and it has already been thoroughly exhau? , tod be loro the people, 1 refer you to the able letter of your delegatus from this Ccngrowional District; 1 refer you to the masterly aud exhaustive speech recently de livered by my noble friend on whose grounds we are met. I can only jy that tbe Convention which assembled at the Front street Theatre, at Hal iiuore, in my judgment, wa? devoid not only of tbe spirit of justice, but oven of the forms of regularity. [Cheer*. The gentleman whom it nominated, never received the vote required by tbe rules of tho Democratic* organization. Whole States were excluded and disfranchised iu that Convention not to speak of individual*. Q'bo most flagrant acts of injustice were perpetrated, for tho purpose of forcing upon tbe Demooratio organization a particular individual us tho rep resentutivo of a pernicious doctrine, which 1 shall be nhlo to show i? repuguaut uliko to reason and the Constitution, owing to the gross outrage of then; proceeding?, a decided majority of tho dele gated from your own State withdrew from that Convention, declaring that it wus not a National Convention of tho real Democratic organization. Nearly the entire delegation from California and Oregon, and largo and imposing minorities from other State* us the I'nion, making in whole or in part delegation* from almost two-thirds ol the State* of the Confederacy, denounced and separ ated themselves from that ill-starred body. The result furnishes a striking warning that tho *rt* of political management are not HlwayJ perfect substitutes for truth and justice. But after all, the great question is, whut are tbe principles, which ought to commend them selves to tho American people, at issue in this canvass. But, before 1 proceed further 1 will group to gethcraiui answer u uunri>erof personal accusa tion*, gome of which had their origin in the Statu ofKcutuoky. and others elsewhere, by which, through me, it is attempted to strike down the organization with which lum connected. It be gets in me utmost a feeling of humiliation to ntiswer • omo of them, but as 1 have imposed upon myself'the ta?k, I will go through them all u. briefly n* I can. [('beer*. Voice- “Go on John/’l I believe it ha* been published in almost every I Southern newspaper of tho Opposition party, that I signed a petition for the pardon of John Brown, the Harper's Ferry murderer and truifor. This in wholly untrue. So much for that. [Cries of “good.” It hit been extern- 1 vely . barged and circula ted that 1 wa? in favor of tbe election of Gen. Taylor to tho Presidency, and opposed to the election of Cass aid Butler. This, also, is whol ly untrue. [Cheers.] lu the year 16-17, there was a meet ing iu tlie dry f f Lexington, in which I participate.!, by which Gen. Taylor wa recommended for the Presidency of tbe United States. A difference of opinion existed at that time us to the political sentiments of that distinguished gentleman. J wa? assure.] in a manner satisfactory to me that Gen. Taylor'? political opinion* coincided iu tho main with those I held, and I united in the meeting. .Soon nfterward* I went to Mexico.— When I returned, twelve months afterwards, in 1 v|S, 1 found tho campaign in full blast with Taylor, tho candidate of the Whigs, and Cues and Butler in nomination by the National Demo cracy. it is well known to thousands within the sound of my voice, that a? soon a* I returned homo I took tho itump in behalf of the Demo cratic jo minces, and sustained them to the best of my ability. (A voice “All rigbt.”J It gives me pleasure to add that I worked all the more zealously because one of the gentlemen for whose success I labored, was a Kuntuckign, my old commander and uiy friend. [Cheers.] It is said I was not present and did not vote at tbe election iu Lexington in 1846. That is true. But with tho statement there ought to iiuv’o gone an explanation well known,but which my opponents never published, that is entirely satisfactory. Yon well know that at that time, (before the adoption of tbo present constitution,) a citizen might voto anywhere in the State, it so happened that after the labors of tbe canvass und tho Courts, 1 bad gone on my annual hunting trip to tbe mountains. There was with mea par ty of six or eight gentlemen, all of them be longing to tho Whig party; and on the day of tbe election .they proposed to mo instead of going, as J inHMpactl, to tho neartvt voting place, some fifteen;miles, we should dcv.de the .lay to tho chase. If they had voted there would have boon six or seven votes cast for Taylor, and but one cast for Cass nnd But lor. )(t'hoer.-.] I accept ed the proposition niul wont hunting, [laughter] and if every man had done as well n.< myself, we would have carried tho State bv forty thousand majority. [Applause.] Among tho?o gent lemon 1 remember the uomea of uty lriend . Thomasß. Bo.ld, Nelson Dudley, Gvo. I*. .louuti, and others —who will doubtlcf ? recoiled those facts, it any thing wore .neccs.-nr y beyond iny word. [A Voice- -'None, nothing moroucedod here."] Another charge,actively i ircnlatcd throughout the Southern States, a.-sci ts that I was nn Kmau cipatiouUt in Is lit, or at least voted for uu Luum cipationiat. Gontlcnmn.ln connection with this accusation, 1 foe I it my duty to call yon ttt ton licit to a paper which 1 received la i evening from ono of tho .southern State? -called tho Tuskegoo [Ala.) Republican- and which contains a letter written by ono *.t <>ui own eiti/.cn-, in reference to my public positi. n, and even iu regard to my private affairs, it was written by lion. Gorge Robert >ion, to u Mr. Alexander, of Alabama, nnd is dated August -.01, lbOtt, 1 quote so much of of it *s 1 desire to comment upon . “John Breckinridge hnsh<*t lecu counted here an Biuanoipationist, however much bo may have been suspected by some for sympathy with hi? undo, the llcv. Robert J. Breckinridge, lie doc? not keep house, und owns no slave?, unless ho retains two (hut. enmo by his wife. 1 know nothing of the investment iu Ohio, concerning which you inquire. But wo all know here (bat be was committed to Squatter Sovereignty over since his nomination iu ISoi'., until finding that Dong la? would overwhelm him in tho North, lie chan ged hi? creed, nud iu hi* Frankfort speech In*t January, turned Southerner, nud advocated pro tection by I'oiigrcssiomil intervention.” As t. tho part of that letter relating to my per sonal affairs, l have to say that I do not envy tho tasdo or character of a gcntlcmiiu who would bo engaged iu writing letter? through the I iiion touching tlie private business of hi* neighbor*. Whilst ho i* incorrect in sume of these state ments, I will not merit tin; contempt of thisou dience, by entoring into detail? in regard to my private affairs. [A voice—-“ That is manly!"] That part of tlie letter which relate? to Nquat tvr Sovereignly will bo disposed .fin answer ing the accusations of other men ; but 1 am now on tbo question of emancipation, observe the wording of Iho sentence : “John Breckinridge lm* not been counted here an Kumncipatinnist, however much ho max have been suspected by some fur sympathy with bis uncle. Rev. Robert J. Brockinridge !” Now, if there is au individual here, among the thousund* within the sound of my voice, who ever heard or knew of my sympathizing with tho doctrine? advanced by ltcx. R. J. Breckinridge, let biin nw speak or forever after hold his peace. [C'hcer*. 1 And when Hon. George Hubert. <<n will produce ono jt- poctable man. in or out ofthe county of Fayette, wlm will soy that he believed .•r fiispectc.l that 1 xxa j.ii emancipationist, I will even confess that it wn proper t-. write that let ter. [t'beer*.| If the gentleman menus that there hu? always existed botw.cn Rev. Mr. Breckinridge nnd myself those relations us cor dinlity, respect nnd ufl'eetion which nro natural and proper, the insinuation i- true. Rut that i.-- not tho purpose •! the letter It i? in connec tion with the subject of emancipation that hu xvas speaking, and ho xvould convey the impres sion Glut 1 was uspooled ••! sympathy with my uncle upon that subject. That i- tho meaning of that letter. Judge Robertson, xv ben culled upon in regard to tbe authenticity of the letter, replied thut il wa? genuine, blit that it xvas “confidential.” |A Voice —“Confidential to bo published."| I don’t think that mantis the case much. It would have been even botlsr to write it for tho public than a* a confidential U-t Ur. Don't you think ?o v [A voice —“Yes.”] But 1 have other linn my time to-day beside?, such “confidential” letters as that. [Raugkter.] ‘ 1 como to the fact. The only limn that tbe question of emancipation im? been rais ed in Kentucky in my day, wa ■ in BMP, when wre wero electing delegnb- to (tie (invention t<> form anew constitution. Then Dr Breckinridge und Mr. Shy were emancipation candidates. I. a? a candidate for the Legislature, canvmiicd the I'oflntj to the best of my ability in opposition t<> emancipation, believing tbe interest of both races in the Commonwealth would ho promoted l>v the continuance of their present relations, mil on that issue, as you knoxv, I xv us elected. At tho poll? Dr. Breckinridge voted against me, nnd I voted against him, (cheer*,) because we were representing opposite principles; and just so would it be again under similar circuinstnece Ho luucb for thut charge. I huveietm pamphlet* published und circula tod all over the I uinn, for tho purpose of proving that 1 wa.- a Know Nothing in the year iu the State of Kentucky. | Laughter. | I have n.* doubt a very eonsldciablo portion ot those listen ing to uie were members of that order : mid if theru i? a man among you who belonged to the order, who ever saw in<- in one of your lodges, or who does not know that I was recognized from the beginning as one of th- most uncompro mising opponents, let him be gnod enough to say so now. [A voice -“He ain’t here."] Why,gen tlemen, 1 believe I wus one of tho first in tVn gre*. who took position against the organization ; and when 1 returned homo to the Ft ato of lien tuoky, in the spring of LSft.l, finding it was nmk ing great progress in the C'ommonxvealth, although 1 bad withdrawn from public tile to attend to iny private affairs, 1 opposed it in repeated speeches all over this part of tho Stale | (.'lic-cr.-. ] Titi statement may not fie very u. > cptald.- n> sotn* gentlemen within the *<>un.l ofuiy von-c- but 1 do not want to decieve any umn t Aland upon my principle?, und I am willing i<> avow them without the slight’ ?! h -;it.| t - .< n • .|ii* ne | Applause | Gentlemen, I nm represent <l. to tin- lux. .- having, declared that I w.uibl iieiko u political discrimination b.-twe. n ..tn- t-t my own religion*be lief and another, and between a nutixoniul a tin t - uraliztod citizen. I never internl n.-li • enti mens. [ Loud cheers. | The underlying prim ipb- with me w.i - till . | that the condition of citizen.- hip being once oh taine.l, no question, either of birth <-r religion, should be allowed •<< mingle with political coii*id ration, fApplau?o.J I deem it only necessary to tunke theao statement* her nc.-inctly and pass on, because 1 am speaking t> ;i cmbled thousands who know the injustice of the char ge*. But, fellow ci.izcd?, to m me to more < .u • I el topic* It ha* been asserted that I and the political organization with which 1 stand con naoted have abandoned tbo ground on which wo stood, in regard to tbe ‘I t-rritoriui qn.vtioii, in I*Jl and Jkoti; that xvo then occupied a position which in now occupied by Mr. Douglas and hit friend?. I deny if, nnd shall proceed torlifprove it, both as to my olfntid the Constitutional Dem ocratic pony. You lists lioatd a good deni ol whut ii i- call ed iny Tippecanoe speech I went t-. tho State? of Indiana, Michigan and Pennsylvania and addressed the people in Ilia autumn of 18ML None of there speocb* - were ever written out be forehand, and no one of them prepared by mo, except by the brief -t not* ; and of tho report* which various person* cho. o to make, not one was ever revised or *e<jn by me. I hnvo been amused to see the various versions of what they ca 1 the Tippccninre speech, lor ex ample. I have in my hand a paper which repre sent* me as saying at Tippecanoe, “llio po< pier I tho Territories, under the Kansu*-Nebraska act, have the full right to übr li.-b or prohibit slavery, just an It State ivoidd, wliieh principle iVoa old m republican government itself.” Not only did I never utter such un opinion, but until recently, I bad no reason to believe anybody over represen ted mo u having uttcredjt. It i/ only within a few week* that 1 remember to have seen it in any newspaper. But I have a very b gli nccuser on this Hubjoct—no le?? u person than the eminent Senator from Illinois. I have no time in spare iu comment? upon the propriety or delicacy of a gen tinman, who is before tho country for tire of fice of I’resident, introducing the mi mo of one who i* also a candidate, nnd giving hi* personal ttostimony n? to that gentleman’? opinions. 1 shtll w?te no time in tho discussion of the pro priety of such a course. I wish to meet the ac cusation. The lion. Stephen A. Dougin -, in a public ad dress, made recently in Concord, Now Hamp shire, say? ; “There is not an hone t man in all America that will deny that J nines Buchanan and John C. Breckinridge, in 1 it*, were pledged to the doctrine of non-intervention by Congress xvith slavery in tho Territories.” Mark the word as it here, “non intervention. ‘ “I made speech es front the sumo Hand with John Breckinridge, In 18ifi, when he wa* advocating his own claims to tho Vico-Preiidtncy, and hoard him go to ex treme length in favor of Popular Sovereignty in the Territories.” Then, speaking of certain oth er gentlemrn from tho H<-uth, who addressed the people in the North, bo say?: “In every ono of their speeches they advocated SquiUct Sovereign ty in its broadest sen?c.” Here, in the space of twelve lines, you have the word* “non-intervention,” “ J quitter *.>vcr oigniy.” and “popular sovereignty,” all evidently intended to convey tho same meaning. These tonus nro not synonymous, nnd this lot.se inode of employing language i? well adapted to beget confusion. 1 held the doctrine of non-interven tion a? it was originally understood and engraft ed in tho legislation of the country. [Cheers.] It was non-intervention in respect to slavory by Congress, and /.,y its creature, the TV ritorial Leg- i stature, leaving it to the people when they should como to form a Cwnstitut on to become a State, to oxcrcise tbe sovereign power of defining prop erty ami of admitting or excluding slave or other property. This was the non-inlcrx ont ion of 18S0 —this was the non-intervention of Henry Clay, as I may show presently in another connection. But 1 assume that Mr. Douglas in this state ment, meant to declare that 1, iu 180(1, from tho same stand with him,advocated the doctrino that tho Territorial Legislature hu? tho right to ex clude slave property pending the Territorial con dition. 1 presume ho uses all these expressions in that sense; and. indeed, that I.i tho qnoslion which lm* been tho whole bono ol di-put.. NY ell. felloxv citizen?, I lia\e lirst my own . tato mont to oppose to dial of tho distinguished Sen ator. At no time, either before ..r after tbo pas sage of tho Kansas Nebraska hill, did 1 ever on tertatn or utter tho opinion that a Territorial Legislature prior to the b rnintion of a Stale Con stitution, bad the right to exclude slave property from tho common Territories of tho \ ui.m. No. And no authentic utterance of miuo can be found that sustains that charge. You find it is stated in this extract which 1 just now read to yon, und which I never suxv until the other day, an irre sponsible statement made by 1 know not xvboui, never revised or seen by me, and, us 1 will show you, against the whole tenor of my public speech es. 1 have suffered a good deal by Incorrect re port? of my speeches. It xvould be well perhaps, in some respects, since now, through tho tele graph and the press everything is dashed off by the first impression, to adopt the plan of gentle men in the Fast who write oui thoir speeches be fore delivery. But I never do It. 1 speak as I am tnovod to do when 1 stand before Gie people. 1 do not doubt tlie competency or desire to be correct of tho gentlemen making repor s; but it may frequently hnppen, from tbe rapidity of ut tornnee, or indistinctness of delivery, that they fail to catch tho expression? and moaning of the speaker. Indeed, it is wonderful that Iho errors me not greater and more numerous. I xvould iu thi? connection request of the reporters to give me an opportunity “f revising xv hat I said to-day. Now, fellow-citizen?, I will detain you briefly by ns clear uu exposition as 1 can uuiko of the clicumstances under which the. Kunsas Nelirus kit hill became a law in 1851. The friend? of the measure, North and Houth, agreed thut tho Missouri lino should ho repealed and tho Territory opened to settlement. But there whs ono capital point on which they differed.— Nearly nil of the Southern friends of tbo bill, nnd a few from tbe North, denied that tho power ex isto.l in Congress or a Territorial Legislature to exclude property of any description recuguized in tbo States, during the Territorial condition. Oth er?, and urn.-ng them Mr. Douglas, held that a Territorial Legislature might exclude *lavo prop erly. It was a Constitutional question,and they agreed not to make it a subject of legislative dis pute: but to provide ti mode iu tho bill by which tho question might he promptly referred to tho Supremo Court ofthe United States lor decision, and all parties wore to abide by tlie decision >l that august tribunal as a final settlement of tbo Constitutional question. For thi* purpose, whilst ordinarily an appeal cannot be taken from a Ter ritorial Court to tho Supreme Court of the l nUe.l States, unless the matter in controversy amount? t<> a thousand dollars, a clause was inserted in tho Kansas bill, providing that iu any cu*o in voking tho title to a slave, un uppval might be taken to tbo Supreme Cour. without regard tollie vuluo of the uiuount lu controversy. Now, during tho period between the passage ol that bill and the decision of the Supreme Court,all person? on each side entertained their own opin ions. Wo, iu the South, held that the Territorial Legislature did not possess the power. Mr. Doug in* and his friend* held that the Territorial Leg islature did possess the power. But on these point? all were agreed—first, that the action of tbo Territorial Legislature must Lu “subject to tlio Constitution ol the United State: second, tlni’ tho limitations imposed by tho Constitution should bo determined by tho Supreme Court; aud third, that all should acquiesce in the decision when rendered. [Cheer*.] 1 think this is a plain aud true slatemout, nnd for the purpose ol showing you that that was tho view taken by the Southern friends of the meas ure in Congress, und certainly the view tuken by myself, I proceed to reud two or throe extracts trom a speech delivered by me in tho House of Representative?, in lß.il, before the bill pa.:.id Congress: “Wo demand tliat all the citizens of the I nited States be allowed to enter tlio common Territory, with Constitution alone in their hand, if thut iu strnment protect* the title of the master t hi? slave in this common Territory you cannot . <>tu pltiiii, and, if it doe* not protect iris title, vxc ask no help from Congress; and the relations of tho Constitution to the subject we arc willing to have decided by the courts ofthe United .State..” Again ; “It is contended on one hand, upon the idea of the equality of the Stale? under the (yiikt itutiou, and their common properly in the Territories, tliut the citizens of tlie *luvcho|J]ng States may remove to them with their slaves, nnd that (lie lo?ftl legislature cannot rightfully exclude slave ry while in a Territorial condition; but it i- con ceded that the people may c.-tublirh or prohibit it xvhen they come to exercise the power of a sov ereign State. On tbe >•!her band, it ix ?md that slavery,being ui derogation <•! •-<>tijm..u right,cun exist only by force of positive law . uul it j* de nied that the Constitutioii lurnisbi ? thi* laxv I. r Ibo Territories md it o further laiiucd that tlie local legialuti oy establish oi exclude it any i .i,;c alter the <• •. niin.nl is organized A? both p uli, appeal i• ‘ Coti*tiHiti..n. and bu.-e their i-pccluc a-gt - oil oppo.-iic • • n-lrii. ti. ns . I that indri m 111, the bill wi-el\ relu-c* t. make . question t<r judo ml c> i.-lrn t.• n the subject of legislative contliet, uud pi. porl) Hici -u to tlm ! tribunal mated by the Coii. ntufion ii-ell, for tbu x ery purpose of Nieeidino all , law and ri/ a ■ (</ mining under it.’” tlmn, in speaking of tht r.[Ualiij ot tbe States: ••Garry the idcM to the ’l’eirHorie*. What ure liicv ‘ To whom do they belong Who me t<> jn- I habit them, uml whut ure their political relations to (lie rest of the Confederacy They are regions of the country acquired by the common efforts and trcu.nuc of all the State* they belong, therefore, to tho .State* for common u.-e and enjoyment, the citizen? of the States are t<> inhabit them, und when the population shall be sufficient, they are to become equal member? of tim Union.” I think thi? i* mifliciont to prove that at tlm period ofthe passage ol the Kansas Nebraska bill, l did not hold the doctrine thut a Terri torial Legislature could exclude salve properly Ik iu tho Territory during the Territorial condi tion: but while 1 held precisely the opposite opin ion, l wa? willing to refer the question to the (’..nrt and bo bound by it* decisi,m. The dootrine* announced by me iu that speech were just such us I have ever declared in Ken tucky, such a* I declared in every public uddrez* xvlrich 1 made in Ohio, Jndiauu, .M u lligan uud i’ennsylxunia. Afterward?, when it was under stood tlmt I bad been reported to have admitted thut this power belonged to the Territorial Legis lature, in the month of September r October, 185 b, tlie editor ofthe Kentucky Siutrmnun , u journal publi*hud ut Lexington, in alluding to tin* charge, made the following statement, to which 1 beg leave to refer you. Uciucmber, this was before Iho Presidential election of 1 S5(l: “It was our pleasure to accompany Mr. ltreck inridge on the occasion referred to, in hi* tour through Ohio nnd Indiana, uu l to witness the warm response of tho National Democracy att'in cinnati, Hamilton, and Tippecanoe, to the avow al by him of exactly the saute sentiment? wo have often heard him proclaim in Kentucky, and which are clearly embodied in the platform of cur party. “Hesaid it hud been charged that tho Demo cratic party intended to employ the Federal Gov ernment to propugute slavery, and thut it was, in it* federal relation, a pro-slavery party, Tbi* he said, wa* not true. The Democratic party wo*neither a pro slavery party nor an anti-sla very party, but Constitutional party, [(rejected tbo interference of the Federal Government, whether to introduce or exclude slsvery, and left, the common Territories of tbo Union open to com mon settlement from all the State?. lie proceed ed to say thut each new State wa* entitled to form it? Constitution, and enter into the Union without discrimination by Congross, on account ofthe allowance or prohibition of slavery. Hence, if Kunsa? presented herself with slavery in br Constitution she must bo admitted; undifwith <nt it, *till she must b admitted. Any other principle, lie added, would be subver-ivu of the rights and equality ol tho Htutcs. “The allegation that Mr. Brenkinridgo pro claimed the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty ie simply untrue. Ho said nothing upon which even a p nusibln charge of that nature could bo bas -11” In the autumn of the same year, I rccelvedu slip from a Louisiana paper, containing remark* mudo by (lon. Mile?, a distinguished citizen of that State, who wa? nt Tippecanoe and heard my speech, in which he denied 1 hud admitted this doctrine of the Territorial power, 110 slip containing his spoecli. In tlie same month, (October 18JR,) some time before tho Presidential election, in tho course of n letter to him, I said: “ )'om hare repotted me cnrrectlj, nnd I thank you for it.” “Hand? off tho whole subject by tbe Federal Government (except for one or ttcoprotective pur poiet turn honed in th t\ Constitution) —the rights of all sections so the common Territory, aud the absolute power of each NKW Statk to settle the <piesfion in Its Uoxstiti.’TlO.n— these are mu doc trinci and those of our platform , and, what is more, of the Constitution. “I consider tho assault upon me ?absurd a? to be unworthy of further notice.” The recollection of my letter to Gen. Miles had wholly faded from memory, nnd was revived only a few days, since, when that gentleman printed it iu n Southern jonrunl. and sent me a copy. Now, fellow -citizen*, to tho *tatment of the dis tinguished Senator from Illinoi?, in which ho un dertakes to prove allegation* against tuc by himself I tbusoppose, first, my own staotiuent. Next,the proof furnished in my speech of 1854, pending the Kansas-Xohraskn bill in Congross; next, the to? timoity of the editor of tho Kentucky Statesman, who i? a gentleman of unquestioned intelligence and honor; next the statement of Gen. Milos, who hoard my speoch nt Tippecanoe—finally, my letter to hitn written prior to tho Presidential election of lAifi al! these proof? being consistent with each, other, aud ns I solemnly affirm, consistent also with iny uniform opinions. [ \ video —“Now you arc talking.’’] It would not bo difficult to accumulate testimo ny ‘>n tbi? point to any extent but I think I have proved conclusively that tho charge i? unfounded, and I w ill add thut Gris wa* tho position held by nearly nil the Southern friends of tho “Nebras ka bill,” and by a portion of its Northern sup porter?. These wore our opinions and thoy xvero uttered <>n nil proper occasions; but wo did not attempt to force other? to accept them. Wo had agreed to refer the question to tho judi cial tribunal ?n tho Union. [Cheer? | Go to the record? of Congress; read the debates of that poriod. They will dispel tho clouds amt darkness with which a multitude of words hu? ob scured thi* subject. No historical fact is more certain than that the , w until insisted on tlio re peal of tbe Missouri line to open the Territories to common colonization from all the Stale?, and that when met with the dogma of Territorial pow er to exclude her, confident in the constitutional stength of h*r position, she offered to test it by tlie opinion of the Supreme, Court, nnd that oiler was solemnly accepted, and tho agreement placed on the records of the country. And, now, having vindicated myself, and tbo Constitutional Democracy, from the charge of having abandoned tho position we held iu ISSI and l turn upon tlio accuser nnd undertake to show tlmt bo himself abandoned tlie. agree ment he solemnly made at the time tho Kansu?- Nobruska bill passed the Congres? ofthe United .Stale*, [great applause,] and 1 do not make my sols a witnoH? against him to do it. J will prove it by him hi If. [Voice- “Good, good,” and ap phrase.] in a debate iu the Senate of iho United State*, on tlm iM of July, 1850, upon a bill to authorize tho people of Kansas to lorm a Constitution and Sririo Government, preparatory to admission in to the Union a* a State, when a question aruso a-. ! to the true meaning of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and tlio limitation on the power of tho Territorial Government, Mr. Trumbull offered the follow ing amendment, as an additional section to the bill : “Andie it further enacted, That the provis ion in the act to organize tho Territories of Ne braska and Kansas, which declares it to be tho true intent and meaning of said act, “not to leg islate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave tbo people thereof perfectly free to form und regulato iheir domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United State.-,,” was intended to, ami does confer upon, or leave, to tlio people of the Territory of Kansu? lull pow er, nt any time, through il* Territorial Legit-la ture, to exclude nlavery from paid Territory, < r to re. agnize and regulate it therein.” Agnimt thi? amendment an overwhelming ma jority of the Sennte voted, including (ten. (.’a*? aud Senator Douglas. Let me, however, do Mr. Douglas the justice to say thut be voted against it, not because be d[<l not believe the Territorial Legislature had the right to exclude slavery from tho Territory, but because he did not believe it wa? consistent to decide the question legislative ly, which they hud agreed to leave to tbe court. Gen. G if? say? : “The South cousider that the Constitution give? them the right of carrying their slaves ony xvlitro in tho Territories. If they Bn* right, you can gixe, no power to the Territorial Legislature to interfere with them. Tho major part ofthe North believe that the Constitution secure? no such right to tbo South. They believe, of course, thut this power i? given to the Legislature. I repeat that there i? nothing equivocal in the act. Tho different constructions of it result from no equivocation in it, but from the fact that here 1? an important Constitutional question, undeter mined by the Supreme Judicial authority; and, in the meantime, individuals in different sections us the Union put thoir own construction* on R. Wo are necessarily brought to that state of thing?. There i? n.> power which the Senator from iili m nm use—u<> word* w hich he run put into an art ..f Uongic ■*’, that will remove this Constitu tional doubt until it b, finally settled by the prop er tribunal.” .Mr. Douglas, in the same debate, in ppouking <1 the attempt of hi* colleague to coerce an opinion from him upon the question whether the Territorial Legislature hod the power to exclude lave property before they became a State-aid : “My opinion in regard to the question which my colleague i- trying L. rui-c here hu- t>u„ well know t“ the Sumfe fi.r y. -n i h.* been repeated over nnd over again lb: tried the other day, a? lho*c sedated with himiocd to do, two >oi ago und last, year, to ascertain wbnt were uiy opinion? in this point in the Nebraska bill; / /old him it leas a judicial question. Thi? Would not suit them. Why? Their object wa? to get me lu express a judgment, *o that they would . barge me with having urged a different view at home, though 1 hud expressed the same opinion hero, pending thut question, and though I had previously many times avowed the same thing. My an?w.*r wa*, and nw i*. that if the Constitu tion .-arric* slavery there, h t t go, and no power .>u earth can take it away ; Ini if the Constitu tion docs not carry it there, no power but the people can carry it there, whatever may lie the true decision ofthe Constitutional point would not hnvo affected uiy vrde for or ugiu*t the Nebru-ka bill. I should have supported it jn*t u* readily if 1 thought the decision would be one way u? the other. Jte will also find that I stated I would not discus* the legal question, for by the bill we referred it to the court?.” brill later, i.u tho loth of May la.-t, in the Heunte, Mr Douglas said ; “In the debate growiug out of the Toombs bill my eolleugue put tbe question tome alter it hud been answered over and over again in the pre vious speoche?, whether or not a Territorial Leg islature hml the power to exclude slavery. He bad heard uiy opinion on that questiou over slid over again. 1 did not choose to unswer n ques tion that hod been so often responded to, but re ferred him to the judiciary to ascertain whether tlie power existed. I believe tho power existed ; other? believe otherwise. We agreed to differ, we agreed to refer it to the judiciary : we agreed to abide by their derision.” I think I have shown that upon the point of dispute between the friend? of tlio Kansas bill, as t' the power of u Territorial Legislature to ex clude slave property, it wa? agreed to refer it to the Supreme Court, and when It had been judi cially determined that we should abide by their decision, a? n settlement ofthe Constitutional question. Now bear with me while I read a very little from the opinion of tho Supreme Court of the United State*, in the Dred Scott ruse, rendered in the spring of 1857, and thr years afti r the pas sago of the Kansas hill. My friends, ocean* of ink have been shod and thousand# of speeches havo been mu<lo ; all the catch word? ol demagogue* and all ponsiMe form? of stating tho question havo been resorted to; eloquent appeal* to the pussion* and preju dice of the people have been mudo iu tho discus sion of thi? issue. Let its for one moment turu aside from thi? hot, seething, boiling cauldron of purtizun and demagogue warfare, to the calm, en lightened, judicial utterance of the woM Hugurt tribunal on earth. [Repeated applause.) The opinion wn* concurred in by nil the Judge* ex cept two, and wa? delivered by tbo illustiiou? Chief Justice of the United State*. In speaking of the acquisition of Territory the Court ray* : “ But as we have before said, it was acquired by the General Government, n* the representa tive and trustee ofthe people ofthe United Slates, and it must therefore bo hold in that character for their common aud equal benefit; for it wu? tbo people of the several State? acting through their agent and representative, tie General flovern- PEYTONH. COLatUTT, JAMES W. WARREN. {*# Number 38 meut, who In fact acquired tbe Territory in ques - turn, and the Government holds Yt for their com mon use, until it shall bo associated with the oih er States as u member of the Union.” N<> rant, no demagogneiim, no trash there j bar a imple, clear, luctu, dispassionate exposition of a constitutional truth. The court proceed to ea/ that until the time nrrivus wbon the Territory u organized n? a .State, some kind of govermoot is necessary; but a? to the power of CongreM and in this connection, they nay: “ But the power of Congress over tho person or property of a citizen can never b# a mere discre tionary power under our Constitution and form of Government. Tho powers of tho Government, and the right? and privileges of the citisen are regulated nnd plainly defined by the Constitution itself. ****'•.* It cannot, when it enters a Territory ofthe Uni ted Htate?, put off its character and imuido dis cretionary or despotic power, which the Constitu tioti has denied to it. •• Tho Territory being a part of the Lnitad State*, the Government and the citizens loth en ter it under tho authority of he Constitution, w ith their rep eetivo right i defined aud marked out, and tlio Federal Government cu excroW no power over hi* person or property, beyond what that instrument confers, nor lawfully deny any right which it ha* reserved.” Thou proceeding with judicial exactitude . “ Tho rights of private property have beeo guarded with equal care. Thus tho rights of property aro united with the right* of person, and pluced on tho Maine ground, by the fifth amend ment to the Constitution, which provides that uu person shall be deprived of life, liberty, end prop erty, without due process of law. And au art of Congress which deprive? a citizen of the Uni ted .States of his liberty <>r property, merely he eiui?o he came himself or brought hi* property into u.partieulnr Territory <-f the Uuited States, und xvbo committed no offunso against tbe law#, could hardly he dlgniliod with the name of dm* process of laxv. The powers over person and property of which we speak, are not only not granted to Congress, but are in express tonus denied, and they are for bidden to exercise them.” “ And if Congross itself cannot do this—if it i* beyond the power conferred on tlie Federal Gov ernment -it will bo admitted, xve presume, that it could not authorize a Territorial government to exercise them, it could confer no power on any local government t‘Htabli?hed by its author! ty, to violate the provision? of the Constitution.” Again: “ It teem?, however, tu l.e supposed that there i? a difference between property in the slave and other proporfy, and that different rule? may be applied to if in expounding tho Constitution ot the United State?. And tho laws and usage# of nations and tho writings of eminent jurist* upou the relation of master and sluxc, and their mutu al right?, and duties, and the power? which gov eminent may exerciso over it, have been dwelt upon in tho argument.” But, after Glowing that no law ot nation** stands hciweon the jasoplo of the United Stale.'* and their government- that the powers of the Government and the right* ■■( the citizen under it Hro positive and practical regulations plainly writton down and tint no usage-’ of other nation* <*r reasoning of their jurist* upou the relation? ui ma.'ter aud slniucan enlarge the power* of this Government, < r taka f'r.-in the citizens the right-* they have reecrx'ed Thoy say : “Audit the UuiMtiriitiMi revguizm the rigb-; of property of tho o.a-i.-r in u sfuvo, and makes no distinction between that description of proper ly and other property owned by a citizen, no tri buuul acting under the authority of the United State-, whether it bo legislative, executive, or judicial, !):■? n right to draw- such u distinction, or deuy to it the benefit of provision provided for the protection of private property against the en croachments of the Government. “Now, a* we have already said in an earlier part of thin opinion, upon a different point, the right of property iu a slave is distinctly and cx pressly affirmed in tbe Constitution. “And ii-. word can bo found iu the CvOstituGoti which give* L'ongre ? a greater power over slave property, or which entitles property of that kind t Jos* protection than property ot any oilier doe cription. Tlie only power conferred i* the power c.-iipled with the duty of guarding rind protecting the owner in hi? rights.” Nnxv, my fallow-citizen*, l canuut coueeivo of u simpler <>r clearer judicial exposition. The point? of the ..pinion are briefly these: The Ter ritories have been acquired aiul are bold by the Federal Government a? trustee for the States, and the citizen* of nil the States may hold uad enjoy their property in them until they lake on the futio tions of sovereignty and arc admitted into tbe Union. The citizen enter? the common territory with the Constitution in h hand?, aud the Federal Government can exercise no power oror his poraon or property beyond what that instrument confers, nor lawfully deny any right which it ha? reserved, and since the Federal Govern ment cannot do thin, still le?n cun it authorize a territorial government to cxer'i-ixe those power*. It cannot confer on uny local government estab lished by it* authority, the power to violate the Constitution. Between clave property uud other property, nu distinction exists; property iu stave* is too • gni/ed by the Constitution of the United Btate* and there is nu word in that instrument which gives Congress greater power over it, or which entitle* it to lens protection than any other prop erty ; but the only pnxver which Congress bo?, i? the power coupled with the duty of guarding und protecting tho owner iu bis right*. l am content to stnml upon these principle#. Gin? announced by the hnpreme Court of the Union, Home disporiiiuii ha? been luonifes.ed to os* cape from tln-o principb , because the*#?® went up from a Htiito and n.d a Territory; but in my i.i- n tbi? evasion is too small to oe answered, i lie di i.l>• e bate been considering grew nt ol . pi- o. i nice regularly curried up, and it determines every point of difference between the friend? ofthe Kansu* bill Aitcr tbi? discussion, we badurrlved at u point where we might reasonably expect tranquility and peace. Tlie equality of right? ol )>ersons and property of all the State?, in the common Terr! torv, having been stamped by the seal of jadl cial authority, all good citizen? might welt acqui esce. The time seemed to lux at hand when the agitation would be confined to a little handful of political abolitionist?, which the conservative sentiment ol the country would soon put down Least of nil was any renewal of agitation to be expected from any portion of those who bad agreed by the Khuru? bill to refer the Constitu tional question to tlie Court. We seemed to be at the end of the struggle (assuming that the ah olition party could not successfully prolong It,) .-rad noxv patriots and statesmen might devote their energies to the development of the varied material intercuts of the Union, The spectre of slavery agitation seemed to bo laid forever. But these hopes were destined to cruel disappoint ment. Twelve months afterward*, the Reenter front Illinois, who had “agreed t” refer the que* ti.n to the {Supreme Court and to übide It? decis ion,” discovered u coutrivunco by which B was supposed tho .decision might le evaded, and rights which wo thought secure, be turned iota ashes. Let u? sco how it was done. The opinion nf the Supreme Court wa*deliver ed in IS.'7. In 1-SSB, Mr. Dougin* was a camli date for re-elcctiou from tint State, to/id then tv* the first time, wo find tbo theory advanced that theru i? a mode by which subordinate Terri torial Legislature, . n * question us Constitutional right, may override the opinion of the highev’ jndhiul tribunal in the Union. The maimer tu which ii may be donu i* |oiut*d out iu the foU I"wing language, employed bv Mr. Dougin# In discussion with hi? competitor, Mr. LiniHilo: “Tbe lust question propounded to me by Mr. Lincoln •, can tbe peopWda Territory, in any lawful way, agalust tho wishes of any citizen of tho United Elates, exclude slavery from their limit* prior to the formation of a Htate Con Mitutiou? 1 answer emphatically, as Mr. Lin coin bus heard me answer a hundred tiuio#, from every stump in Uliuois, that, in my opinion, tke people of a Territory can, by lawful moans, ex clude slavery from their limits prior t* tbe form tlon of a State Constitution. ’’ That question we agreed, in tb Kaoc-a* bill, to refer to the Supreme Court of the Uuited State?. That question was derided, a? I bare just shown you, by the Court the year beforethl# speech wax made by Mr. Pougla*, in which de ei*ioti they say neither Congress nor the Territo rial Legislature ha? power to exclude; but their only right and duty arc tn guard aud proteot. 1 have shown you that Mr. Douglas agreed to ob ---mit the question t-> that Court, and to abide by it? decision. I quote Mr. Douglas again, concerning who* sic culls the “abstract question” of tbe Constitu tional right of Southern citizen* to hold and en joy their property iu tbe Teiritories. The ques tion may be railed “abstract,” but it 1* one lu voicing tho ( quality of tbe Elates of tbo Union and the xital rights of miarly on* half of the confederacy. [Applause.] “Itmatters not,” says Mr. Douglas, “what way tho Supreme Court may hereafter decide a* to lire
