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The Gainesville Eagle.
PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING.
CAHEY VV . STYLES,
Editor and Proprietor.
1 EBMB : #3 A Year, in Advance.
on ios
Up Btairs in Candler Uali building, nortli-weM coru.r
Public Square.
A m nts for The Eagle.
T. M. Kn u, lilairaville, Ga. ; J. D. Howard, Hiwas
ee, Ga.; W. M. Sanderson, Hayeville, N. C.; Da. N.
C, Ohisobn, Buford, Ga.
ajr The above named gentlemen are authorized to
make collectlona, receive and roceipt for subscription
to Ti’.E Kaglb office. ~h%
THE ROGUES’ RAID
AND THE ROliliEltS’ REWARD.
Tlie Federal Marauders in the
Georgia. Monntains.
blackleg* Clothed with Authority Dining
the People to Desperation.
Midnight Itiiids upon Helpless Children,
and Women Insulted in the Presence
of their Manacled Husbands.
Commissioners, Deputies and One-horse
Lawyers in Collusion to Bleed
Timid Countrymen.
A People Driven to the Verge of Despera
tion. Robbed, Insulted and Spat Cpoii.
The .Means by which Blaeker, Sheridan,
Oleini, Hood win and Others Enrich
Themselves and Disgrace the
Government.
Showing the Marshal’s Service of Georgia
to he More Unprincipled than the
Hashi-Ita/ourks of Bulgaria.
Scenes that Would Make Kero Weep, and
Put Satan Himself to the Blush.
Report of Colonel Sam Williams to the
Governor on the Facts Connected with
the Death of Lieut. Intyre.
Atlanta, Ga., April, 1877.
tlis Excellency A. If. Colquitt, Governor, etc.,
Atlanta, <la.:
■ Sut: Pursuant to your appointment,
ami in compliance with a resolution of
the General Assembly of this State,
approved February 23, 1877, authoriz
ing you to “send to the counties of
Gilmer, Fannin and neighboring coun
ties, a suitable person to examine iuto
the state of affairs that gave rise to the
arrest of citizens there by the officers of
the United States government,” I left
Atlanta on the 27th day of February
ult., and proceeded with as little delay
as possible, via Canton and Ellijay, to
Morganton, Ga., county of Fannin.
At that point I began to make such
inquiries as would soonest put me in
possession of the facts necessary to
enable me to inform you correctly and
fully as to the true state of affairs in
that and adjoining counties. I soon
found it would be necessary for me to
inquire as to all that had takeu place
there for several years past, (as a large
majority of arrests made there recent
ly were on old warrants running back
one or two years,) in order to comply
fully with the requirements of the
resolution under which I was acting.
In doing this, I followed as nearly as I
could the movements of those who
made the arrests, and give such in
formation as I gathered in doing so, in
the different localities I visited. These
localities, as far as I could learn, are
known as Frog Mountain, Fighting
Town, Hoard Town Creek, Noon Toot
ley and Ticanetfcley creeks, in Fannin
county; central, southern and south
eastern parts of Gilmer county, and
some portions of Pickens.
On or about the Ist of February,
1877, a party of Deputy United States
Marshals, with a Deouty Collector and
a body of U. S. troops, left Cartersville,
in Bartow county, and making Ellijay,
in Gilmer county, their objective point,
proceeded after reaching there, making
that place a base of operations to visit
the different localities I have named.
I proceeded directly to Frog Moun
tain; first visited the house of Ayers
Jones, in which a lieutenant of the U. ■
S. army recently lost his life, having I
been killed by a party or parties, who j
up to the present writing are unknown.
This house I found to be a log cabin,
built of rough unhewn oak logs, and
was entirely deserted. A more full ;
and minute description of it, with its I
surroundings, 1 will give before I close
my report. I went from that place to j
the house of John H. Jones, the father
of Ayres Jones, and to others in the
same locality. The statements of those
I found there I will now give, as well as
those I received elsewhere daring my
absence, before noticing anything that
came under my own observation, or
before making any comments thereon.
Mrs. Ayers Jones, the wife of the
man who owned the house, and who
was the only grown person in it when
it was visited, says:
SUlfimnt No. 1.
‘That ou or about tlie 10th day of
February, 1877, there came to my
house, about one or two o’clock in the
morning, a party of men, and without
being asked to come in, pushed open
the door, entered, and asked me if I
had hoard of the revenue officers. I
told them I had heard of them two
days before, and had also heard that
they had returned to Ellijay. The
party, I have since learned, was com
posed of Blacker, Anglin, Ralston, a
lieutenant and a soldier. They asked
who lived there, and when told Ayers
Jones, and that he was not at home,
they lighted a candle—inspected the
house, and asked if there was any
whisky there. I told them there was
not. They then lighted a lamp and
proceeded to inspect the house. They
returned, and again asked where my
husband was. I told them I did not
know. Blacker told me I was a liar,
tyid that he was at the still house. I
told him that might ho so. They
closed both doors, Blacker taking his
seat by one door and Anglin on the
other side of the same. One of the
soldiers proposed to them to leave and
not bother the woman and little chil
dren any more. (I would stato here
that they asked me before why I was
up when they came. I told them I
was up attending to my sick children.)
Ho was answered by the man called
Blacker, with an oath, starting that he
would stay there as long as he pleased,
and do as he pleased while there. The
soldier said that the men with the
horses would get cold. Blacker said
he did not care; that he had sent three
men for the still, and that ho would re
main until they had brought it. The
most of this conversation was carried
The Gainesville Eagle.
Devoted to I'olitioss, News of tlie Day, Tlie Farm Interests, Home Matters, ami Olioice Miscellany.
VOL. XI.
on with oaths. Again when I asked
| them to leave, and not bother me and
j my little children any more, they swore
I they would stay until they were ready
;to go. I had seven children in the
; house under eleven years of age. I
j asked them several more times to leave,
and was each time answered by curs
ing, and the assurance that they would
not leave until they were ready.
‘During this talk, or rather cursing
and swearing, someone hailed at the
door, and some tiring took place. I
took my children to get them out of
the way, and they tried to force me to
go and open the door that they them
selves had opened and closed after
they had gotten in.
‘The only thing I know after the fir
ing began, and up to soon after it
closed, was someone groaning in the
back yard outside, as if they were
dying.
‘About half an hour after the shoot
ing and that noise had ceased, I heard
the cracking of brush, and a man leav
ing. Then everything became quiet,
and I heard no more until someone
hailed at the door just before sun rise,
and asked if I were asleep. I said I
was not. He said ‘peace,’ and
asked me to open the door. I told
him to push open the door, and come
in. He came in and asked me where
the wounded man was. I told him I
did not know. Just then Blacker
came in and asked me file same ques
tion again. I answered the same
thing. He cursed me and told me I
was a liar. He asked me who had
been there since they left. I told him
no one but myself and little children.
He called me a liar again. They then
left, and did not return until the after
noon.
‘After they left in the morning, I
discovered the dead body for the first
time, and immediately sent to my
nearest neighbors to ask them to come
and take charge of it. I watched and
protected it until some parties came
and took it away.
‘When they returned for the body,
they said they had come for revenge,
and that they intended to burn the
house and everybody in it. They
knocked down the door shutter, and
then I took my children and left the
house. The man called Blacker fol
lowed me until I stopped. He began
to curse me, and after asking me some
questions, and being answered, replied
that they intended to burn every
houso on the mountain in less than
three weeks, as someone was coming
with a regiment. He left cursing me,
and saying that we would smell hell in
less than three weeks. I have seen
none of them since.
‘When Blacker entered my house,
he came with his pistol cocked.’
Statement Id. a.
Mrs. Emeline Walker states: ‘I lived
a short time since near the house of
Ayers Jones. On or about the 10th
day of February, about two o’clock in
the morning, there came to my house
three men calling themselves Robbie,
Ware, and another that I did not know.
They asked who lived there, and on
my telling them my name, and that I
was a widow, they pushed aside a table
in front of the door and entered, and
proceeded to search the house, look
ing, as they said, for some man. After
finding none, they asked me where the
still house was. I told them I did not
know. The man called Robbie cursed
me, and told me I was a ‘damned liar.’
They still insisted that I knew where
the still house was, and asked the
children. They offered me twenty
five dollars to tell them. They never
showed me any warrant or told me
they had one to search my house.
After asking me directions as to which
was up and to which down the branch,
and being told, they left.
‘The next afternoon I was at Ayers
Jones’ house, and there came a num
ber of men for the body of the officer
who had been killed there the night
before.
‘Robbie came to the door and asked
for the body. Mrs. Jones told him
that it was behind the house. After
getting it they came to the door and
said they had come for revenge; that
they intended to burn the house and
all who were iu it. Immediately they
began to fire their arms; and I told
Mrs. Jones that we must take the chib
j dreu and leave—which we did. We
were followed by a man called Blacker,
who after asking some questions, and
j being answered truly, replied every
i time by saying that we were damned
: liars; that he would burn the house
before sundown, and that he would
give us all hell directly. He theu left,
I and I saw them no more until about
; two weeks afterward at Tom Jones’
house, when they returned with a large
number of soldiers. The house was
entered by Robbie and others. Rob
bie had his guu cocked in his hand,
and after looking iu and around the
house, and in the loft, asked where the
men were who rau from the door.
After being told that no men ran from
the door, he said that he saw them, and
that when I said they did not I told a
damned lie every time I told it. He
then told me, —cursing and swearing,
—that I was the very woman he was
looking for—that ho knew my face—
; that I knew who killed Lieutenant Mc-
Intyre.
‘He drew his hand culls, unlocked
them, and told me he was going to
put them on me, and drawing his gun,
told me he would put them on me, or
kill me.
‘The cursing was continued until
Mrs. Tom Jones, who a few days be
fore had given birth to a child, was so
much frightened as to have to be put
to bed. They then made me go and
show where the still house was. I
went with Robbie and Goodwin, who,
cursing me, told me if there was a gun
tired on the opposite side, they would
shoot me into inch pieces. I showed
them the still house, to which they
went, shot Jive hogs, and returned.
‘Soon afterwards they left, and in a
little time Goodwin and Robbie return
ed, and told me that they wanted me
to go where the captain and the judge
were. After going with them to the still
house aud returning, they told me I
would have to go on with them. They
j never, at any time, showed me a war
j rant, nor told me what I was arrested
foj. From home I was carried to At
lanta and put in jail.
‘My treatment was such that lam
now and have been sick ever since I
returned.’
Statement No. 3.
Nancy Jones, wife of J. H. Jones,
aged 53 years, says: ‘There came to
my house, on or about the 23d day of
February, 1877, some United States
revenue officers, and I was asked by
them the whereabouts of my husband,
and other men folks. I answered them
truly that I did not know. They
replied to me with curses, stating that
I had better tell the truth.
‘ln about one hour my husband re
turned and was arrested by them, after
they had told him that they had heard
nothing but good reports of him. He
was carried away without being al
lowed time to prepare his clothing.
He is about seventy-four or seventy
five years of age.
‘I offered to show recommendations
from various parties as to my hus
band’s past character. They said they
had come for revenge, not for recom
mendations. They stole and carried
away several pieces of bed clothing,
which I had prized very highly.’
Statement No. A.
Elizabeth Jones, wife of T. M. Jones,
says: ‘About sixty or seventy men
came to my home on or about the 23d
day of February, 1877. Several en
tered at once. One addressed a Mrs.
Walker, who was with me, saying she
was the damned b—h who had killed
that man, referring to Lieut. Mclntyre,
and when she denied it he called for
handcuffs, and said he would carry her
to jail, and allow her to rot there.
They asked her for her husband, and
were told that she had had none since
the war. By this time I was so affect
ed by fright that I had to be put to
bed. I had given birth to a child only
a few days before. After I was a little
restored, I told him where the still
house was as soon as £ was asked, and
said I would show it to them if I were
able. Mrs. Walker showed them the
still house. They killed five hogs and
then left, carrying Mrs. Walker, and
leaving her three children.’
Statement No. 5.
John H. Jones, aged seventy-four
years, a citizen of Fannin county, says
that, ‘On or about the 23d day of Feb
ruary, 1877, there came to my houso
a party of United States deputy mar
shals, soldiers, &c.
‘At the time of their arrival I was
absent, looking about some sheep. I
found the marshals and soldiors when
I returned to my house. I was called
out to the fence by one Pat Sheridan,
who told me he had me bow, and that
I was gone up for ten years. I asked
for his authority for arresting me.
He answered by cursing and swear
ing, and saying I would see it time
enough. He said he had the author
ity, and that if ten years would not do,
that twenty years would settle me. A
man by the name of Robbie then be
gan to curse me, and called me an old
son of a b—h. I asked him why I was
arrested, and he told me I would see
soon enough. An officer threatened to
put him under guard if he cursed me
any more. I was placed by Goodwin in
charge of Sheridan, who ordered me
to take the road. I was carried off
without allowing me to put on proper
clothing—not even to put on some
drawers which my wife thro wed to me,
and which I was not allowed to put on
until I reached the jail at Morganton,
twenty or twenty-five miles distant. I
had not even a jacket, and when I
again appealed to them to allow me to
get my clothing, I was answered by
curses and told to take the road.
I was walked most of the way from
Morganton to Cartersville, about eigh
ty miles, suffering the first day for
both food and water.
I was given no committing trial at
Cartersville—kept in jail there one
week, carried to Atlanta and kept in
jail ten days. I was then tried, ac
quitted and released.
During this whole time I was never
shown a warrant for my arrest, and
not even told why I had been arres
ted. While in the hands of these offi
cers, my treatment was such as to
break down my health, and leave me
in doubt as to whether I will ever
recover from it.
Stateuunt No. G.
Sarah Ann Davenport, wife of John
F. Davenport, says: ‘On the return of
the revenue officers from the moun
tains, they stopped at my house. A
man by the name of Goodwin, on en
tering, behaved in a most insulting
manner. He accused all in the house
of being a parcel of damned thieves
and rogues. The only provocation he
had was, he had lost his saddle blanket,
and when I told him that some of his
own men had taken it, he replied by
saying that I was a ‘damned liar.’ He
afterwards found his blanket, and he
found it as I had stated. This same
man Goodwin, with others, slept on
the iloor in my house on pallets made
for them in the best way possible. He.
brought in with him, and slept on, or
under, a line piece of bed clothing,
which I recognized as belonging to old
Mrs. Jones. The next morning I put
it away, and it has since been returned
to her. My house has but one room,
and my husband, myself and all my
children occupy it.’
. Statement No. 7.
John F. Davenport -says: ‘I am 3(5
years old. On or about the 23d day of
February, 1877, there came to my house
a Captain Dagget, and asked to camp
some troops on my place. I told him to
camp them anywhere he might choose.
‘He put them in my meadow, and
remained until next day. I did all in
my power to render them comfortable,
even to going into the neighborhood
and purchasing supplies for them.—
They remained at my house that night,
and the next morning a man named
Goodwin asked me the way to Tom
Jones’ house. I told him I did not wish
to mix myself up with anything—that
he had a man with him (Fields Chap
man) who could tell him as well as I
could. They said we expect we will
have to carry you out with us when we
GAINESVILLE, GA., FKIDAY MORNING, MAY 18, 1877.
return to prevent tjem from killing
you. They left, and on the next day
as they returned, a man called Robbie
came to my door, and calling me out,
said: ‘I have orderg to arrest you.’ I
said I would like to know what it was
for. He said: ‘Mr. Davenport, I don’t
know any more wbat it is for than you
do. He carried me to Capt. Goodwin,
and asked him what to do with me.
AVitnout telling me what I was arrested
for, he told Rolobie to put me with the
rest of the prisoners. They carried me
to jail in Morganton, and from there to
Cartersville, where I remained in jail
for one week. I was there given no
committing trial, but was sent to At
lanta, and there kept in jail about ten
days, and notwithstanding I asked
them, they never showed any warrant
for my arrest, or told me why I was
arrested, or gave me a chance to sum
mons witnesses, although I was over
120 miles from home. I was placed
ou trial, acquitted and released. My
treatment was such from the time of
my arrest, that I suffered both for want
of food and from exposure. lam still
suffering from the effects of the arrest ’
Statement No. 8.
R, M. Watson says: ‘I am 33 years
uld, and a citizen of Fannin county.
On or about the 23d day of February,
1877, there came to me, at the house
of Mr. Davenport, some men calling
themselves Deputy U. S. Marshals, and
told me to consider myself under arrest.
I asked them by what authority. They
said they had the papers, but without
showing any, carried me to a guard
tent, and placed me with others that
had been arrested. From there I was
carried to Morganton, and from there
to Cartersville, where I remained in
jail about one week—was given no
committing trial, but was carried to
Atlanta, kept in jail ten days; was then
tried and acquitted. Up to this time,
although 130 miles from home, in a
mountain country, I was never shown
a warrant for my arrest, nor was I ever
told why I was arrested. From the
time of my arrest until my discharge,
my treatment was such as to cause me
to suffer both from hunger and expo
sure. I brought butter to camp, when
asked to do so, and after selling it to
some of them, through a negro said to
be waiting on Capt. Cook, for 12£c. per
pound, was cursed by this same negro,
and told that the butter was mixed
with tallow. When told that it was
not, he said I was a G—d d—d liar.
The result was, I got little or nothing
for my butter. ’
Statement No. 9.
Mr. Elijah Johnson, who lives within
three or four miles of Mr. Davenport
and Mr. Watson, states almost identi
cality the same with regard to his
arrest —being refused a warrant, was
tried and acquitted as they have
stated; but, in addition, says that the
result cf the treatment he received
after arrest was such as to cause him
much suffering, from which he has not
yet recovered, and which will cause
him the loss of some of his toe nails.’
Statement No. 10.
Mrs. Johnson, the wife of Elijah
Johnson, says: ‘I accompanied by hus
band when he was arrested. I was
approached in Cartersville by a man
by the name of A. J. Glenn, of Pickens
county, who told me he had stayed all
night the night before at Marshal
Goodwin’s house, and that for the
sum of S2OO he could have my hus
band released, and that he should re
turn home. I told him I did not have
the money; but even if I had, I pre
ferred that he should stand his trial,
as I knew that he was not guilty.’
Statement No. 11,
James M Jones, of Fannin county,
says, under oath: ‘On or about the 4th
day of February, of this year, there
came to my house some men calling
themselves United States revenue of
ficers. Among them was a man named
Goodwin, and one named John Ral
ston, who entered my house and in
quired as to my whereabouts. On be
ing told that I was in my bed, he
approached me saying that he, Good
win, had a warrant for me. I asked to
see the warrant. He said he did not
have it with him, but would show it to
me at Ellijay, at which place he prom
ised that I should have a committing
trial. I was carried to Ellijay, where I
was kept for two days, and from there
was taken to Cartersville, where I was
kept in jail for ten days before I was
given a trial. While in Ellijay I was
approached by A. J. Glenn, of Pickens
county, who asked me if I wished coun
sel, and suggested W. T. Day, a lawyer
of Pickens county, who came to see me
in the jail at Cartersville, on a Thurs
day morning, and asked me if I knew
the charges contained in the warrant
against me. I told him I did not; that
I had never seen the warrant, or heard
it read. He went out, telling me he
would see it, and immediately told me
that he had also seen the names of the
witnesses against me, and that my case
would ‘sour’ right there in case I could
not pay money; that for $l5O he could
settle the case, and asked me how much
money I had, and what I would do. I
told him I had only twelve or fifteen
dollars, but that in no case would I
give more than §SO to make a settle
ment. He told me that for the amount
he had named he could have the wit
nesses against me put out of the way.
I told him I would still not agree to
his proposition, but that I would give
him my note for §75 to make the set
tlement. To this lie agreed, and I gave
him my note for the amount —he prom
ising in consideration of that sum to
free me of all charges in that court
against me. On the next day my case
was called, and as I was leaving the
jail Mr. Goodwin shook me by the
hand and said, ‘Jones you will come
clear, there is no proof here against
! you.’ I was taken before Commissioner
| C.filins, tried and acquitted, and dis
i charged. In my agreement with Mr.
I Day, he was to take charge of my case
i in the committing court, and carry it
! through the court in Atlanta. I was to
j give him ten dollars for legal services.’
Statement Xo. 12.
M illiarn Crisp says, under oath:
‘There came to me in this, Fannin
county, on or about the 21st day of
February, of this year, as I was passing
through a field near my house, in the
company of ladies and children, mem
bers of my family-, two men represent
ing themselves to be officers of the
United States revenue department,one
of whom was Robbie.
‘After asking my name, they told
me to consider myself under arrest.
On asking for what, I wms told that it
did not matter, that I must go to
camp. On my way to that place, I
was met by a man of their party who
told me to go about my business. The
two having me in charge, however, car
ried me on, and iuto the presence of
Mr. Goodwin, a United States mar
shal, who I told that I had been ar
rested, and asked him to teil me on
what grounds it was done. He an
swered by telling me that it was none
of my business, and ordered me to a
tent where I was placed under guard.
‘Frpm there I was taken to Morgan
ton—thence to Cartersville, in all,
eighty miles, where, after having been
in arrest about twelve days, I was
tried before a committing court, and as
nothing was proven against me, I was
discharged.
‘From the day of my arrest, until
the time of my discharge, no warrant
was ever shown me.
‘I asked Mr. Blacker, a deputy mar
shal, at Morganton as to my arrest.
He asked me where I lived, and when
I told him, he said he had no record of
my arrest.
‘The treatment I received from the
time of my arrest until my release was
rough and unkind.’
Statement No. 13.
Sam. Houston Green, under oath,
says: ‘I was approached on or about
the sth of February, 1877, by a Mr.
Goodwin, a United States revenue of
ficer, at the forks of the road, near
James Jones’ house, who told me he
had a warrant for me, and wanted me
to go with him I asked him to show
me the warrant. He told me he would
do so in Ellijay, and that would be
soon enough. He then ordered me oft'
my horse. This was about nineteen
miles from Ellijay, to which place I
walked. I was carried from Ellijay to
Cartersville, where, in a day or two,
Mr. Day, a lawyer of Pickens county,
came to me and told me that for ten
dollars he would clear me. I refused
to pay it, as I knew there was nothing
against me. He came to me again in
a day or two afterwards, and told me
he had seen the warrant and the names
of the witnesses against me, and as
they were not there, he could clear me
as ‘slick as a whistle.’
‘We still could not agree. He came
to me again, and told me the witnesses
had arrived, but ( still he could clear me.
‘Finally I agreed to pay him fifteen
dollars to defend both my brother and
myself beforejGje commissioners court,
and, if necessary, before tlie court iu
Atlanta. ■
‘During this time I never saw the
warrant against me, nor knew the
charge on which I was to be tried.
‘My brother and myself were tried,
acquitted and discharged. On my way
one Broaden told me he would give
me or any one else twenty-five dollars
to swear enough against Thomas
Trammell to convict him.’
Statement No. 14.
James M. Patterson under oath
says: ‘I am a citizen of Fannin county,
Ga. On or about the 7th day of No
vember, 1873, there came to my house
a man calling himself Mountavel Man
chester, who claimed to be an United
States revenue official, and said he was
from Murphy, in the state of North
Carolina. He told -me he had a war
rant for my arrest, but refused to
show me the same, saying he had the
power, and was going to arrest me.
He had others with him. I never saw
the warrant. He took from me one
still, two hand saws, one drawing
knife, one augur, one keg of singlings.
They then carried me to the other side
of the river, into the state of Tennes
see. He told me if I would pay him
twenty-five dollars he would release
me. This I refused to do, but on pay
ment of ten dollars—all I had, he re
leased me, telling me to appear at Mr.
Dickey’s, in Fannin county, for trial.
Before the day arrived, he sent me a
verbal message by Pleas Ray and
others that I need not appear for trial,
as he was sick, and that I need bother
no more about it. This man was ac
companied by Pleas Ray, Arch Stew
art, Bill Stewart, and a man named
Rhodes, all of whom, to the best of
my knowledge, were not resident of
this stale. Up this time I have heard
no more of my case.
‘At the same time these parties vis
ited my house, they went to the house
of my brother-in-law, and in my pres
ence took from him a yoke of steers,
one wagon, one still, nine bushels of
meal, one set of trace chains. At the
same time I paid, I saw him pay them
thirty dollars in money. The payment
of the money was also witnessed by
John Rogers, a citizen of Tennessee.
Nothing was afterwards brought up
against him.’
Statement No. 15.
Joseph Garrett says: T am a citi
zen of Fannin county, Ga., aged 58
years. On of about the last Monday
in February, 1877, there came to my
house about One o’clock in the night, a
party of men calling themselves reve
nue officers, and ordered me out of
bed instantly. I asked what it meant.
They said they had a warrant against
me. I asked what for. They said
they did not know, and again ordered
me to get out of bed. I told them that
I was unable, but they said there was
no man who had such a face as I had,
but was able to walk. I again asked
to see the warrant, and know what it
was for.
‘They said they supposed it was for
illicit distilling. I then told them that
the doctor said the sore on my leg was
a carbuncle. I was then informed that
since arriving at my house they had
learned I was all right.
‘They arrested a Mr. Wells at my
house, and carried him off without al
lowing him to get his hat or showing
him a warrant.
‘I served on the United States court
jury two years since, and told them I
had never had anything to do with
making whisky in my life.’
Statement No. 16.
Milton Holt, under oath, says: ‘I am
a citizen of Gilmer county; am about
thirty years old; was raised in this
county. On or about one year ago
last August a party of men, in charge
of two men calling themselves Good
win and Whitmore, claiming to be
United States revenue officials, came
to my house about daylight in the
morning, knocked at the door, and it
was opened by a j’oung man who was
employed by me on my place. They
immediately arrested him and pro
ceeded to the house of a neighbor of
mine. On their return they proceeded
to my still house and returned to my
house again and broke up a number of
new barrels which had never contained
whisky. They procured an ax and
went again to my still house, cut up
the still, etc. The man arrested was
named Ammons, and had never had
anything to do with distilling. He was
arrested for me, and notwithstanding
he gave his right name, (and that they
were told so in Ellijay by persons who
knew him that he had done so) he was
carried to Cartersville, tried and re
leased.
‘A short time after this I was met in
the road by A. J. Glenn, a citizen of
Pickens county, (and not a lawyer),
who told me I was the very man he
wanted to see; that he had seen Black
er in Ellijay that morning, and that
everything was all right. He told me
to go home and stay; there I should
not be interrupted by Blacker. ‘You
can,’ he said, ‘get out now by paying
one hundred dollars, and appearing at
court in Cartersville for trial; saying
at the same time that the names on
the warrant against me would be eras
ed, and that I would be allowed to se
lect any one, or more, as I might
choose, to be substituted iu their
stead. In consideration of this I was
to pay him one hundred dollars.
‘He went to Ellijay, and returned
with a list of witnesses who were to
appear against me. Those named I
saw would convict me. I gave him
other names of my own selection as
witnesses. I paid Glenn the one hun
dred dollars.
‘We then separated—Glenn telling
me to go home and remain there; that
when I was wanted Blacker would let
me know. In a few days Blaeker noti
fied me in person to appear at Car
tersville. I went there, and was tried
before Commissioner Collins. Only
the witnesses who were selected by
myself appeared against me, and’l was
acquitted and discharged. Deputy
Marshall Goodwin, who was at my
house, and saw my still and other
things destroyed, was present and in
the room at the time of my acquittal.
When Blacker came to notify me to
appear at Cartersville for trial, and
just as he was leaving, he called me
to him, and asked the amount I was
to pay Glenu. I told him one hundred
dollars.
‘About one year from the date of
the first visit to my house by these of
ficials, James Findley, a deputy mar
shal, came to my house, and saying
that he had a warrant for my arrest,
arrested me, and carried me to Dah
lonega, where waiving trial, T was ear
ned to Atlanta, tried before the United
States district court, plead gnil'v nnd
was senteuced to five moutho mi tms
onrnent, and to pay a fine of one hun
dred dollars. I complied with the
sentence of the court.
‘The offense to which I plead guilty,
was the same for which I was tried at
Cartersville, aud on which I was ac
quitted.
‘Jack Glenu told me if I ever was
convicted, or brought up on any offense
behind the one charged in the first
warrant, he would give me my money
back, and as much more. He also at
this time—-which was at Cartersville
after my first acquittal—took another
man and . myself to one side, and told
us that if we wished to do so, we could
return home and continue to distill
spirits, ou the condition that we would
pay Blacker and himself ten cents per
gallon on all we made; that he had
talked with Blacker about it, and that
he said we would not be disturbed. I
never distilled any more.
‘A few moments after this eonvensa
tion with Glenu, we met Blacker, and
asked him about it. He said we could
go on distilling if we wanted to do so;
that we should not be disturbed by
him or any of his crowd, as he could
control Atkinson, but that he (Atkin
son) ranked him. He stated that he
had control of fi Pickens, Gilmer and
Fannin counties, and that no other of
ficer under his control had the right
to make any arrests in these counties.’
Statement No. 17.
Miles Davis, under oath, says: ‘I
am a citizen of Gilmer county, in the
state of Georgia. 1 have resided here
about for about forty years.
‘There came to my house, about one
year ago last August, two men calling
themselves Goodwin and Whitmore,
claiming to be United States revenue
officials, and said they had a warrant
for my arrest. They proceeded to ar
rest me and carried me as far as Mar
tina Toem’s on the road to Ellijay.
There I left them and returned to my
home A few days afterwards, I was
informed by Mr. Jack Glenn, of Pick
ens county, that my case could be set •
tied. He informed me that if I would
go to Cartersville with Milton Holt
and others, he could arrange with
Blacker, a deputy marshal, for a set
tlement of my case, on my paying sev
enty dollars.
T paid Glenn the money at his
house, and proceeded to Cartersville.
Another condition on my payment of
I the money was that if ever I was
' brought up for any offense against the
| revenue laws, committed before that
! time, the money was to be returned to
; me.
‘On my arrival in Cartersville, I was
I tried before Commissioner Collins, and
was acquitted. I returned home.
‘About the 28th day of last August,
; I was arrested again by a party, of,
| which James Findley, a deputy United
, States marshal, was in charge, carried
Ito Dahlouega, waived trial and wus
carried to Atlanta, where I was placed
in jail. On the day after my arrival I
was tried before the United States dis
trict court, sentenced to four months’
imprisonment and to pay a fine of one
hundred dollars.
‘I complied with the sentence of the
court. The offense for which 1 was
committed to jail was committed prior
to the time of my trial at Cartersville,
and was the same for which I had
paid.’
Statement No. IS.
A. J. Cole, of Gilmer county, says:
‘About the 10th day of November,
1875, after being summoned as a wit
ness before the commissioner’s court
at Cartersville, and after giving my
testimony, a man called C. B. Black
er, and who professed to be a deputy
United States marshal, approached
me and said he had a warrant for my
arrest for violating the United St ates
revenue laws. I told him 1 was
ready to meet the charge. 1 was then
approached by T. F. Greer, an attor
ney at law, who asked me what it
meant. I told him I was willing to do
as others had done, and pay something
to get out of the trouble. He then left
the room, and 1 saw him talking to
Blacker. He returned, and I gave him
thirty dollars. In a little time I was
called in for trial before Commissioner
Collins. I was tried and acquitted.
Since that time 1 have been approach
ed for more money for the same thing,
but did not give it.
‘The money I paid, it was distinctly
understood, was for the settlement of
my case, and not as an attorney’s fee.’
Statement No. I‘.).
Win. Bradley, of Pickens county,
says: ‘ln 1873 I was informed that
there was a warrant against me for
violating the internal revenue laws,and
that said warrant was in the hands of
A. W. Huffman, a Deputy U. S. Mar
shal.
Huffman sent, me word that he held
ft warrant against me, aud that for ten
dollars he would destroy it. I sent him
the money by Samuel Hood, aud Hood
told me that he saw Huffman destroy
the warrant.
Statement No. "JO.
Glenn Cowart, of Pickens county,
says: ‘Some time in the year 1873 or
1871, A. W. Huffman was acting as
United States deputy marshal. He
informed mo that a number of warrants
against my friends were in bis posses
sion, and desired mo to see them, and
tell them that if they would pay cer
tain amounts of money, ho would set
tle their cases, and requested me to
receive the money from them on set
tlement. I did not know what author
ity lie ha 1 for settling the cases, but
interested for my friends, I went to
them and told them what Huffman had
said. One of them came to me, and I
went to see Huffman, who told me he
could have his case settled for seventy
live dollars. This was agreed to.
Forty dollars was left in my hands for
Huffman, aud was sent to Huffman’s
house and received by him.’
‘A note for thirty live dollars was
given to Huffman for the balance. The
party was to have his t rial before W.
F. Day, (then an United States com
missioner) and to have the privilege of
selecting his own witnesses, who could
not prove anything against him. He
had his trial and came clear. Some
time after this Huffman informed mo
that he was going to Atlanta, that he
expected to be turned out of office;
that he held warrants against parties
in my county, that if I would see them
and tell them that if they would come
and pay live dollars each he would
destroy the warrants before turning
them over. I saw several parties;
they paid live dollars each, and the
warrants were destroyed.
‘On returning from Atlanta, Huff
man said he had succeeded in holding
his office, and that the parties who
had failed to pay the five dollars would
now have to pay fifty dollars to get
their caseH settled. Jasper Fowler
paid five dollars; Isaac Burleson paid
seventy five dollars, and——Wheeler
paid fifty dollars.’
[to be continued.]
The genuine feeling of the people
may be best ascertained by reference
to the caution which is the chief char
acteristic of every Southern utterance
in favor of the President and His plan.
They are all studied in statement and
style and free from entangling pledges.
Not a single Southerner of mark that
we can think of has come forward with
a declaration of .purpose to stand by
the President against all assailants.
On the contrary, in each instance the
friendly profession toward the Presi
dent are qualified with an if that
should show him how large is the price
that lie has yet to pay for Southern
help. What he has done passes as a
thing of course. He may have help if
he place himself unreservedly under
Democratic guidance, accept Demo
cratic principles, and give effect to the
Democratic policy as regards the rela
tion of the States to the Federal au
thority.—New York Times.
The most important duty now in
cumbent upon the people of the United
States is to so deal with the first
fraudulent President known in our
history that there shall never be an
other of the kind.
In the performance of his duty or
dinary social considerations may
sometimes have to give way; but no
such consideration is of any impor
tance compared with the preservation
of republican institutions and demo
cratic self government.
An honest King is better than a
fraudulent President. The American
people fought seven years to get rid of
their honest King. Getting rid of
their fraudulent President will neither
be so long nor so difficult a process.—
New York Sun.
A Roman Catholic priest in Somer
ville, Mass., lias forbidden children of
that faith to bow their heads during
the Protestant principal’s prayers in
the public school. A local controversy,
arousing religions prejudice on both
sides, is in rancorous progress.
GEMS REST.
The spring hath birds, however late,
The .Tune must bring her roses
To faintest hearts that truthful wait
For what God’s love discloses.
AVe look along the shining ways,
To see the angels’ faces:
They come to us in darkest days,
And in the bleakest places.
We ask of God the sunniest way,
Ho answers with a sorrow;
We faint beneath the cross to-day,
Wo wear the crown to-morrow.
The most joyous and gladsome na
tures are those most keenly alive to
impressions of reverence, wonder and
awe.
NO. 20
If yon have built castles in the air
your work need not be lost; this is
where they should be. Now put foun
dations under them.
Planets govern not the soul nor
guide the destinies of men; but trifles
lighter than straws are levers in the
building up of our character.
All that is true comes from God;
what is not true from the creature.
If thou wouldst find much favor aud
peace with God aud man, be very low
in thine own eyes. Forgive thyself
little, and others much.
Iu all thy actions think God sees
thee; and iu all His actions labor to
see Him.
Meditation is the soul’s perspective
glass, whereby, iu her long removes,
she discerneth God, as if He were near
at hand.
It is only imperfection that com
plains of what is imperfect. The more
perfect we are, the more gentle aud
quiet we become towards the defects
of others.
Receptiveness is a rare aud massive
power like fortitude.
Our guides, we pretend, must be
sinless; as if those were not often the
best teachers who only yesterday got
corrected for their mistakes.
Novelty gives immeasurableness to
fear, and tills the early time of all sad
changes with phantoms ot the future.
That antipode of all enthusiasm is
called a ‘man of the world.’
The Griffin News contained a very
sensible article a day or two ago about
the patronage due to newspapers,
which we fully endorse.
The people of some cities have very
little idea of the true value of a good
newspaper to city or community I
is a continual advertiser o. both place,
things and people, and brings persm
nearer together in interest, taste an
opinions. It is a silent, certain and
conducted upon high principle, true
educator of the people, dropping a
thought here and there to be clothe,
upon ami materialized in the future b
those who would not otherwise re
ceive it, and while the newspaper is a
business enterprise, it is at the same
time a philanthropic advocate for, and
defender of the people, aud the people
should remember that it is they who
give journals financial standing by ex
tending patronage.
It we die to-day the sun will shine
as brightly, and the birds will sing as
sweetly to-morrow. Business will not
bo suspended a moment, and the great
mass will not bestow a thought upon
our memories. ‘ls he dead ?’ will be
the solemn inquiry of a few, as they
pass to their work. But no one will
miss us except our immediate connec
tions, and iu a short time they will
forget and laugh as merrily as when
we sat beside them. Thus shall we
all, now active in life, pass away. Our
children crowd close behind us, and
they will soon be gone. In a few
years, not a living being can say, ‘I re
member him.’ We lived in another
age, and did business with those who
slumber in the tomb. Thus is life !
How rapidly it passes !
Au ounce of love is worth a ton of
power, violence or might, for the gov
ernment of cither the individual or the
world at large.
To individual faithfulness, and to the
energy of the private conscience, God
lias committed the real history and
progress of mankind.
Look not mournfully into the past;
it comes not back ggain. Go forth to
meet the shadowy future without fear,
and with a manly heart.
In the list of last year’s French sui
cides, twenty-nine were of children,
nine were fifteen years of age, six four
teen, nine thirteen, one twelve, two
eleven, one ten, and one nine.
We learn that Gen. Phillips has
made arrangements to procure iron,
and engine also, and that our railroad
will lie completed to Canton at no dis
tant day.—Cherokee Georgian.
There are two ways of getting
through this world. One way is to
make the best of it and the other way
is to make the worst of it. Those who
take the latter course work hard for
poor pay.
Contentment abides with truth. And
you will generally suffer for wishing
to appear other than you are, whether
it be richer, or greater, or more learn
ed. The mask soon becomes an in
strument of torture.
Oregon has anew expedient for
keeping her citizens sober. Every
man who drinks is obliged to take out
a license costing $5. It is a penal of
fence for any liquor dealer to sell a
drink to an unlicensed person.
Jas. R. Brown and E. E. Field, of
Cherokee; A. M. Holcomb, of Milton,
and Clark, of Forsyth, were nomi
nated at Freemansville iast-Staturday,
as candidates for the constitutional
convention.—Cherokee Georgian.
Money unsanctified makes nobody
happy, neither do big houses, big
farms, large acquaintances, power,
fame, but he only is happy that enjoys
religion —he that knows his sins for
given, he and lie alone is at peace.
Philadelphia is reported to have 8,-
000 houses untenanted, or occupied by
families who, unable longer to pay rent,
are permitted to remain in them, on
condition they protect the premises
from the ravages to which unoccupied
buildings are liable.
When we look at a field of wheat
we find thaj, those stalks which raise
their head the highest are the emp
tiest. The same is the case with men—
those who assume the greatest, conse
quence have generally the least share
of judgment and ability.
English people in humble life set
their superiors in position an excellent
example as regards simplicity in mar
riage. In Leeds, Derby and other
places the artisans often work up to
breakfast tipie, get married between
breakfast and dinner, and after their
last named meal go back to their iabor
for the rest of the day.