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About Weekly Gwinnett herald. (Lawrenceville, Ga.) 1871-1885 | View Entire Issue (Dec. 4, 1878)
Fibu the Constitution. Ge». Gordon’* Speedy. 0n Wednesday evening in the State capital, representative bail. Senator Gordon supplemented his rtually unanimous re election to |L Unite 1 State’s Senate, by de livering before a tremendous au dience one of those powerful and magnificent speeches for which he ~ famed throughout the union. It was spoken to a packed audi <. n ce composed of the members of •; be ,'reneral assembly and possibly a thousand other entranced and admiring listeners. Below we present the speech in full and its perusal will be the justification of the generous plaudits and compliments heaped ■upon it- GENERAL GORDON SAID: ••Fellow-citizens and Gentlemen V,f the General Assemblj-=The Verdict just rendered upon my stewardship as a public servant is Enough to penetrate the iuner mosUoreOf any man’s sensibili ties; and I should be a HIM Upon niTself, as well as upon our com mon humanity, if I did not feel it mos! profoundly. Never befol'e Wve my sensibilities been $o stirred by any event. Never before has my sense of gratefulness to my countrymen been so awak eued as by this expression of youl* renewed and continued confidence by the almost unanimous vote of this great people. [Applause.] Never before have I felt so keenly the responsibility which your par tiality imposes, but which I trust I may accept without undue pre sumption. My life, like that of other men, has not been without its responsibilities. There were tunes during the receut war when the fate of the battle, of the army and of your cause seemed to rest on the courage, the fidelity and endurance of the few men I had around me. There were times since the war at Washington when the defense of your honor, your good name and your liberties was committed to the few men who shared with me there the confi ; dence of the Southern people. These were times of grave respon sibility. They were times when i words were tilings, when silence i was oftentimes wisdom and f >r- I learunce was courage, [applause,] when these republican leaders were seeking to provoke your rep resentatives to rash words and re criminations in order to arouse the north and precipitate the hor r !:< of another collision which i' v 'flid have wrapped ymir homes in lltiues and left them a charred and smoking ruin. No man but hose who served you then cun V'er kno v the agony of that »\v fnl suspense nor fully Appreciate the dcigers that ruirounded your liberies: and when at last the iof these southern states w voiced in that chambers Juki find an audience in action of the country, the unity wus not lost by your “utahves. [Applause.] perilous as were these never before, as it seems to j vero the embarrassments environ the country more o, 's tl an new ru r required ir solution a higher order esmauship. Take any’ pe our history and weigli the ties to be encountered, the war, an 1 for the first I five years of our existence mstions which divided par ne mainly those of policy or e ucy, and did not involve -at questions of local gov- Q t nor imperil liberty, ester the war there was but icstiou— 4he southern ques It was a momentous ques luest''' 08 not erubarrased h y n ow, with a great debt !1 g heavily upon us, with industries dead, wi li the n uud straining after relief great financial problem msolved, there come to our i l6 of a wide social disorder which ,' IS , 0 bring additional ruin and these em _lng questions requiring dis a he e are the its °, ne , great P arfc y r ecog ds broken ranks on the avowed hostility to the of one portion of the un ,? * the fac e of that fact J 1 own party, in our own threatened with disinte *. , ai fines of defense 4i|! a'"T vm Z' rwul y to aQo n dlo bugles are sound -01 efiarge upon those S,' ‘ Ue 3’ou to do about it? dut - V? That the M - v answer 'o it isH l Lv ti ° Ur flrst llufc y is to c ‘. l )a . v t.v which main- B 3 Vr„ l fi‘ U r i t’ leS ' f A Pl' la >me.] f Gntv is to stand by ‘ Jj yonr principles; [up „. y®® third and high jarty .Patriots is to Btand by in.V y°hr principles. [Ap ! i*S« you ought to t i ‘ Und the manner in ’"ght to stand bv 4t Weekly Gwinnett Herald. TYI.KR M. PKKPLF.3.I Kditor arm PKoPklktor. ( will appear as I proceed. I wish to lay down two propo sitions, the truth of which no fair minded man will deny. 1- There are but two great par ties in this country—the organiz ed democratic national partyT and the organized republican national party. These two and no more. My second proposition is that the issues between these two par ties are made up—the line, are drawn and they are broad and deep lines—as broad and deep as the gulf which divides a confeder ated republic from a consolidated empire. [Applause.] Which side are you on? You ought to be on the side of the democratic party,because it stands on the old doctrines of the fathers, that this is a government of limited powers—that the powers hot granted to the general gov ernment are reserved to the states —that it is essential to liberty that the states manage their fed eral intervention—that bayonets at the polls are the vanguard of tyranny—that the control of votes at the polls by federal force is the consummation of tyranny and the death ot liberty. You ought to stand by the dem ocratic party, because it is the party of the constitution, and the constitution is the supreme law and the right arm of your defense. The democratic party has never denounced the constitution, never proclaimed a higher law in poli tics than the constitution, never stretched or warped and perverted the constitution so as to justify the forcing upon states those dia bolisms called governments, which so long cursed and crushed the South. These are familiar truths, I know, but they are great truths and cannot be too often repeated nor too impressed upon the young men of the country. Why, look at the old Jews, They not ohiy taught their law in the schools but wrote them on the door posts and in the palms of the hands, and engraved them on the memory, And whnt, was the VO - I undertake to say that no people expat riat ed.Vlispersed in all lands, derided in all tongues, ‘’the jest of folly and the scorn of pride ever lived, who. like those Jews, Wa nt ined their principles for 2,000 years, with such unyielding constancy and unrivalled devotion. Now, Ido not wish the young men of the ccdmtry to become Jews in faith, but do want them to learn a lesson of political wis dom from this chapter of the Jewish history. You ought to stand by the dem ocratic party, because to place it in power is to Vefol in tlie abuses of the government. Now, I am net going to say that a man is a bet ter man in the sight of heaven because he is a democrat. Nor Jo I intend to say that the large body of democrats are saints and the large body of republicans are sinners But Ido mean to say that the republican party came into power under circumstances so peculiar, and maintains its pow er by means so wrong, that prac tices have grown up under it lit terly subversive of our institu tions, and in the last degree cor rupting to the people. Ido mean to say that the spirit of corruption has crept into the one and the spirit of reform neves the other. I do mean to say that if democrats get into power we shall no longer witness the spectacle of cabinet officers hurrying in their resigna tions, and a president hastening to accept them as a shield against the penalty which the law inflicts. [Loud applause ] No longer shall the American citizen, at home and abroad, have the blush of shame mantle his cheeks because of the comments of the foreign press upon the degrading prac tices of the American republic. [Loud applause.] But you should stand by the democratic party because it is the only party of your defense, and because of the open threats of the republican leaders to renew the war upon your political rights.— Have you read the republican press and the utterances of repub lican leaders during the recent campaign. They have re opened a fire as concentrated and persis tent as that of the allies on the fortress of Sebastopol. Look at the declarations of the honorable secretary of the treasury, charg ing that the spirit of rebellion against the government is rife at the south. Look at the utteran ces of the distinguished senator from New York, who is certainly ] one of the most commanding men Lawrenceville, Ga., Wednesday, December 4, 1878. in that party. Look at the still more recent and mole remarkable utterances t>f the senator from Maine, than whom no man in that j arty speaks with greater authority. Let me read you a few sentences from that senator. He says! ‘‘The confederate soldier is to day casting two votes in control of our national policy, when the union soldief in Pennsylvania and New England casts but one.” Now, the mistake Mr. Blaine makes in this connection is that he has both color and the politics of the double voter wrong. It is the colored republican who votes twice to organized democrats once (laughter) and that s the reason the democrats were beaten up here in the seventh district. (<3reat laughter.) But what else does this senator say ? “We will be compelled in the end, from self interest and self-protection, to resort to that which at the outset we should have resorted to from principle.— In all the great financial and eco nomic contests of the future the North cannot ami will liot permit the hostile democratic power of the South to be doubled by tramp ling under foot the rights of the colored citizens.” My countrymen, what does that mean ? What caD it mean but an avowal of a purpose to march troops again to the polls, to con trol elections by force, to compel the colored man to vote, whether he would or not, the republican ticket, to call back the black-wing ed Harpies again who so long fed and fattened on your substance ? [Applause.] Now, whether the great mass of republican voters at the North can be induced to follow these leaders in such a policy of oppression it is impossible to say. I cannot be lieve that these leaders will be sustained by that wing of the par tv, small but respectable, which supported the President in the be ginning of his administration, and w .o sustained him in his patriotic recognition of the fact that the war was ended, and in removing the troops and leaving to Louisi ana and South Carolina the rights of self-government. [Applause.] I wish you to know also, my CoUn trvmc»', that there are -thousand;.-. and hundreds of thousands of pa triotic men in the republican par ty at the North, who have been misled by these leaders, who, if they saw your danger and the re actionary danger to their liberties, (and God grant that some power may enable them to see it before it is too late) [loud applause],who. I say, if they saw this common danger Would Unite with you to avert it. [Applause], There are hundreds of thousands of Chris ti-an men in that party who do not sympathize with these wrongs, whose hearts bleed over the recent afflictions of southern cities, and whose purses were emptied to re lieve southern suffering. [Ap plause.] That was a spectacle, my countrymen, which presented the better side of those men, and it was a spectacle which touched and moved the great southern heart and caused it to beat once more in responsive throbs to the great heart of the North, as ‘•Deep calleth unto deep.” [Loud applause.] And southern prayers ascended that Jehovah would not only rev. ml them a thousand fold, but that these waves of sympathy rolling across the continent and breaking around these scathed centers of heaven inflicted sorrow might melt down the icy barriers that divided the sections, and that this great southern woe, made national by God like sympathies might become the grave of all sectional animosi ties. [Loud and prolonged ap plause.] But now what a revolting con trast 1 At the very hour when southern afflictions and northern beneficence were bringing togeth er these estranged sections and binding them in the bonds of liv ing sympathies these leaders— grave senators—seek to re open the wounds that were healing and to revive the passions that were dying. What a spectacle! What a'work for men upon whose shoul ders rest the responsibilities of a representative government! What an hour for such a work! At a moment when peace prevailed all over *he land, when the black man and the white man were being giv en by democratic legislation the blessings of education and good government; when the South, bowed with sorrow and filled with gratitude, is reaching out its arms to embrace its countrymen, these leaders seize again the faded bloody shirt, piunge it in the chronic crimson vat. run it up the party staff and fly it as the symbol of a new civilization anda“restored union." Why, really, men who never saw ns would imagine that the South was one vast volcano, worse than Ja volcano, for even /Etna, I believe, lias its lest and Vesuvius its season of re pose. The South—never! But is ever belching from its ever open craters volumes of smoke, and brimstone, and blood ! Well, we read somewhere that even the sun may be turned to blood, and it seems that these leaders intend that the North shall never see the South, eSUept through a murky at mosphere of passion filled with phantoms of horrid oppressions aud phantasmagoria of blood, that have no existence save in the mad dened brain of these ministers of hate. If, for no other reason than to turn such men out of power, you ought to stand by the Demo cratic party. But I must pass to another branch of the subject. To stand by the Democratic party is to stand by its organization. Now, in discussing this part of the sub ject, I trust I will give no offense to any man. Nothing is further from my purpose. I would not wound you, my independent friends. I would rather call you back by appeals to your reason by the arguments which fill my heart to night, and bring you back to the embrace of that party which is the last hope of this people. [Ap plause.] Oh, no, my independent friends, lam not here to wound you, but like old Paul at Corinth, lam here agonized with appre hensions of the untold and intelli i-ible evils which I solemnly be lieve are to follow these needless and causeless dissensions. [Ap plause.] And like him lam here to plead for unity among those of the same household of faith. I am here to gpeulf in the cause of DEMOCRATIC unity, for the cause of Democratic unity is the cause of local self-govern ment by iht-se States, and the cause of local self-government is the cause of American liberty,and the cause of American, liberty is. the cause of human freedom throughout the earth! [Loml ap plause.] But my l'oLpendent irienils tell us that we are inreiul v onein faith; but a higher authoti ty than you or I tells us “that faith without works is dead! [Laughter and cheers.] We must have not only unity of faith but unity of action, if we would ever make available for the purposes of liberty the great principles of this party. [Applause.] Let no man tell me he can accomplish as much for these principles outside the organization as inside, for he who advances that theory flees in the teeth of reason, experience anil nature. Organization ! It is the law of earth, hell and heaven. It was recognized by the God-head in the creation of the world and the redemption of mall. It is written all over His works from the dewdrops that tremble on the mountains which organize them selves into rivulets and tlieso into rivers, and these into seas, to the worlds that roll in grandeur on high. [Applause.] And none of the great purposes of man, wheth er of material development, reli gion or government, can be seem ed without it. Government itself is organization. Law is organiza tion, and party is organization,and I assert that no party ever did,nor ever will establish its principles as the policy of this government with out organization. [Continued ap plause. ] Why, the old whig® tried it 183 G. They said let us be in dependent, let everybody vote for whom he pleases. What did they do ! They had four or five candi dates for president and were over whelmed by the most disastrous defeat. But in 1840 they or ganized, called a convention and nominated a candidate. \\ hat was the result ? They swept this country with a majority rarely equaled in the history of political campaigns. [Applause.] JEFFERSONIAN DEMOCRACY. But we are told that Mr. Jeffer son says that we must not only obey the will of the democratic ] majority, but guard sacredly the freedom of elections Yes, Mr. Jefferson say* that; that we must « U ard with jealous case the free dom of elections. So I say ?so every democrat says ; so every ojd line whig used to a;y , so every in an of every party that ever exis ted in this country *said until the republican party trampelod down that right and controlled elections by federal force. [Loud ap plause.] Why, fellow citizens, Mr. Jefferson was discussing that very freedom of elections from military force which the democratic party intends to restore to this govern ment when it can control its pol icy. Yet these words of Mr. Jef ferson are heralded as an evidence of opposition to organization.— Thomas Jefferson a disorganizer ? Why, Mr. Jefferson hinißelf was the first nominee of the first or ganized democratic party, and led it in its first, triumph ever tlie par ty of centralization. [Great ap plause.] But “every man must be a freeman and vote like a free man 1” Yes, that is also true; but there is a greater truth still, and that is that every freeman, every lover of liberty must so vote ns to place in possession of the govern ment the party whose principles will perpetuate liberty. [Ap plause.] Do you think you will make your ballots effective by breaking into fragments the mends of these principles while its foes are compact and organiz ed? [Applause.] Is that the sort of “freedom of elections” Mr. Jefferson advoca ted? Away with such sophistry to break down the organization of! which he was the founder. My independent friends are fond of shouting “independence now and independence forever !” That is what Washington and his com rades fought for, I believe, but my reading is that they were some what organized. There were those then who did not like Washington as a leader, who were convinced that, they ought to have been the leaders, but the great body of the men who were with him did not stop to inquire who was the lead er. but said to the convention at Philadelphia, called the congress, “nominate the leader, designate him, put the flag in his hands and we will follow,” and wherever his plume waved, or his banner float ed, this organized band followed, and they followed to victory.- [Loud applnnsr.] I commend to my independent o lends that short chapter in tlie history of the con test for independence. [Ap plans,;, j DANGER OF DTSORG (NIZATION. Wii t would have been the pub lic estimation oi that knightly sol (lier, " infield Hancock, if during General Grant’s march on Rich mond he had sail to General Grant: “I don’t like organization. lam a Jeffersonian democrat. I want to fight as a freeman—on my own hook 1” and in the guise of a unionist had sought to breakdown the organization of the union ar my ? But let me give you a stronger illustration nearer home. What would you have thought of me, if when General Lee said: “Drive the enemy from that portion of the field,” silence that battery,” or “move on those breastworks in front"—wlmt would you have thought of me if I had said : “I am a confederate, but you were nominated at Richmond. I don’t like nominations lam an inde pendent confederate. I propose to be leader myself. [Applause.] And, then, when the long hues that stretched off to the right and left moved up with sullen tread, and the battle was joined in, what would you have said if, instead of moving to the front and firing on the common enemy, Gordon’s corps had been ordered by him to turn their guns upon the organ ized confederates ? Is that an un fair illustration of the position of our independent friends ? Let us see. Suppose you should read a political speech in one of the daily | papers of tho State, and after searching column after column,the only denunciations it contained \?ere of “rings, tricksters and tra ders." Now, suppose some oue should inform you that this was a Democratic speech, would yon not conclude that this Democrat was hurling his invectives at those “rings" which were exposed in Washington—the credit Mobilier, the Sanborn contracts and the dirty, filthy, greasy whisky ring, which involved in its meshes high officials of the government ? You would not have doubted that those were the rings ho so vehemently denounced ;or else that he was holding up for public reprobation those other “rings” formed to cap ture these southern States after the war, and which bound Geor gia, like old Prometheus, to the rock while these carpet bag “trick [ store” and “traders” fed upon her jVol. VIII.—No. 36. vitals 1 [GreatApplause.] Wouldn’t you have said those were the only rings a Democrat could denounce? CROOKEDNESS OF INDETENDENTIBM. But what would have been the measure of your amazement when you found that the men denounced as “ringsters,"“traders’ and “trick sters” were the Democrats and pa triots who drove those plunderers from power? [Cheers.] “A good democrat,” but not one word of denunciation for radicals. “A good democrat," but vials of wrath for democrat*, . Good dsrnocmts,” but tongue tied so that they can not utter one word of denuncia tion against “the radicals?" (Laughter nml applause) but tongues turned loose at both ends against organized democracy ! (Lalighter and applause.) That position won’t do; i( won’t hold water ; it iH full of holes from rim to bottom. It is a great wrong, my country men ;itis a wrong to us; it is a wrong to democratic principles; it is a wrong to liberty, and it al most breaks the back of confidence in a reupblican government nnd dims all hope of ultimate success to find at the moment our feet are planted on Pisgali’s top and the rich harvests of Canaan lie out be fore us, self constituted leaders ale beckoning us fcACK INTO THE WIRDKRNESH? (Continued applause.) They say the party is controlled by rings. If that is true, what is the bet t thing to be done ? Get tho good men of the party together and break down the rings. There are good men enough in this organi zation to control the nominations. Honesty Ims not entirely fled lrom the democratic party. There are some good men still left in it, and unselfish patriotism is notail dead [Applause.] Get the good men of the party together, inside of the organization, to break down the rings, if any exist. If there he wrong in tho church get the good men together anil put down the wrong, but don’t quit the church and undertake to run anindepend ent gospel on your own hook, [laughter and applause,] and join the outsiders to break down the ckur-h. [Applam e ] r I h>t is not good doctrine by any Scriptures that" i e.ci "lead. ' Nniiihiittiiißs ' controlled by cliques and county court lawyers! If that be true the common sense course is to rally all classes of citizens and correct the abuse ; lmt don't go outside and denounce tlie lawyers, nnd by ap peals to prejudice array one class of citizens against another class of citizens and thus destroy the best interests of all classes of citizens. That is communism. And woe be to that man or set of men who in voice for this peaceful section that spirit of discord which filled the North with apprehension and Fiance with fire and blood and terror. [Loud applause.] I must close this portion of the discussion, for, if I haven't said enough to convince this people of the necessity for organization, I have said enough to weary them. I could talk all night Upon this subject and draw arguments from all fields, but what is the necessi ty? Before closing I wish to say one word TO THE YOUNG MEN of the country. You are the com ing trustees of these democratic institutions, ami these institutions rest upon the democratic princi ples which I have attempted to set forth and enforce, and great parties are the natural and neces sary agencies for the promotion of these principles. In this con uection I wish to repeat the re mark with which I set out, that in this country there are only two great parties, the democratic aud the republican paries; the one, conceived in passion, born of fa naticism and baptized in blood,has from i s accession 'o power, march ed wi h rapid and s raight s rides over these principles, over S ate governments and the Consti'ution to an increase of power in the ceu ral government. [Applause.] The odier, beginning i s existence with 'lie Cons i ulion, conforming i'B prac ices to the Consti'u'ion, j proclaims and defends ha' ins m ment as 'he fundamental, inviola ble, omnipotent character of all man rights on this [Grea* applause.] One is ]f e par ty of passion, power toe o'her is the paV-y pence, of law and of liber v ! (Yq.eers.) The one legisla'es for cky( s( , Si for grasp ! ing monopolies, f°ycolof sal ccrpo ! rations which destrifoil ifie people. The o'her, conriy,j U g j Kt -!f wi bin the lihii sos •be vi rii tn C< r.s i n don, keeps s eacily in vit w l.e weal mul safe v of all classes, all communi ies and all fee ions of ihis great conn ry. [Great np plause.] Where is the room for a third party wi h such issues as h»*e di 1 viding the people? I would of necessity ground o (towd-v bn tween these upper and nether mil;' stones. I wotlM be biv u bttbbN to flash a fain' and false hope foV a ime. only to burs and vanquish and mingle in 'he wa era of these grea' st Venn's. [Applause.] My young friends, let me say to you with greater emphasis than I could prior to the senatorial election, (for having been chosen for six 3’enfV fceVvice no man can charge me with a selfish motive,) let me say to you that you are not only bringing damage trt this country wid destroying the party which maintained your prin ciples, but yyu ure sapping ths foundations of your own political character. [Great applause.] Yofi could not organize and keep in position a third party if you Were to try, and you ought not to do so if you could. It would bo a damage to the 'country and to youro.vn manhood and political future. Why do I ‘nay that? B* cause no man ever yet sacrificed his ambition upon the alter ‘of principle without coming from th« sacrifice a purer, greater, grander man! [Loud applause.] But m)f independent friends tell me they sacrifice no principle. But if to break down the organisation i* not to break down the party, and if breaking down the party is not to destroy tho possibility of en forcing its principles in tho ad ministration of government, the* reason i« a madman and logical sequences have no existence. Take care, young men-, lest, when yoil have broken this party in twain, the organized republican party rush tlA'ottgh the breach and seize the governments, statd and federal. Take care lest when you accomplish independency, you have a candidate for governor from every section of the state aud a candidate for president front every section of the union. Bauso, I beseech you, and think before yon scatter these dissensions—oh think wlmt “tho haVrest may be.’ [Prolonged upiplauwA] L O J T .1 - But do you tell mVi that il you gave up vow independent move ment it will lose you your clmncos. Young men, if you are ambitious and want office you can secure it inside the democratic or ganization by showing to the country that you are necessary to its service. last the country sec that you have not only the ability to lead, but the devotion to follow and your sacrifice will not go long '' Unrewarded! [Great iqvph»Use.J I read somewhere of a distinguish ed English clergyman who was upbraided for throwing away op portunities of preferment and was asked by his friend; '“Why are yoA always impaling your chances of success upon a point of conscience Do you know what became of the man who was always standing on matters of conscience?' “Yes,” replied tlie clergyman, “He was crucified on Calvary. He not only gave up riches and honors, but even His life*, but on the third day He rose again with cm nipotence in His arm and Balva tion for mankind! [Applause.] God forbid that I should compare the sacrifice I invite you to make to that infinite sacrifice made by the Son of man, but le-t me say that if you will crucify your ambi tion on the cross ‘of principle, though it may prove your politi cal grave fora time, you shall rise again in the glory of a renewed and exalted manhood und with the assurances of a nobler and grander success. [Continuous rounds of applause.] ‘come back, my friends, come back!' These dissensions will not only destroy your political future, but will bring palsy’ to the arms of ou# ullies at the txu-iu ixiw rai.-cil to strike for our lilierties us v»e| as their own Come hack! 1 sa-v men in this district above us who wanted to come buck, but they h id done so much >otd said so much and Borne Imil ta-t M> much, that tiny could in t fret buck. [ Ijnightt-r.j I hey did not know how to come back-. They did not like the idea of abandoning an enterprise once bejun. That is nat ural 'I hey did not like the criticisms that would he Bmile upon their consis tency. That is irntmal 100. But tho best rule is. w hen you lit d you ure wrong turn hack "He sure j<m are rijflit and then go ahead ”[ * pphtuee.) They ap plied some not ve y complimentary epi-r tliets to n.e because 1 answer.d the of my porty and oneytd the dictutjg of my conscience nnd ihrlYmled thourprin* ciplts. Hut this did niß-Jrcrfinni h. If it had I should knvv proven my self very tmwi rfjiy the high trust reptwri in me by-ftiio js’ople hud l permitl*d this OMfiiy ottier cause 'o sen' my lips and r sil. nee my to go* when liar.party which supported tla-sc great pnucipl. * w .* a“ sai ed und summoned me to s|nvk in its j defense. [K- peat ml *|»p}m»e.| Hueh i principles ate worth dchndmir. even it it j cost some sacrifice. Tmth is the divin* I cst thing on earth. And yet how long would truth live il there weie no wciiftee for ii? You rtuicMib.-r tlie\ horned o‘d Ijilimcr as lU- stake Uvansc lit- would t GW FORTH FAGE.)
