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About The banner of the South. (Augusta, Ga.) 1868-1870 | View Entire Issue (Feb. 20, 1869)
8 ®ke fjost [For tb« Banner of the South.] Remember the Dead. Tbe grey battalions, on the silent fields. Are slumbering 'neath the beaten sod; No more the quick command, or cannon’s peal, Where once those sleeping legions trod. No more the flashing sabre from its sheath Those.perveless hands will draw on high; No more those hearts that quiet rest beneath, Will dare for Right and Homo to die. No more they’ll raise the starry azure cross, And shout the battle-cry of Right; The graves are covered o’er with tangled moss; The soldier’s resting from the fight. The idougbshare passes o’er their whitening bones; The lowing herds lie on their graves; Where echoed once the dying Southron’s moans. The growing wheat now rustling waves. The old grey coats that once those heroes wore, Are scarce mouldered into dust; And yet we think of them no more! no more! O ! is that right, or is it just ? Oh 1 no, oh t no, ye living Southern men, Do somethin# for the dead ones there; And when the widows’ prayers on high ascend, They’ll bless you for your watchful care. Anonym k. Personal. —Gen. Breckinridge, after an absence of four years, has returned to the States. He was in Baltimore last week. Gen. Imboden, the ex-Confederate, has written a letter, urging emigration to Virginia, and denying hostility to North erners. Hon. Jacob Thompson is living com fortably in Montreal, and does not at present contemplate availing himself of the President’s amnesty and returning home*. Unlike most of our exiles, he is still Comparatively rich, living upon the interUst of his .Russian and American bond-. The Savannah Republican reports ahat ex-Commodore Tatuull has returned to that citv. Since the close of the war he has resided with his family in Nova Scotia, but, weary of banishment, tie has returned with the hope of spending the remainder ot his day’s iu his native State, among his old iriends. Confederatf. Bonds. —We have heard of enquiries recently for Confederate bonds which is attributable, doubtess, to the following which is going the rounds of the Press; The Confederate loau is again looming up in London. The mails by the steamer Russia at New York brought the news that on the London Stock Exchange there was a revived demand for the Con federate loan, which was quoted at 9 pounds 10 shillings. The idea that some recognition of these bonds may be given by the Anglo American Commission has brought about this renewed speculation. Exit of Messrs. Breckinridge and Benjamin from the Confederacy.— There are a few facts connected with the escape of General Breckinridge and Mr. Benjamin from the Confederacy which are perhaps not generally known. After the surrender of General Lee’s army, both General Breckinridge and Mr. Ben jamin made their way to Florida. Gen. Breckinridge struck the State near Mon ticello, where he found friends who as sisted him in getting to Marion county, from whence he hoped to find an oppor tunity to get out of the country. General Breckinridge spent a number of days in hunting and visiting with his friends in Marion, but knowing that he could not remain there long, his friends procured a small metallic boat, in which lie and his companions, Colonel \\ ilson and Captain Wood, and the General’s faithtal servant, soon found themselves ascending the St. John’s river. The party, after much toil, reached New Smyrna, where they found a schooner which carried them safely to Nassau, N. P. The General was known as Colonel Cabell. Mr. Benjamin also struck Florida, near Monticello, where lie met friends who assisted him on to the vicinity of this place. Here, Mr. Benjamin hoped to find some way to Cuba, or to one of the Bahama Islands; but there was a strict watch kept by the United States troops stationed here, and there were but a few boats left on the cost But Mr. Benjamin finally procured a small boat at Mantee, upon which the ex-1 nited States Senator and ex-Confederate State Secretary of State embarked as a cook, and in a few' days found himself under the protecting folds of the British Hag. Mr. Benjamin passed himself oil as a land hunter, named Howard. There is quite an amusing little anecdote connect ed with Mr. Benjamin during his stay in this vicinity, but we refrain from making it public.— Florida Peninsular. On January 6, the Rev. Mr. Keenan, V. P , of Maynoolh, breathed his last at his residence, Mayuooth, alter a brief illness trom yellow jaundice, at the mature age of 80 years. AN INTERESTING DOCUMENT- Hon. A. G. Brown on the Condition of Mississippi. Washington, February 9th, 1869. The following highly interesting brief has been prepared by the Hon. Albert G. Biown, and will be submitted to the House Committee on Reconstruction to morrow morning: lam not here in the interest of any political party or to subserve any politi cal purpose of my own. My associate and myself come as the accredited agents of a large portion of the intelligence and patriotism of our State, charged with the duty of making a plain and truthful statement of political affairs in Missis sippi, and of the wishes, purposes and, re- solves of our people. In times that are past my colleague and myself antagonized in politics. He was an old line Whig—l a State-lights Democrat. At a later period he was a Union man and I was a Secessionist. We have been accredited together to show that the dead past is buried in Mississippi, and I make this statement to free myself from all suspicion of being here for merely party purposes. The truth is that parties in our State were disintegrated during the war and they have not been knit together since. There is in Mississippi no organized op position to the incoming administration, and if we are treated with fairness and only tolerable liberality by General Grant and his friends in Congress, I risk but little in saying there never will be. We wish for peace and a lair chance to build up the waste places, and to attain those ends we stand ready to act with any party that will give them to us. We have now profound quiet in all parts of the State. I come authorized and requested to say so by men of all parties, and to urge that nothing may be done to disturb this condition of affairs. The desire nearest the hearts of the old settlers in Mississippi is to be allowed to live in peace and pursue their several avo cations as good and law-abiding citizens are went to. And especially is this the case with the men who w’ere lately in arms against the United States. The Government has nothing to apprehend from the conduct of men who laid down their arms and accepted an honorable par ole at Appomattox. There is, however, a class of men in the South from whom all that is evil may well bo anticipated. These are the men who were false to both sides during the war, and those who were firm secessionists when secession was popular, but apostatized when the South fell; and a yet more dangerous class—the unworthy adventurers who rushed in when the fight was over to claim the fruits of a victory won by the valor of braver and better men than themselves. These mean creaiures, one and all, labor night and day to stir up strife between blacks and whites, in the vicious hope that whatever ot evil may betide the good and orderly of both races, they, at least, will get the offices, and fatten on the little substance that is left to the impoverished South. I hope Congress is not about to pay a premium on treachery by encouraging the first of these classes, or degrade the dignity of high official status by allowing it to be attained by the base instrumen talities that these men have shown them selves willing and eager to employ. I do not speak of these men as Republi cans, nor do I charge these things to the account of the Republican party. There are thousands on thousands of Republicans, some of them from Mississippi, now in Washington, who scorn with pure hearts and lofty minds these men and their dirty work. I point them out as men who, lost to all sense of shame or decency, are now only intent on escaping from the filthy pool into which they have thrown themselves. They will stir the waters of strife, that they may in the hour of agi tation gather rewards unworthily earned. Nor must Ibe understood as alluding to Northern men as Northern men, in what I have said. I affii m upon my tc racitv and upon my honor as a gentle man, that, there is not a State in the Union to which a Northern man may go with greater safety, nor one m which lie will be more cordially received, than Mis sissippi, and this without regard to his past or present opinions, provided only that, he go with the good intention ot pro moting the peace and prosperity of the State. If, however, a Northern man, or any other man, comes among us to stir up strife betwen the white people and the b ack people, he will not be welcome, and we shall not be slow in letting him know it. With all our hearts we respond to the noble sentiment of the President elect, “Let us have peace.” It is the cherished hope of our bosoms and the sincerest wish of our hearts that we may have no more strife. Will Congress encourage this hope and gratify this wish, aud if so, how? 1 an swer in the name of a great people, who Mini ©i mimis®. mean to be loyal to the Constitution and obey the laws —‘‘By simply standing firm on the Reconstruction acts as they were passed and sent to us by Congress. J We ask you to take no step backward, and we beg you to take no step forward. It has cost a few of us a great deal of patient and persistent toil, to bring our people up to the point of meeting Con gress on its own platform; but we have done it, and with wonderful unanimity they stand there to-day. I am hereto tell you so. I was commissioned by my co-laborers to come and tell you that we are ready to meet you on your own ground and shake hands. W r hat answer shall I carry back ? If it be that you were firm and refused to exact more than the bond required, there will be joy throughout our State. But if it be that you have yielded to persuasion and ad vanced a step further, there will be sad ness and sorrow in all our borders. It may be said that we have been slow in meeting the demands of Congress. Let it be borne in mind that we had just emerged from a long, bloody, aud deso lating war, in which we had been van quished. Think of this, and ask your selves if time should not have been given for the wounds inflicted in that war to cicatrize? for the bitter feelings engen dered by the strife to die away i for pas sion to subside and reason to resume her sway ? Answer these questions like men, and only like men. Then ask, like pa triots and statesmen: Is it worth our while to re-open these wounds ? Is it wise to stir up these bitter feelings ? to risk excitement that may lead to violence, or, it may be, to bloodshed ? Ido not say that these things will be the conse quence if you now demand more than is contained in the Reconstruction acts; I hepe they will not, and 1 shall certainly adv’ise our people t© acquiesce in what ever poliey Congress may think proper to pursue. I only say, there is danger. I know there are turbulent spirits in our country, anu I also know that Congress has the power to curb these spirits wherever and whenever they may display themselves. But is it wise to invite and seek a display ? Is it worth while to open the door and let the lion in, just that you may show your power to turn him out again? We only ask you to stand firmly by what Congress has done, and we assure you that tranquility will continue to pre vail in Mississippi as it now prevails. If there are others who give you different assurances, and tell you that they and their friends cannot reside safely in Mis sissippi, unless their policy is carried out, 1 tell you they take counsel of their fears, or else they speak from interested mo tives. There is not a State in the Union where tho law is administered more im partially, or where the civil courts have a higher regard for the rights of all men of all parties and of all colors. If these courts ever fall short in the performance of their duties, it is because of real or apprehended interference by the military. This brings me to consider the proposi tion to admit the State under the Consti tution of 1868, and to put in power the persons who claim to have been chosen by the people at the June election of that year. * . . Against this proposition I am here to enter, in the name of a vast majority of the people of Mississippi, a respectful but earnest protest. I protest, not alone in the name of those who voted against the Constitution and against the persons who now ask Congress to install them in office against the expressed will of the people, but 1 protest in the name of the other thou sands who voted for the Constitution, but now that it has been rejected by the peo ple, will not to have it fastened on the people by an act of Congress; and who, having voted for the persons who now claim the office’s, will not consent to have them installed in office by Congress after they have been defeated before the people. The evidence on which I rely to sus tain the declaration that the Constitution and the men who were candidates under it. were all rejected by the people are: Ist. The poll lists show an average ma jority of more than seven thousand against them all. 2d. The report of General Gillera, commanding the De partment of Mississippi, (see his report and testimony,) shows it. 3d. The con current testimony of the United States officers and men whose duty it was to su perintend the election, and see that it was fairly conducted, (see printed testimony.) 4th. The conduct of the men who claim to have been elected in, now urging Congress to produce a different result by throwing out the entire vote of seven large counties, on the alleged grounds of fraud, violence, and intimidation. All these charges of fraud, violence, intimidation, Ac., have, in my judgment, no broader foundation than this : that the Constitution and the candidates under it were all defeated, contrary to the confi dent expectation of their friends, and they could never understand how it was done otherwise than by fraud and vio lence. They had made up a good thing for themselves, a sort of close corpora tion, through which they were going to run the State Government in their own interests, and they supposed they had everything cut and dried to carry out the scheme, when,lo! the whole thing is mis carried. It was a sad disappointment; but lam sorry to see gentlemen bear it with so ill a grace. That there were ir regularities, not more one side than the other, Ido not question,. The opponents of the Constitution bad the hurrah! While the friends of the Constitution were working through secret leagues its enemies were preparing for a grand de monstration with banners, and, music, and torch-light processions. They sud denly burst upon their opponents with enthusiastic shouts, loud aud long, but harmless, and before their opponents could recover from their surprise they had carried the election. If a victory may r be set aside on the ground of sur prise, or an election declared void because one party get the hurrah over the other, then our opponents have a good case. On any and every other ground I deny their right to complain. They make no offer to purge the polls, no offer to have a fair and thorough in vestigation, no offer to set the election aside even in the counties coin plained of and have anew election, but a bold, broad proposition to throw out votes enough to show a balance in their favor, and then to instal them in office by act of Congress. If it had required the throwing out of seven or seventeen other counties to produce a like favorable re sult for them, they would, 1 dare say, and with show of propriety, have asked Congress to do it. The truth is, the proposed Constitution was defeated, not as these men allege, by fraud and intimidation, but distinctly for the reason that it was more vinaic tive in its spirit than the people, white or black, would tolerate, and more proscrip tive in its provisions than the acts of Congress required; and the candidates were defeated because they stood as the representatives of the tone and spirit of the Constitution, and not because they were trying to reflect the will of Congress. If the Constitution had simply con formed to the acts of Congress it would have encountered no serious opposition. I and thousands of others who have op posed it would have advocated its adoption eagerly and earnestly. But when the Convention, in total disregard, and, as I think, in contempt of the ex pressed will ot Congress, went farther and provided (in Art. 7, sec. 3, Fran chise,) that after Congress had removed every disability, still the Legislature must agree to it or it amounted to nothing And again, in section ft of the same ar tide, the spirit of vindictiveness agains the great mass of the old settlers an the longing after the llesh-pots is con spicuously manifested, section 5 of Constitution.) 1 humbly ask did Congress ever make such requirements, aud if not, by what warrant did the men composing the Con vention make them ? Not, certainly, by warrant of the people, for I affirm that as | soon as the people were consulted they repudiated the whole thing. I can not think that when we ask for bread that you will give us a stone, or when we ask fur fish you will give us a serpent. The question then stands thus: will Congress, in excess of its own require ments, and against the clearly expressed will of the people, force these additional proscriptions, and other equally odious features of a rejected Constitution, upon us? 1 have told our people you would not, and I await your judgment with pa tience 1 have L»ld our people that you would do us justice if you could under stand our case. I thought so then and think so yet. If any man in Mississippi asks more than justice, I am not his re presentative. You ask of me what I and those whom I represent desire. L answer clearly and distinctly, we desire to nave Con gress take up the rejected Constitution ot 1868 and so amend it as to make it con form in all its parts to the requirements of the 14th amendment, and the recon struction acts, and in that form submit it tothcpeop.e fur ratification, and my life upon it the people will accept it with un paralleled unanimity. Again, lam asked if this is done will we acceept willingly the office, s rejected with the Constitution, but htill claiming to have been elected under it. I answer, no! distinctly, no! T*e.se men stood as the exponents and of that Constitution. Tiny stood pledged to carry out all its vindictive, odious, and proscriptive features, and when the peo ple rejected the one, they rejected the other, If they were the ehoi eof the people once, they will be so again. All we ask of them is to try it. This is our plan lor solving this diffi cult problem. It is plain, simple, an , capable of easy and quick solution ri Congress will act promptly the whole ; ~ ter can be settled in sixty days as well • in as many months. If the minds of members oscillate ail i are slow to conclude amid the conflict of assertion and testimony, then we ask r delay. We do not want delay, but bettor so than that a great wrong, with all \ t , attendant consequences, be thrust on an unwilling people. In this connection I make two points Ist. According to the r Turns the elec tion is with us. 2d. The incoming admin istration is supposed to be against And yet we propose, if nothing bette can be done, to let the whole matter <r over. We believe that, in any f^ t . contest, we can, on the basis of what I have said, settle the question permu. uently. We believe General Grant will cause the scales of justice to be held : il equal balance. Do our opponents shrink from this proposition ? If so, why ? j s it because they rely on a party majoritx to carry them through, right or wron** 1 Then they have a worse opinion of their friends than we have. I never doubted that Congress, according to the lights be fore it, would do us justice, and do not doubt it now. I cannot conclude without reminding gentlemen that, in whatever way they may decide, my individual interests can in no manner be affected. Until I an; relieved from the disabilities imposed li the “fourteenth amendment,” which, in this connection I do not ask, I can have no other interest in what you do than that which belongs to every citizen. I n . dividually, I am left just where I stand, whether your action be according to mv wishes or not It will be seen from the foregoing statement, if I am right, and I think I am, that our people wish lor peace. They propose to obtain it by conform ing their action to the will of Congress; and they are resolved to do whatever may be fairly and justly required of them to insure domestic tranquility and the future peace, harmony, and pros perity of the whole country. Congre." can ask no more. A. G. Brown. A Warning from an Episcopal Bishop.— Dr. A. C. Coxe, Episcopal Bishop of the Diocese of Western New York, has issued an important pastoral address, in which he says : The solemnities of Lent, now about to begin, justify me in calling on you, as myself also, to renewed repentance, meditation and sincere confession, with prayer. The late pastoral letter of the House of Bishops suggests those pract : - cal matters to which attention should he particularly directed, and I need add liitie to my request that you may heed those admonitions, and study the Holy Scriptures, “whether these things arc 60.” The enormities of theatrical exhibi tions and the lasciviousness of dances too commonly tolerated in our times, are there so specially p- anted out as disgrace ful to the age and irreconcilable with the Gospel of Christ, that I feel it my duty to the souls of my flock to warn those who run with the world “to the same excess of riot” in these things, that they presume not to come to the hoi; table. Classes preparing for the en firmation are informed that I will net lay hands, knowingly, on any who is net prepared to renounce such things with other abominations of “the world, the flesh and the devil.’’ Retail such choose deliberately whom they will serve; and if salvation be worth striving for, h t them be persuaded to a sober life, to sell denials, and to the pure and innocei t enjoyments which the Gospel not <>m} permits, but which it can only crea ■ It is high time that the lines should ' drawn between world} and good I inl and I see to no use in a Lent that is n sanctified to such end.-. I have heretofore warned my A"’ “ against the blood guiltiness of ante-aa n infanticide. If any doubts existed h tofore as to the propriety of my warning on this subject, they must now disapp 4 - before the fact that the world itse * 1 beginning to be horrified by the ]»i a 1 -■ cal results of the sacrifices to Mo l • which defile our land Again I warn you that they wh such things cannot inherit eterna: '■ If there be a special damnation for too who “shed innocent blood,” what be the portion of those who haw o mercy upon their own flesh." beloved, “save yourselves 1 1-0111 untoward generation.” We regret to have to announce o. death of Mr. John 1. Seallan, tie known solicitor, which took J> ia ‘ January 15, at his residence, ** Gardiner street, after an illness ol weeks duration — trerruan.
