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About The banner of the South. (Augusta, Ga.) 1868-1870 | View Entire Issue (April 3, 1869)
\.)d the third clause in the second sec j: m 0 f the fourth article, which is as fol -1 > T o person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escap er into another, shall, in consequence of , n r v j aw or regulation therein, be dis rh irired from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the prty to whom such service or labor may \nd the first proviso of the fifth article, rvhich is as follows ; That no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand oiVbt hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses ; ri the ninth section of the first Article ; be, and they hereby are expugned from the Constitution of the United States of America, and shall in nowise hereafter appear in any official copy of said Consti tution, nor shall this ordinance of ex nungement appear in any such copy, but be and remain only of record at the seat of the government of the United States in such manner as the Congress may prescribe, to the end that there may re main in the Constitution of the United States no traces of the matters and tilings related in the clauses and sections and in the proviso of the articles herein before set forth. And the clause num bered “2” in the ninth section of the first article of the Constitution of the United States shall henceforth, in all of ficial copies of said Constitution, be nura i.ered “1,” ar) d the clause numbered “3” shall be numbered “2,” and so on through the clauses of said section res pectively. 11. That after the word “Law,” and be fore the word “and,” in the seventh clause of the ninth section of the first article of the Constitution of the United States, be inserted the words “and by a vote of two-thirds of each House, as borne upon the roll,” so that said clause shall read: No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appro priations made by law, and by a vote of two-fhirds of each House, as borne upon the roll ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 111. That after the last word “Law” in the second clause in the seventh section of the first article of the Constitution of the United States, tiiere be added the words “the President may approve any appro priation and disapprove any other ap propriation in the same bill. In such case he shall, in signing the bill, design ate the appropriation disapproved, and shall return a copy of such appropria tions, with his objections, to the House in which the bill shall have originated; and the same proceedings shall there be had as in the case of other bills disap proved by the President,” so that said clause shall read : Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Sen ate shall, before it becomes a law, be pre sented to the President of the United States; if he approves it, he shall sign it; but if not, he shall return it, with his ob jections, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the ob jections at large on their journal and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds ot that House, it shall become a ! h»w Rut in all such cases the votes of h >;h Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the .persons voting for and against the bill shall be lq1( led on the Journal of •each House respectively. If any bill shall not be re 'nrned by the President within ten days ! (Sundays excepted) after it shall have! been presented to him, the same shall be ! a ,‘ a .' v i > n like manner as if he had sign-! it, unless the Congress by their lul- J'UirijiiH'nt prevent its return, in which case it shall not boa law. The Presi may approve any appropriation, ']. disapprove any other appropria tion in the same bill. In such case he sn2l( ' Ul signing the bill, designate the appropriations disapproved; and shall >Cu ' n a ropy of such appropriations , ' u * u ffo* objections, to the House in //, the bi!l sh all have originated; and ‘‘‘fame proceedings shall then be had in Hie case of other bills disapproved l> y die, President. IV. ihot, after the word “Union” and be- V ro f‘! e word “but” in the first clause in 1u ‘ third section of the fourth nrticle of n * e 1 o,) *titution of the United States be the words “by a vote of two ot each House as borne upon the ; and after the closing word “Con (and said clause be added the words “by the vote aforesaid,” so that clause shall read : New States may be admitted by Con gress into this Union by a vote of two thirds of each House as borne upon the roll; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State, nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, o*r parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned, as well as of the Congress by the vote aforesaid. V. That after the word “Years,” and be fore the word “and” in the first clause in the first section of the second article of the Constitution of the United States, be inserted the words “not be re-eligible,” so that said clause shall read : The executive Power shall be vested iu a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, not be re-eligible, and, together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same Term, be elected as follows : VI. That immediately after the last word “session,” in the third clause in the se cond section of the second article of the Constitution of the United States there be added the words “and to remove the principal officer in each of the executive departments and all persons connected with the diplomatic service at pleasure. All other civil officers of the executive Department may be removed at any time by the President, or other appointing power, when their services are unneces sary. or for dishonesty, incapacity, in efficiency, misconduct, or neglect of duty, and not otherwise;” so that said clause shall read : The President shall have Power to fill all vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Com missions which shall expire at the end of their next Session, and to remove the principal officer of each of the executive departments, and all persons connected with the diplomatic service at pleasure. All other civil officers of the executive departments may be removed at any time by the President, or other appoint ing power, when their services are un necessary, or for dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, misconduct, or neglect of duty, and not otherwise. A CONVENTION OF THE STATES. But, it may be said, though these amendments might certainly enable us to use Mr. Lincoln’s quaint phraseology, to right “the machine,” there is no way to get them before the people, as Con gress would certainly not propose them, being too busy with amendments to augment and fortify its usurped powers to consider any that would restore the imperilled governmental balance. That nothing is to be hoped for from this pre sent Congress is indeed very true, and even if in 1871 a reasonable, fair-mind ed, and business-like House were elected, there would yet be an intractable Senate in whose serried ranks no break can be made by any ordinary means in at least six } T ears; but for all that there is still a way, a legal, constitutional, and peaceful way, to put all of these amendments, or so many as might find approbation, in the Constitution long before the six years are out, maugre the heads of House and Senate both. Congress has not by the Constitution the sole power of proposing amendments to that instrument. Two thirds of the States have a concurrent right in this matter, as the reader will perceive from the Constitutional provi sions, thus: “The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Con stitution ; or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for pro posing Amendments , wuicb, in either case, shall be Valid, to all Intents and Purposes, as part of this Coustitu tion when Ratified bv the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress.’ 7 Here it will be seen that Congress lias two functions, both ministerial, assigned it—one to call the Convention and the other to indicate the mode of ratification; but. to the Convention alone does it ap pertain to say what amendments shall be proposed. Further, it is tube observed that while three-fourths of the States are necessary to ratify, two-thirds are suf ficenfc to call a convention to propose amendments. This power, it is true, has never been exercised under the Constitution, though there was a convention of the States prior to the Constitution—the Constitu tion itself having been framed in such an assemblage as its test certifies, “Done in Convention, by the unanimous consent , of the States present. Ac”—but the pow er is indubitable for all that, and the Mill® Os SI! I®ISI. beauty of its exercise now would be that it would take the sense of the people di rect on the present posture of affairs, and not permit things to drift along any fur ther in the corrupt and tangled paths marked out by unfaithful public ser vants. Irrespective of party, those who re member the prosperity attained by the republic under a faithful administration of the Constitution in the past, and do not yet despair of even a still greater measure of public greatness in the future, under the renewed operation of that in strument revised and reinvigorated, should use their best efforts to elect State Legislatures pledged to afi exercise of this sovereign power of the people. From it alone there now seems any hope. To look for anything from Congress is to entertain delusion. That body is in great part corrupt, and, j’or much of it also, without any real constituency be hind it of which it stands in dread. Such amendments as it proposes are all for power; none for economy, none for tranquility, and none for justice. Too great a preponderance of the legislative power was the ruin of the old Articles of Confederation. The Judiciary was nothing, the Executive was nothing, the Legislative was everything, and the Peo ple were forced to interfere. The very same thing is doing to-day. For all its fine professions of advancement, the Congress is, in reality, retrograding into the worst evils of the old Articles. The Legislative is arrogating to itself those triple powers that can only safely be in trusted to different hands. In 1869, as in 1787, one department is swallowing up the two others, and now, as then, it behooves us to have a convention of the States, that what is inofficious mav be expunged, what is excessive be circum scribed, what is doubtful be define;!, that the threatened balance be restored, and that going to the foundation of all good and stable government, we may re-erect the great republic on the twin pillars of a common welfare and a common consent. These views - Mr. Editor, I have been emboldened to present by the evident willingness of the World to facilitate discussion on subjects of great public in terest, and have to trust that their pub lication may excite attention and receive comment. It is plain our present poli tical condition is almost chaotic, and not evident that the public mind seems to recognize no other exit from the confu sion save by the gradual melioration of Congress or the stern and desperate in strumentality of revolution. If, evading the fatal delays of the one course and the terrific incidents of the other, I shall have called attention to a comparatively speedy and altogether peaceful and legal remedy, it may be that the first step shall have been taken to a happy issue of our public difficulties. S. 1). FIFTEENTH CENTURY OF THE CHRIS TIAN ERA—FRANCE. JEANNE HACHETTE. Translated from the French for the Banner of the South BY MARIE JOSEPHINE. The white rose of the Yorks had tri umphed; and, thanks to the support of Charles the Tcmeraire, Edward IV. had reascended the throne of England. Fol lowing up his success, the Duke of Bur gundy directed his forces against Picar die. There then remained but oue place to subdue —it was Beauvais. For a long time this city had resisted the intrigues of the Burgundians ; and the banner of the lilies had stood erect in the midst of carnage, defying the Bur gundian standard and the English leop ards. But finally exhausted by a long and painful seige, this last stronghold of freedom could no longer withstand the enemy. Beauvais was going to surren der. Veterans, in consternalion and in tears, are on the point of delivering the keys of the city to the herald of the army, while the standard -bearer is preparing to follow with the noble flag of France. Behold ! a young and beautiful woman, with sub lime courage and patriotism, runs through the streets of the city, calling the wives and maids of Beauvais to follow her. At the sound of the heroine’* voice, the ram parts of the city are filled with numbers of noble women, ready to conquer or to die. * Jeanne running towards those who were about to betray the holy cause of France, snatches the sacred standard from the hands ofthe banneret. “What!’ cried she, “Beauvais sur render! What ! no arms to defend our walls; no arms to repulse the enemy who will pollute our city, and tread under foot the venerated emblem of our ancient splendor. And you, who would deliver into their sacrilegious hands, could you see our resplendent lilies profaned, and still live ? 0 Maid of Orleans! protect ing angel of our victorious kmg, implore for France, from your throne in the celes- tial abodes, the benediction of the Most High, see our brows crimson at the igno miny of defeat; see our shame tarnish the azure of thy glorious oriflamme. Noble (laughter of France, cast a look of kindness on your unhappy brothers. Vic torious shepherdess, lend your help to the women of Beauvais ; strengthen our arms with that divine power which the Eter nal gave you. Give us that miraculous shield with which the glorious Michael, angel of combats, protected you !” Thus spake Jeanne, and her holy en thusiasm communicated itself to all. With hatchet in hand, Jeanne mounts the ramparts at the head of her compan ions, and with threatening gestures, a mein defiant and eyes flaming with hero ic courage, she defies the enemy. Scorn ing dangers, she flies from post to post, exciting the valor of some, reanimating the courage of others, then snatching the enemies flag, already planted, she hurls it from the walls of Reauvais. The presumptuous Charles of Burgun dy had smiled ironically at the enthusi asm of the young heroine ; disdaining to measure his strength with weak women, he had commanded his valiant captains to repel their attack, and promptly put an end to this singular display. What madness!” He had forgotten the de fence of Orleans, so recently saved by a woman’s heart. He soon sees that he must oppose with bis own valor, the heroic efforts of the enemy. The bombardment is com menced with renewed vigor, but it is vain; no peril can stop Jeanne and her companions. Emboldened by their suc cess, the timid defenders of Reauvais have joined their wives, their daughters, and their sisters. Now nothing can resist the besieged; with one united, deter mined effort they put the Burgundians to flight. Charles the Temeraire, aston ished, retires before the heroine, aban doned by his allies, he remained the sole commander on the battle-field; walking on that ground strewn with the wreck of his army, be resolves to make one more attempt to take the city, and, if it must be, perish sword in hand. Vain effort! Last gleam of a courage about to be ex tinguished by invincible antagonists! The valiant Duke of Burgundy finally yie’ds before the daughters of Beauvais; lie abandons the place. Standing on the threshold of the prin cipal entrance to the city, Jeanne enjoys her triumph, and contemplates the flight of the brave Burgundians. Happy and proud, the courageous woman falls upon her knees and thanks God for his manifest protection. In the earnestness of her emotion, her eyes seemed to emit luminous rays; God had reserved this great boon for her. Jeanne had saved her country from the oppres sion of strangers. Her task is finished. Jeanne Four quiet retakes her sweet and unassuming character of woman. Avoiding the dis play of public gratitude, flying the honors destined her by the just sentiment of the people, with timid steps she regains her dwelling; and that hand which had just overthrown and conquered the enemy’s standard, peaceably retakes the spindle and wheel, or caresses a young son, whose cradle she had left to lly to the help of her country. Jeanne is no longer the terrible war rior menacing an army; she is the simple woman faithful to her obscure duties; she is the charming wife, the tender mother directing the first steps of herbe lovcd son, she is the sweet genius of the fireside. Authors do not agree on the subject of Jeanne Hachette’s family; some say her name was Jeanne Laine, but the greater number call her Jeanne Four quet, and say that she married Colin Pilon. The King rewarded the Beauvaisiennes for their valor. He granted them im portant privileges, and exempted Jeanne and her family from taxation. It is said that he instituted a procession where the women should appear in nuptial garb, and march in advance of the men. [For the Banner of the South.] GILDED CLAY. BY RUTII FAIRFAX. How sad it is to find our idols naught but gilded clay ! There is a soft misty veil that envelopes those we love, and looking through this we think we see an image of finest gold. We listen to the words that fall from those lips as if they were oracles; we almost literally fall down and worship them. We gaze into the eyes, seeking there a sweet response to every warm feeling of our hearts. Storms come, clouds lower, we think our idol can bear all things, for it is of finest metal; we lean more and more heavily upon it, when, lo! with a crash it falls to the ground, for, alas! it was but gilded clay. We fix our eyes upon some great man, he is a hero, or a poet. We seek his presence, we read of his heroic deeds, perchance we may hear him tell, in a modest self-depreciating man ner, of noble actions, though he calls them trifles We are filled with admi ration, we place him on a pedestal high above our heads, we lift our eyes to him, we reverence what we imagine to be the true gold of his nature. Suddenly a rude hand, sometimes bis own, sometimes an other’s, strikes away the veil that we look through; we look closer; alas! for dis appointed hopes. Gilded clay! Ah! who can measure the waves of sorrow that flow over our souls, threaten ing to overwhelm all trust and confi dence in their bitter depths. And when we discover of what gross material our idol is composed, do we turn to the world and cry, “Behold onr disappointment, see how false this image was !” Is it thus we act ? Not so. We hasten to declare that our allegiance is unwaver ing, we raise our voices a little louder as we speak our clay idol’s praise; we strive to deceive ourselves, and repeat over and over again that we love it above all earth ly things; we need this assurance, for, in our hearts, we feel that our affection has cooled, we feel an ice-cold thrill penetrate our hearts as we think of them; in short, we confess to ourselves with despairing cries and scalding tears, that idol has indeed proven—gilded clay. Tell me, which of you, who read my words, can say that you have never raised up an idol and hewed down before it, believing it to be of purest metal ? Aye, and found it so at last. And so it must ever be in this world where there is no pure gold, but all alloyed with foulest metals. If this is so, let us make our idol where there is aught but purity, where none can enter in until “ the dross is consumed, and the gold all refined,” there we will not meet with disappoint ment, nor find our idol gilded clay. Murphy, the No-Popery Agitator. —The Manchester correspondent of a Dublin contemporary writes as follows in connection with what seems likely to be the final episode in the career of this in famous character: “It will be remem bered that one of Murphy’s satellites, named Ainsworth, got into trouble about six months ago in connection with a riot which took place at Blackburn, Lancashire, on the occasion of one of Murphy’s visits to that town, and was subsequently tried at the Manchester As sizes, found guilty, and sent to durance vile, one only regret we had at the time being that he was not accompanied by his master. Ainsworth was recently re leased from gaol, on the completion of his sentence, and he now turns round on Murphy and exposes the adventurer in his villainous tricks. Just think of the matter for a moment seriously. Murphy was, undoubtedly, employed by the Tory party to pave the way before the late general election with the cry of ‘No Pope ry,’ and thus rouse the prejudices of the ignorant English mob. He was strongly supported and defended by men in high positions—ay, even English members of Parliament—applauding him and patting him on the back. The ignorant moun tebank had thousands of admirers, was the cause of serious riots and disorders, and through him many an honest Irish man was consigned to gaol. It is a no torious fact that this pest of society was paid and supported from the funds of the English Protestant Electoral Association, of which society the late Horne Secre tary, Gatborne Hardy, was a member, as well as others high in office. It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that the Man chester martyrs met their cruel fate when we come to look at these associations. Ainsworth has now ‘opened out’ on his former employer, who is extremely quiet, and, we presume, will remain so, as his ‘ little game’ appears to have been worked out.” Good Manners. —Young folks should be mannerly, but bow to be so is the question. Many good boys and girls feel that they cannot behave to suit themselves in the presence of company. They arc awkward* clownish and rough. They feel timid, Dashful and self distrust ful the moment they are addressed by a stranger, or appear in company. r l here is but one way to get over this feeling and acquire easy and graceful manners that is to do the best they can all the time, at home as well as abroad. Good manners are not learned, so much as acquired by habit. They grow upon you as you use them. You must be courteous, agreeable, civil, kind gentle manly and womanly at home, and then it will become a kind of second nature to be so everywhere. A coarse, rough manner at home begets a habit of rough ness which you cannot leave off if you try, when you go among strangers. The most agreeable people we have ever known in company are those who are most agreeable at home. Home is the school for all the best things.— Catholic. 5
