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About The banner of the South. (Augusta, Ga.) 1868-1870 | View Entire Issue (April 10, 1869)
6 An Acorn. Within this little shell doth lie A wonder of the earth and sky ; Grasped in the hollow of my hand, But more than I can understand. A germ, a life, a million lives, If this small life but lives and thrives, And draws from earth, and air, and sun, The endings in this husk begun, A few years hence, a noble tree, If time and circumstance agree ; ’Twill shelter in the noonday shade The browsing cattle of the glade. ’Twill harbor in its arching boughs The ringdove and its tender spouse, The bright eyed squirrel, acorn fed, The doormouse in its wintry bed. Its stalwart arms and giant girth, Felled by the woodman’s stroke to earth May build for kings their legal thrones Or coffins to inclose their bones. And looking further down the groove, Where Time’s great wheels forever move, We may behold, all sprung from this, A woodland in the wilderness. A forest filled with stately trees, To rustle in the summer breeze, Or moan with melancholy song, When wintry winds blow loud aud strong. And—would the hope might be fulfilled! — A forest large enough to build. When war’s last shattered flag is furled, The peaceful navies of the world. Buch possibilities there lie In this young nursling of the sky! We know, but cannot understand ; Acorns ourselves in God’s right hand! LETTER FROM TYRONE POWERS THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY SOUTH AND NORTH. What is to bo done with the Democrat ic party? “Here is a corrupt and fanatic organization in power as open to assault as any time-worn and undermined fortress, and here out of power is another organiza tion purified by misfortune and strengthen ed by experience. And yet there is no forward movement; no concert of action; no recognized body of principles well-known and steadily adhered to. The Radical party is like a giant swollen by many and great excesses into a state of disease that impairs his power as it certainly presages his final end; the Democratic party is a giant yet uucorrupted,and still, for all that, under so fatal a spell of apathy as renders his great strength almost entirely unavail able. What, then, is to be done with the Democratic party ? To my poor mind it seems that at least one thing 7nust be done and that is to change its leaders. Whether in Congress or out of it, it would seem as if all the non-Radical incapables in this country were at the head of this mighty and ill-used instrumentality. They quail before the stern frown of Radicalism instead of bending on that frown even a still sterner look. Theyidodge, they equiv ocate, they palter, they are no more like the old-time Democrats than the blessed sun in heaven is like a street camp. Much of this, to do them justice, it must be said is due to the present lack of any sound and united body of Democratic doctrine, but much more to an inherent aod invincible lack of capacity. There is a slang phrase here that such-and such a one is “a fraud,” meaning that he is a sham, pretence, nin compoop, nonentity. Now the present leaders of the Democratic party are “frauds.” Out of fear of offending the delicate sensibilities of these cowardly Radical villains, the true aud tried leaders of the Democratic party, its astute politi cians, its fiery orators, its stern and urn bending advocates are retired into the back-ground, and a miserable collection of milksops and grannies brought to the front. This is rough language, but is it not also true ? Is it not a fact that the present leaders of the Democracy have run head long into every single snare that has been set for them by their adversarbs ? When they have argued have they not argued on the premises laid down by their enemies ? And when they have gone into elections have they not done so with the full knowl edge that these elections were ordered by and held by and to be decided by their op ponents ? Let us take but one instance and that the case of Reconstruction in the State of Georgia. When the atrocity was first Lroached there were not lacking those who lifted up their voices in earnest protest agains the people of the good State touching the accursed thing. The very day the first bill came out, I remember an article denouncing it as a snare and a sham, and declaring that all it proposed to do was t© give the South "the right to vote side by side with a negro for a test oath man." That was over two years ago, and to this day is there a better definition of reconstruction than is contained in these words? Gov. Jenkins took up his testimony in the same way. In his ad dress to the people of the 10th of April, 1867, he counseled them against any ae~ quiescence in the villainous scheme, and to “ a firm but temperate refusal of such acquiescence and adoption, and a patient, manly endurance of military government, until, in the efflux ot time, and on the sub sidence of the passion generated by civil war, better counsels shall prevail at the federal Capital—we, meantime, strictly observing law and order, and vigorously addressing ourselves to industrial pursuits.” i ie counsel should have been written in letters of gold on tablets of silver; it should have been j rioted on the heart and made the inflexible guide of the steps, but it was not. Gov. Jenkins was an “old fogey;” Ben Hill was a fire-brand; the few who strove to back them were old-fashioned, unprogressive, behind the times. It was determined “to go into the thing and con trol it.” We have been going in for these two years past, and where have we come out ? Is it not with shame and loss and diminished prestige and abated self-respect ? Where is the one single good thing that has resulted from this stupid policy of “going in,” that was the best these miserably tenth rate Democratic leaders had to propose? They have stumbled on from one enormous blunder to another and would actually have wound up with the hideous crime of acknowledg ing negro equality by the ratification of the proposed fifteenth amendment, if a fear less and patriotic press had not fairly lashed that purpose out of them. It is time, then, to stop this sort of thing. When “going in” was the fashion and the people seemed full bent on following their “policy” leaders, it became the part of propriety not to interpose objections that would have provoked discord alone, but now that the “going in” doctrine has fairly run itself out in a shameful discom fiture, it is the part of prudence to take a new departure, warned and guided by the errors of the past. A convention of the people of the State of Georgia is needed. In their delibera tions it may be that the tangled web may be unravelled and the key note struck to which those “sweet bells, jingled out of tune and harsh” may be once more brought in most melodious harmony. There is needed a temperate but most inflexible declaration that the State of Georgia is, and of right ought to be, a white man’s State alone; that there never can and never will be peace within her borders till the present unnatural experiment to the contrary be discontinued; and that it is the altogether unalterable determina tion of the good people of the State, while protecting and guaranteeing thecivil rights of the negro on the one hand, do as strenu ously insist on the natural, proper, and prudent political supremacy and monopoly of the white race alone on the other. It on a fair canvass, the people of the State of Georgia would not be found up to the height of this great argument, there is nothing more to be said for them. If mongrelism be their level, mon grelism let it be. But for one I do not believe it, and, on the contrary, do believe that kindness to the negro , but the white man alone to rule is a platform that would sweep from the mountains to the sea. The necessity of such a declaration is be yond questiou. The political situation is almost chaotic, and a firm, sensible, busi ness-like platform would instantly become the nucleus and rallying point of now scat tered and wandering elements. In a busi ness point of view, also (tor politics, or rather statesmanship and business are twin brothers, though few suspect it), it is vitally necessary to have the future re lations up of the races permanently fixed. There are in Georgia two races about equal in number, but unequal in almost every conceivable point of view. If the white race alone rules, there is no man can mention any temptation it would be under to oppress or wrong the negro. The negro has nothing that the white man covets. But how different when you ex tend the suffrage and make it the common property of either race. In the train of this all other property would be very apt to be come common. The suffrage would be the instrumentality by which the negro would seek to appropriate to his own uses as much of the white man’s property as he could vote away. Negro suffrage is a lien on white labor. Give Ham the ballot and he will force Shem to pay him tribute. Just in proportion as the white man wax in pros perity and wealth, just iu that proportion would the cupidity of the negro be stimu lated and his rapacity increase. Asa mere business interest, therefore, one can see how eminently proper it is to erect a break water against negro suffrage, which is but another name for aggression on prop- erty. But if there were such a convention held in Georgia and if there were such a declaration of principles put forth, would it be a break-water? I cannot doubt but that if not the break-water itself it would lay, beyond any power to disturb them, the foundations of such a desirable defence. There is not a State in the South but would wheel i to line, adopt the same platform, and stand read.y to act hence forth in a solid body* lleretoiore each has acted on its own account with no reference to what any other sister State had done, or was about to do, and the con sequence has been a vast, dispersion and loss of power. With a common interest, the Southern States should have a com mon purpose, a common platlorm and a common aim. It seems to mo that they now lie in the wildest contusion liko so many pieces of steel scattered at random, but, as at the presence of the loadstone the steel fragments gather themselves in orderly form, so at the touch of that magic wand —-the pride of race the now dejected and helpless sisters —dejected because they are helpless and helpless be cause they are dejected —would find hope, courage, strength and final victory in a firm union on a sound basis. Suppose to day that the citizens of every Southern State were known to be a solid and well organized phalanx on his hereinbefore sug gested Georgia platform, I know enough of the tone of the Democratic party North to say that it would hail the announcement with the wildest joy. It would give them that unity, cohesion, and aggressive power that the> now lack. Men only act in union when they act on common principles, and mmm m sis rona * that they have no common principles is the curse and bane of Democracy to-day. The South is disunited because in each State there are miserable twaddlers at the head of the Democratic organization, and its giants of old are thrust, by a fatal timidity, in the rear. The Northern Democracy are nerveless because their old friend and ally, the South, seems split up into cliques that actually fear a “Copperhead” worse than a Radical. To terminate all this needs but one clarion note. One gun will wake the camp as well as a thousand. Let Georgia cast off these wretched old men of the sea that afflict her, hold a convention, hoist the banner of “Black protection and white rule,” aud the key note will be struck. In every single State in the South there are plenty of men who would step forward at the signal from their retirement aud organize their people on that platform with the speed of the whirlwind. The Democracy of the North is ready, as I have stated, to stand shoub uer to shoulder with the South as soon as the South will take its ground, and thus with the South a solid unit and the two and a quarter millions of Northern Demo crats -for such was the late Seymour vote —by their side who could doubt of victory ? The sentiment of nationality is strong in the North, and such a Democratic party could saylo! we are the only Union par ty, for we alone count our members by the hundred thousand in every part of the re public.. The yearning for peace and desire of justice, are overwhelming in the South, and such a Democratic party could say lo! our enormous strength is a guaranty you shall have the one and enjoy the other. This much I have felt impelled to write because of the general outlook of the po litical sitution here. The Radical party is in terrible straits. The fight over the Tenure of Office bill, or, in other words, the struggle of the Ins to stay in and of the Outs to get them out, is actually turning that ordinarily cohesive elemeat, the spoils, into an element of disintegration.— A popular disgust with the party, its creeds, maxims, acts, leaders, and tenden cies is growing up. The timid are fearing for an empire; the rich are trembling for their property; the men of business are re volting at a system of finance, which puts legitimate merchandizing at the mercy of gold and bond gambling “rings;” in one word, there are great and growing appre hensions and discontents. The tendency is to reflection, and reflection reveals that all the fruits of this loil upas-tree are death and poison. The limes are propi tious for a stroke for freedom, and]jas in republics one must act by parties, the Democratic party rises into preminence, as an a gone / that may revive good govern ment and restore peace. To fulfill this bright promise, it must have unity, and unity is only to be obtain ed by reducing jarring end ini heeile leaders to the ranks, and then agree ing as a plan of action that may commend itself .or. its adaptation to the needs and wishes of the country at large. It is time to remember, as was said in the debates on the Federal Constitution, thatvvc are “the descendants of a race of men who have dethroned Kings ;” time to remember this and act according. Let Georgia lead the way. Tyrone Powers. Augusta ( Ga) Chronicle <i- Sentinel. For th« Banner of the South. THE ORIGIN OF THE BAPTISTS. NUMBER EIGHT. We have shown, in the preceding let ters, that the Primitive Churches were not Baptist Churches ; and, that the Tertullianists, Novatians, and Donatists would not be recognized as fellow-labor ers by the Baptists of the present day, even although the ceremony of baptism may have been performed, as far as pos sible, by plunging. We have shown that they were the same in creed and cere monies, they used the same Sacraments, and taught the same doctrines ; but pre tended that they were more pure than their neighbor. We will now continue our survey of the centuries, to which the milestones of Dr. Ford invite us, and endeavor to learn whether an answer to the question, “Where did the Baptist come from,” “can be found :n his chapter dedicated to the Montenses at the head of which he lias placed his tenth milestone, in which lie describes tic Baptists of the seventh century. In describing the Munteuses or Mountaineer*, he says : “At the same time another tlass of dissenters were found in Armeria, and also, in Phrygia, who, like those called Donatists, were denounced as heretics and Anabaptists, because they coitended for a pure Church. They were kniwn as Novations. Not that either of tlese classes of dissenters, among whom there was a complete agreement, wert the followers of the men whose names had been given to them as a term of reproach not even that they held the same principes or adopted the prac tices advocated ly Novatian or Donatus ; but the sweep in; censures and anathe mas of the Grek and Roman Catholics confounded al ! dissenters under one head, designatng them by whatever epithet was the most odious at the time.” He then quotesa part of a chapter from the Ecclesiastial History, written by Socrates Sehuasticus, in which that writer treats ot the fact that the Nova tians of Plnygia altered the time of keeping Easier Socrates was born about the commencement of the reign of the Emperor Theodosius. Some date his birth about the year 380. His history comes down to the year 438, so that it can scarcely be cited as an authority, when treating of matters that occurred some two or three centuries later. Dr. Ford, however, seems to understand his own people, or he surely would not have attempted to appeal to Socrates to prove the existence of the Baptist Church in the seventh century. We presume, that he must have beeu impressed with the idea, that his dates would be, by them at least, unquestioned, and he Was writing a book for the sole purpose of affording gratification to the members of his own denomination, and having in view their desire that an air of antiquity should be thrown around their sect. Speaking of Novatians of Phrygia and Paphlagonia, Socrates says : “Yet, although for the sake of stricter discipline Novatus be came a separatist, he made no change in the time of keeping Easter, butiuvarably observed the practice that obtained iu the Western Churches, of celebrating this feast after the equiuox, according to the usage which had of old been deliver ed to them when first they embraced Christianity.” # * * * “But those in Phrygia who. from his name, are termed Novatians, about this period changed the day of celebrating Easter, being averse to communion with other Christians even on this occasion.” Socrates, also, testifies that the eccle siastical affairs of these people were for the most part under the control of both Agelius, bishop of the Novatians at Con stantinople, a..d Maximus of Nice, and, as we have sten from Mosheim.that the Novatians did not differ in doctrines and practices from the Church, except in one particular peculiarity, these Phrygian followers of Novatian held the same be lief with regard to confession of sins to their Priests, praying for the dead, pur gatory, transubstantiation, that the Ro man Catholic Church held then as it now does. They weise not Baptists such as Dr. Ford would recognize as members of his Church. They believed and held doctrines which would be regarded by Dr. Ford and the members of his Church generally as very much akin to the errors of Popery ; sufficiently so in fact to ex clude them from fellowship with the present Baptists. The’ Doctor says that these people were not exactly Nova tions, but re<e?nJ>led them. So they did, they only differed when they celebrated Easter. They were even called Nova tians from the name of Novatus, accord ing to Socrates; but this is quite the reverse of what Dr. Ford says, or would lead his readers to believe. That they were Novatians or even resembled them is quite sufficient to satisfy any person that they were not Baptists, nor did they even resemble the Baptist of the present day, even if the fact be admitted that Dr. Ford described a people of the seventh instead of a people of the fourth century. The Montenses or Mountaineers were Novatians, differing only from their leader or founder in the time of celebrat ing Easter They agreed with him in all things for about a century, when they themselves altered the time, “there was no “difference, iu point of doctrine between the “Novatians and other Cliristians. What “peculiarity distinguished them was “their refusing to readmit to the corntnu “nion of the Church, those who, after “Baptism, had fallen into the commission “of heinous crime, though they did not “pretend, that even such were excluded “from all possibility or hopes of salva tion.” [ Mosheim, page 74.] How then would those Mouteuses agree with the Baptists of to-day ? They may have baptised, as far as possible, by plunging the candidate in a full bath. In this they may have corresponded, but our Baptist friends will surely not insist on deriving their lineage from those who subscribed to the doctrine of St. Ignatius as expressed in his own language : “It “becomes you to concur in the mind of “your bishop, as also ye do ; for your fa ctious Presbytery, worthy of God, is “knit as closely to the bishop, as strings to a harp.” [Ep- to Ephesians.] They surely will not claim those as ancestors who adhered to tradition as they did to the written word ; and who taught and practiced that wh ch the Baptists of the present time reject. The Mouteuses ad hered to the practices of Polycarp, St. Clement of Rome, Irenccus, St. Cyprian and others, whose writings we have cited, differing only in the pecularities men tioned, so that we have come to the con clusion, from investigation, that the tenth milestone on the track of time has not been put up in its proper place, and that Dr. Ford has uotyet f ound au answer to the question “Where did the Baptists come from ?” Cedric. Caimans Rural World , Sc. Louis, Mo., says: “Trees and shrubs need long roots to go down deep into the suosoil, to bring up umistare to the growing stems in dr> and hot weather.” ' ,] to ( >CC) ; < L. T BLOMR&CO. PUBLISHERS AND PROPRIETORS. AUGUSTA, GA., APRIL 10, 1869. laubltsfjrt’s Department. TERMS: One copy, one year, invariably in advance $3 00 “ “ six months “ “ 150 Single Copies 10 cts To Clubs.— To any person sending ns a Club of 15 one copy, one year, will be given. To Clubs of 20, or more The Banner will be furnished at the rate of $2 50 per annum, 46§» In all cases the names must be furnished at the same time, and the cash must accompany each order. Dealers will be supplied on liberal terns, jln making remittances to the Banner or the South use Checks on New York, or Post Office Money Orders on Augusta. If these cauuot be had, send by Express, or in Registered Letters. Our General Travelling Agent.— Mr. M. J. Gannon, our General Travel ling Agent, is now on a tour through the South and West in the interest of the Banner of the South. We eordi. ally commend him to our friends. Agent for California. —J. P. Over ton, Esq., of San Francisco, is the Gener al Agent for the Banner of the South in California.—He will receive and for ward all subscriptions to this office. Agent at Montgomery, Ala.— Capt. John Lawler is the Agent of the Banner at Montgomery, Ala. Our friends there are requested to pay their subscriptions to him at once. ♦ # ♦ The Weekly and Tri- Weekly Adw. cate , published at Baton Rouge, Louisia na, is for sale for account of the Succes sion ofits late editor and proprietor. Jbe Adocate is a leading and prosperous newspaper of twenty-five years standing, was for many years official journal of the State and is now the official journal of the city of Baton Rouge and parish of East Baton Rouge. For further information address D. C. Montan, Manager, Baton Rouge, La. TO CORRESPONDENTS. M. J G.—Demopolis and Selma lists received; also S3O by Express from Demopolis. Papers and letters sent you to Meridian, Miss., and Mobile, Ala- Mobile letter received and very satisfac tory. Go wherever you think it will be most beneficial. T. C. M . and W. J. M., Atlanta, Ga. List and SSO by Capt. 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