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6
An Acorn.
Within this little shell doth lie
A wonder of the earth and sky ;
Grasped in the hollow of my hand,
But more than I can understand.
A germ, a life, a million lives,
If this small life but lives and thrives,
And draws from earth, and air, and sun,
The endings in this husk begun,
A few years hence, a noble tree,
If time and circumstance agree ;
’Twill shelter in the noonday shade
The browsing cattle of the glade.
’Twill harbor in its arching boughs
The ringdove and its tender spouse,
The bright eyed squirrel, acorn fed,
The doormouse in its wintry bed.
Its stalwart arms and giant girth,
Felled by the woodman’s stroke to earth
May build for kings their legal thrones
Or coffins to inclose their bones.
And looking further down the groove,
Where Time’s great wheels forever move,
We may behold, all sprung from this,
A woodland in the wilderness.
A forest filled with stately trees,
To rustle in the summer breeze,
Or moan with melancholy song,
When wintry winds blow loud aud strong.
And—would the hope might be fulfilled! —
A forest large enough to build.
When war’s last shattered flag is furled,
The peaceful navies of the world.
Buch possibilities there lie
In this young nursling of the sky!
We know, but cannot understand ;
Acorns ourselves in God’s right hand!
LETTER FROM TYRONE POWERS
THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY SOUTH
AND NORTH.
What is to bo done with the Democrat
ic party? “Here is a corrupt and fanatic
organization in power as open to assault as
any time-worn and undermined fortress,
and here out of power is another organiza
tion purified by misfortune and strengthen
ed by experience. And yet there is no
forward movement; no concert of action;
no recognized body of principles well-known
and steadily adhered to. The Radical
party is like a giant swollen by many and
great excesses into a state of disease that
impairs his power as it certainly presages
his final end; the Democratic party is a
giant yet uucorrupted,and still, for all that,
under so fatal a spell of apathy as renders
his great strength almost entirely unavail
able. What, then, is to be done with the
Democratic party ? To my poor mind it
seems that at least one thing 7nust be done
and that is to change its leaders. Whether
in Congress or out of it, it would seem as if
all the non-Radical incapables in this
country were at the head of this mighty
and ill-used instrumentality. They quail
before the stern frown of Radicalism
instead of bending on that frown even a
still sterner look. Theyidodge, they equiv
ocate, they palter, they are no more like
the old-time Democrats than the blessed sun
in heaven is like a street camp. Much of
this, to do them justice, it must be said is
due to the present lack of any sound and
united body of Democratic doctrine, but
much more to an inherent aod invincible
lack of capacity. There is a slang phrase
here that such-and such a one is “a fraud,”
meaning that he is a sham, pretence, nin
compoop, nonentity. Now the present
leaders of the Democratic party are
“frauds.” Out of fear of offending the
delicate sensibilities of these cowardly
Radical villains, the true aud tried leaders
of the Democratic party, its astute politi
cians, its fiery orators, its stern and urn
bending advocates are retired into the
back-ground, and a miserable collection of
milksops and grannies brought to the front.
This is rough language, but is it not also
true ? Is it not a fact that the present
leaders of the Democracy have run head
long into every single snare that has been
set for them by their adversarbs ? When
they have argued have they not argued on
the premises laid down by their enemies ?
And when they have gone into elections
have they not done so with the full knowl
edge that these elections were ordered by
and held by and to be decided by their op
ponents ? Let us take but one instance
and that the case of Reconstruction in the
State of Georgia. When the atrocity was
first Lroached there were not lacking those
who lifted up their voices in earnest
protest agains the people of the
good State touching the accursed thing.
The very day the first bill came out, I
remember an article denouncing it as a
snare and a sham, and declaring that all
it proposed to do was t© give the South
"the right to vote side by side with a negro
for a test oath man." That was over two
years ago, and to this day is there a better
definition of reconstruction than is contained
in these words? Gov. Jenkins took up
his testimony in the same way. In his ad
dress to the people of the 10th of April,
1867, he counseled them against any ae~
quiescence in the villainous scheme, and to
“ a firm but temperate refusal of such
acquiescence and adoption, and a patient,
manly endurance of military government,
until, in the efflux ot time, and on the sub
sidence of the passion generated by civil
war, better counsels shall prevail at the
federal Capital—we, meantime, strictly
observing law and order, and vigorously
addressing ourselves to industrial pursuits.”
i ie counsel should have been written in
letters of gold on tablets of silver; it should
have been j rioted on the heart and made
the inflexible guide of the steps, but it was
not. Gov. Jenkins was an “old fogey;”
Ben Hill was a fire-brand; the few who
strove to back them were old-fashioned,
unprogressive, behind the times. It was
determined “to go into the thing and con
trol it.” We have been going in for these
two years past, and where have we come
out ? Is it not with shame and
loss and diminished prestige and abated
self-respect ? Where is the one single good
thing that has resulted from this stupid
policy of “going in,” that was the best
these miserably tenth rate Democratic
leaders had to propose? They have
stumbled on from one enormous blunder
to another and would actually have wound
up with the hideous crime of acknowledg
ing negro equality by the ratification of the
proposed fifteenth amendment, if a fear
less and patriotic press had not fairly
lashed that purpose out of them. It is
time, then, to stop this sort of thing.
When “going in” was the fashion and
the people seemed full bent on following
their “policy” leaders, it became the part
of propriety not to interpose objections
that would have provoked discord alone,
but now that the “going in” doctrine has
fairly run itself out in a shameful discom
fiture, it is the part of prudence to take a
new departure, warned and guided by the
errors of the past.
A convention of the people of the State
of Georgia is needed. In their delibera
tions it may be that the tangled web may
be unravelled and the key note struck to
which those “sweet bells, jingled out of
tune and harsh” may be once more brought
in most melodious harmony. There is
needed a temperate but most inflexible
declaration that the State of Georgia is,
and of right ought to be, a white man’s
State alone; that there never can and
never will be peace within her borders till
the present unnatural experiment to the
contrary be discontinued; and that it
is the altogether unalterable determina
tion of the good people of the State, while
protecting and guaranteeing thecivil rights
of the negro on the one hand, do as strenu
ously insist on the natural, proper, and
prudent political supremacy and monopoly
of the white race alone on the other. It
on a fair canvass, the people of the State of
Georgia would not be found up to the
height of this great argument, there is
nothing more to be said for them.
If mongrelism be their level, mon
grelism let it be. But for one I do not
believe it, and, on the contrary, do believe
that kindness to the negro , but the white
man alone to rule is a platform that would
sweep from the mountains to the sea.
The necessity of such a declaration is be
yond questiou. The political situation is
almost chaotic, and a firm, sensible, busi
ness-like platform would instantly become
the nucleus and rallying point of now scat
tered and wandering elements. In a busi
ness point of view, also (tor politics, or
rather statesmanship and business are
twin brothers, though few suspect it), it
is vitally necessary to have the future re
lations up of the races permanently fixed.
There are in Georgia two races about
equal in number, but unequal in almost
every conceivable point of view. If the
white race alone rules, there is no man
can mention any temptation it would be
under to oppress or wrong the negro.
The negro has nothing that the white man
covets. But how different when you ex
tend the suffrage and make it the common
property of either race. In the train of this
all other property would be very apt to be
come common. The suffrage would be the
instrumentality by which the negro would
seek to appropriate to his own uses as much
of the white man’s property as he could vote
away. Negro suffrage is a lien on white
labor. Give Ham the ballot and he will
force Shem to pay him tribute. Just in
proportion as the white man wax in pros
perity and wealth, just iu that proportion
would the cupidity of the negro be stimu
lated and his rapacity increase. Asa mere
business interest, therefore, one can see
how eminently proper it is to erect a break
water against negro suffrage, which is
but another name for aggression on prop-
erty.
But if there were such a convention
held in Georgia and if there were such a
declaration of principles put forth, would
it be a break-water? I cannot doubt but
that if not the break-water itself it would
lay, beyond any power to disturb them, the
foundations of such a desirable defence.
There is not a State in the South but
would wheel i to line, adopt the same
platform, and stand read.y to act hence
forth in a solid body* lleretoiore each
has acted on its own account with no
reference to what any other sister State
had done, or was about to do, and the con
sequence has been a vast, dispersion and
loss of power. With a common interest,
the Southern States should have a com
mon purpose, a common platlorm and a
common aim. It seems to mo that they
now lie in the wildest contusion liko so
many pieces of steel scattered at random,
but, as at the presence of the loadstone the
steel fragments gather themselves
in orderly form, so at the touch of that
magic wand —-the pride of race the
now dejected and helpless sisters —dejected
because they are helpless and helpless be
cause they are dejected —would find hope,
courage, strength and final victory in a
firm union on a sound basis. Suppose to
day that the citizens of every Southern
State were known to be a solid and well
organized phalanx on his hereinbefore sug
gested Georgia platform, I know enough of
the tone of the Democratic party North to
say that it would hail the announcement
with the wildest joy. It would give them
that unity, cohesion, and aggressive power
that the> now lack. Men only act in union
when they act on common principles, and
mmm m sis rona *
that they have no common principles is the
curse and bane of Democracy to-day. The
South is disunited because in each State
there are miserable twaddlers at the head
of the Democratic organization, and its
giants of old are thrust, by a fatal timidity,
in the rear. The Northern Democracy are
nerveless because their old friend and ally,
the South, seems split up into cliques that
actually fear a “Copperhead” worse than
a Radical. To terminate all this needs but
one clarion note. One gun will wake the
camp as well as a thousand. Let Georgia
cast off these wretched old men of the sea
that afflict her, hold a convention, hoist
the banner of “Black protection and
white rule,” aud the key note will
be struck. In every single State in
the South there are plenty of men
who would step forward at the signal from
their retirement aud organize their people
on that platform with the speed of the
whirlwind. The Democracy of the North
is ready, as I have stated, to stand shoub
uer to shoulder with the South as soon as
the South will take its ground, and thus
with the South a solid unit and the two
and a quarter millions of Northern Demo
crats -for such was the late Seymour vote
—by their side who could doubt of victory ?
The sentiment of nationality is strong in
the North, and such a Democratic party
could saylo! we are the only Union par
ty, for we alone count our members by the
hundred thousand in every part of the re
public.. The yearning for peace and desire
of justice, are overwhelming in the South,
and such a Democratic party could say lo!
our enormous strength is a guaranty you
shall have the one and enjoy the other.
This much I have felt impelled to write
because of the general outlook of the po
litical sitution here. The Radical party is
in terrible straits. The fight over the
Tenure of Office bill, or, in other words, the
struggle of the Ins to stay in and of the
Outs to get them out, is actually turning that
ordinarily cohesive elemeat, the spoils,
into an element of disintegration.—
A popular disgust with the party, its
creeds, maxims, acts, leaders, and tenden
cies is growing up. The timid are fearing
for an empire; the rich are trembling for
their property; the men of business are re
volting at a system of finance, which puts
legitimate merchandizing at the mercy of
gold and bond gambling “rings;” in one
word, there are great and growing appre
hensions and discontents. The tendency
is to reflection, and reflection reveals that
all the fruits of this loil upas-tree are
death and poison. The limes are propi
tious for a stroke for freedom, and]jas in
republics one must act by parties, the
Democratic party rises into preminence, as
an a gone / that may revive good govern
ment and restore peace.
To fulfill this bright promise, it must
have unity, and unity is only to be obtain
ed by reducing jarring end ini
heeile leaders to the ranks, and then agree
ing as a plan of action that may commend
itself .or. its adaptation to the needs and
wishes of the country at large. It is time
to remember, as was said in the debates on
the Federal Constitution, thatvvc are “the
descendants of a race of men who have
dethroned Kings ;” time to remember this
and act according. Let Georgia lead the
way. Tyrone Powers.
Augusta ( Ga) Chronicle <i- Sentinel.
For th« Banner of the South.
THE ORIGIN OF THE BAPTISTS.
NUMBER EIGHT.
We have shown, in the preceding let
ters, that the Primitive Churches were
not Baptist Churches ; and, that the
Tertullianists, Novatians, and Donatists
would not be recognized as fellow-labor
ers by the Baptists of the present day,
even although the ceremony of baptism
may have been performed, as far as pos
sible, by plunging. We have shown that
they were the same in creed and cere
monies, they used the same Sacraments,
and taught the same doctrines ; but pre
tended that they were more pure than
their neighbor.
We will now continue our survey of
the centuries, to which the milestones of
Dr. Ford invite us, and endeavor to
learn whether an answer to the question,
“Where did the Baptist come from,”
“can be found :n his chapter dedicated
to the Montenses at the head of which he
lias placed his tenth milestone, in which
lie describes tic Baptists of the seventh
century. In describing the Munteuses
or Mountaineer*, he says : “At the same
time another tlass of dissenters were
found in Armeria, and also, in Phrygia,
who, like those called Donatists, were
denounced as heretics and Anabaptists,
because they coitended for a pure Church.
They were kniwn as Novations. Not
that either of tlese classes of dissenters,
among whom there was a complete
agreement, wert the followers of the men
whose names had been given to them as a
term of reproach not even that they held
the same principes or adopted the prac
tices advocated ly Novatian or Donatus ;
but the sweep in; censures and anathe
mas of the Grek and Roman Catholics
confounded al ! dissenters under one
head, designatng them by whatever
epithet was the most odious at the time.”
He then quotesa part of a chapter from
the Ecclesiastial History, written by
Socrates Sehuasticus, in which that
writer treats ot the fact that the Nova
tians of Plnygia altered the time of
keeping Easier Socrates was born about
the commencement of the reign of the
Emperor Theodosius. Some date his
birth about the year 380. His history
comes down to the year 438, so that it
can scarcely be cited as an authority,
when treating of matters that occurred
some two or three centuries later. Dr.
Ford, however, seems to understand his
own people, or he surely would not have
attempted to appeal to Socrates to prove
the existence of the Baptist Church in
the seventh century. We presume, that
he must have beeu impressed with the
idea, that his dates would be, by them at
least, unquestioned, and he Was writing
a book for the sole purpose of affording
gratification to the members of his own
denomination, and having in view their
desire that an air of antiquity should be
thrown around their sect. Speaking of
Novatians of Phrygia and Paphlagonia,
Socrates says : “Yet, although for the
sake of stricter discipline Novatus be
came a separatist, he made no change in
the time of keeping Easter, butiuvarably
observed the practice that obtained iu
the Western Churches, of celebrating
this feast after the equiuox, according to
the usage which had of old been deliver
ed to them when first they embraced
Christianity.” # * * * “But those
in Phrygia who. from his name, are
termed Novatians, about this period
changed the day of celebrating Easter,
being averse to communion with other
Christians even on this occasion.”
Socrates, also, testifies that the eccle
siastical affairs of these people were for
the most part under the control of both
Agelius, bishop of the Novatians at Con
stantinople, a..d Maximus of Nice, and,
as we have sten from Mosheim.that the
Novatians did not differ in doctrines and
practices from the Church, except in one
particular peculiarity, these Phrygian
followers of Novatian held the same be
lief with regard to confession of sins to
their Priests, praying for the dead, pur
gatory, transubstantiation, that the Ro
man Catholic Church held then as it
now does. They weise not Baptists such
as Dr. Ford would recognize as members
of his Church. They believed and held
doctrines which would be regarded by
Dr. Ford and the members of his Church
generally as very much akin to the errors
of Popery ; sufficiently so in fact to ex
clude them from fellowship with the
present Baptists. The’ Doctor says that
these people were not exactly Nova
tions, but re<e?nJ>led them. So they did,
they only differed when they celebrated
Easter. They were even called Nova
tians from the name of Novatus, accord
ing to Socrates; but this is quite the
reverse of what Dr. Ford says, or would
lead his readers to believe. That they
were Novatians or even resembled them
is quite sufficient to satisfy any person
that they were not Baptists, nor did they
even resemble the Baptist of the present
day, even if the fact be admitted that Dr.
Ford described a people of the seventh
instead of a people of the fourth century.
The Montenses or Mountaineers were
Novatians, differing only from their
leader or founder in the time of celebrat
ing Easter They agreed with him in all
things for about a century, when they
themselves altered the time, “there was no
“difference, iu point of doctrine between the
“Novatians and other Cliristians. What
“peculiarity distinguished them was
“their refusing to readmit to the corntnu
“nion of the Church, those who, after
“Baptism, had fallen into the commission
“of heinous crime, though they did not
“pretend, that even such were excluded
“from all possibility or hopes of salva
tion.” [ Mosheim, page 74.]
How then would those Mouteuses agree
with the Baptists of to-day ? They may
have baptised, as far as possible, by
plunging the candidate in a full bath. In
this they may have corresponded, but our
Baptist friends will surely not insist on
deriving their lineage from those who
subscribed to the doctrine of St. Ignatius
as expressed in his own language : “It
“becomes you to concur in the mind of
“your bishop, as also ye do ; for your fa
ctious Presbytery, worthy of God, is
“knit as closely to the bishop, as strings
to a harp.” [Ep- to Ephesians.] They
surely will not claim those as ancestors
who adhered to tradition as they did to
the written word ; and who taught and
practiced that wh ch the Baptists of the
present time reject. The Mouteuses ad
hered to the practices of Polycarp, St.
Clement of Rome, Irenccus, St. Cyprian
and others, whose writings we have cited,
differing only in the pecularities men
tioned, so that we have come to the con
clusion, from investigation, that the tenth
milestone on the track of time has not
been put up in its proper place, and that
Dr. Ford has uotyet f ound au answer to
the question “Where did the Baptists
come from ?” Cedric.
Caimans Rural World , Sc. Louis, Mo.,
says: “Trees and shrubs need long roots
to go down deep into the suosoil, to bring
up umistare to the growing stems in dr>
and hot weather.”
' ,] to ( >CC) ; <
L. T BLOMR&CO.
PUBLISHERS AND PROPRIETORS.
AUGUSTA, GA., APRIL 10, 1869.
laubltsfjrt’s Department.
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