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POLITICAL.
MR, CALHOUN’S SPEECH.
IN THE SENATE, ON TUESDAY, JUNE 27th,
On the bill to establish a territorial government in
Oregon, in reply to the speech of Mr. Dix, of
New York.
[concluded.]
The case of our recently acquired territory
from Mexico, is, if possible, more marked.
The events connected with the acquisition are
too well known to require a long narrative. It
was won by arms, and a great sacrifice of men
and money. The South, in the contest, per
formed her full share of military duty, and
earned a full share of military honor; has
poured out her full share of blood freely, and
has and will bear a full share of the expense ;
has evinced a full share of skill* and bravery,
and if I were to say even more than her full
share of both, I would not go beyond the
truth; to be attributed, however, to no supe
riority, in either respect, but to accidental cir
cumstances, which gave both its officers and
soldiers more favorable opportunities for their
display. All have done their duty nobly, and
high courage and gallantry are but common
attributes of our people. Would it be right
and just to close a territory thus won against
the South, and leave it open exoit*oiwty to tub
Norti. ? would it deserve the name of free
soil, if one-half of the Union should be exclu
ded and the other half should monopolize it,
when it was won by the joint expense and
joint efforts of all ? Is the great law to be re
versed—that which is won by all should be
equally enjoyed by all ? These are questions
which address themselves more to the heart
than to the head. Feeble must be the intel
lect which does not see what is right and just,
and bad must be the heart, unless unconscious
ly under the control of deep and abiding pre
judice, which hesitates in pronouncing on
which side they are to be found. Now, I put
the question to the Senators from the North,
what are you prepared to do? Are you pre
pared to prostrate the barriers of the constitu
tion, and in open defiance of the dictates of
equity and justice, to exclude the South from
the territories and monopolize them for the
North ? If so, vote against the amendment
offered by the Senator from Mississippi, [Mr.
Davis,] and if that should fail, vote against
striking out the 12th section. We shall then
know what to expect. If not, place us on
some ground where we can stand as equals in
rights and dignity, and where we shall not be
excluded from what has been acquired at the
common expense, and won by common skill
and gallantry. All we demand is to stand on
the same level with yourselves, and to partici
pate equally in what belongs to all. Less we
cannot take.
I turn now to my friends of the South, and
ask, what are you prepared to do ? If neither
the barriers of the constitution nor the high
sense of right and justice should prove suffi
cient to protect you, arc you prepared to sink
down into a state of acknowledged inferiori
ty; to be stripped of your dignity of equals
among equals, and be deprived of your equal
ity of rights in this federal partnership of
States. If so, you are wofully degenerated
from your sires, and well deserve to change
condition with your slaves ; but if not, pre
pare to meet the issue. The time is at hand,
if the question should not be speedily settled,
when the South must rise up, and bravely de
fend herself, or sink down into base and ac
knowledged inferiority; and it is because I
clearly perceive that this period is favorable
for settling it, it it is ever to be settled, that I
am in favor of pressing the question now to a
decision —not because I have any desire what
ever to embarrass cither party in reference to
the Presidential election. At no other period
could the two great parties into which the
country is divided, be made to see and feel so
clearly and intensely the embarrassment and
danger caused by the question. Indeed, they
must be blind not to perceive that there is a
■po-wov i«. action that must burst asunder the
ties that bind them together, etrong as tht;y
are, unless it should be speedily settled. Now
is tho time, if ever. Cast your eyes to the
North, and mark what is going on'there; re
flect on the tendency of events for the last
three years in reference to this the most vital
of all questions, and you must see that no time
should be lost. I ain thus brought to the
question, how can the question be settled ? It
can, in my opinion, be finally and permanently
adjusted but one way, and that is on the high
principles of justice and the constitution.
Pear not to leave it to them. The less you do
the better. If the North and South cannot
stand together on their broad and solid foun
dation, there is none other on which they can.
If the obligations of the constitution and jus
tice be too feeble to command the respect of
the North, how can the South expect that she
will regard the far more* feeble obligations of
an act of Congress. Nor should the North
fear, by leaving it where justice and the con- \
stitution leave it, she would be excluded from j
her full share of the territories. In my opin- !
ion, if it be left there, climate, soil, and other
circumstances would fix the line between the
slaveholding and non-slaveholding States in
about 36.30. It may zigzag a little, to accom
modate itself to circumstances— sometimes
passing to the North and at others passing to
the South of it; but that would matter little,
and would be more satisfactory to all, and
tend less to alienation between the two great
sections than a rigid, straight, artificial line,
prescribed by an act of Congress.
And here, let me say to Senators from the
North, you make a great mistake in supposing
that the portion which might fall to the South
of whatever lino might be drawn, if left to !
soil and climate, and circumstances to deter- !
mine, would be closed to the white labor of the
North, because it could not mingle with slave
labor without degradation. The fact is not so. i
There is no part of tho world where agricul
tural, mechanical, and other descriptions of
labor are more respected than in the South,
with the exception of two descriptions of em
ployment—that of menial and body servants.
No Southern man—not the poorest or the
lowest—will, under any circumstances, sub- !
mit to perform either of them. lie has too
much pride for that, and I rejoice that he has.
They are unsuited to the spirit of a free man.
But the man who would spurn them feels not
the least degradation to work in the same field
with his slaves; or to be employed to work
with them in the same field, or in any mechani
cal operation; and when so employed, they
claim the right and are admitted, in the coun
try portion of the South, of sitting at the table
of their employers. Can as much, on the
score of equality, be said for the North ? I
With us the two great divisions of society arc |
not the rich and poor, but white and black;
and all the former, the poor as well as the rich,
belong to tho upper class, and are respected
and treated as equals, if honest and industri- i
ous; and hence have a position and pride of!
character, of which neither poverty nor mis
fortune deprive them.
But I go further, and hold that justice and '
the constitution are the easiest and safest guard
on which the question can be settled, regard
ed in reference to party. It may be settled on
that ground simply by non-action—by leaving
the territories free and open to the emigration
of all the world, as long as they continue so,
and when they become States, to adopt what
ever constitution they please, with the single
restriction, to he republican, in order to their
admission into the Union. If a party cannot
maintain itself by an appeal to the great prin
ciples of justice, the constitution, and self
government, to what other, sufficiently strong
to uphold them in public opinion, can they
appeal ? I greatly mistake the character of j
the people of this Union if such an appeal |
would not prove successful, if either party i
should have the magnanimity to step forward
and boldly make it. It would, in my opinion, j
be received with shouts of approbation by tho j
patriotic and intelligent in every quarter.— ;
There is a deep feeling pervading the country
that the Union and our political institutions
are in danger, which such a course would dis
pel, and spread joy over the land.
Now is the time to take the step, and bring (
about a result so devoutly wished. I have
believed from the beginning that this was the j
the only question sufficiently potent to dis
solve the Union, and subvert our system of
government; and that the sooner it was met
and settled, the safer for all. I have never
doubted but that if permitted to progress be
yond a certain point, its settlement would be
come impossible, and am under deep convic
tion that it is now rapidly approaching it, and
that if it is ever to be averted, it must be done
speedily. In uttering these opinions, I look
to the whole. If I speak earnestly, it is to
save and protect all. As deep as is the stake
of the South in the Union and our political
institutions, it is not deeper than that of the
North. We shall be as well prepared, and as
capable of meeting whatever may come, as
you,
Nov.-, let tne-; say, Senators if our Union r
and system “<pf ' are doomed to c
perish, and we to share the fate of so many c
great people whohave gone before us, the his- g
torian, in sonjfc future day, may record the f
events ending in y 0 calamitous a result, will ,
devote his first chapter to the ordinance of <
’B7, as lauded as it and its authors have been, f
as the first in ft&t series which led to it.— i
His next chapteTwill be devoted to the Mis
souri compromise, and the next to the pre
sent agitation. "Whether there will be another
beyond, I know not. It will depend on what
we may do.
If he should possess a philosophical turn of
mind, and be disposed to look to more remote
and recondite causes, he will trace it to a pro
position which originates in a hypothetical
truism,"but which, as now expressed and now
understood, is the most false and dangerous
all of political error. The proposition to
which I allude, has become an axiom in the
minds of a vast on both sides of the
Atlantic, and is repeated daily from tongue to
tongue, as an established and incontroverti
ble truth ; and is, that “ all men are born free
and equal.” lam not afraid to attack error,
1 however deeply it may be entrenched, or how
ever, widely extended, whenever it becomes
my duty to do so, as I believe it to be on this
subject and occasion.
, Taking the proposition literally, (it is.dn
t that sense it is understood) there is not a wbrd
r of truth in it. It begins with “ all men
are born” which is utterly untrue. Men
arc not bom. Infants are born. They grow
to be men. And concludes with asserting
r that they are bom “ free and equal,” which
is not less false. They are not born free.—
2 While infants they arc incapable of freedom,
£ being destitute alike of the capacity of think
-1 ing and acting, without which there can be
■ no freedom. Besides, they are necessarily
1 born subjects to their parents, and remain so
s among all people, savage and civilized, until
1 the development of their intellect and physi
> cal capacity enable them to of them
> selves. They grow to all of
1 which the condition in were born
e permits, by growing to is it less
- false that born They are
• not so irfyiriy sense in which it can be re
-1 garded ; and thus, as I asserted, there is
r not a word of truth in the whole proposition,
i as expressed and generally understood.
a If wc trace it back, we shall find the pro
t position differently expressed in the declara
t of independence. That asserts that “ all men
3 are created equal.” The form of expression,
3 though less dangerous, is not less erroneous.
■ All men are not created. According to the
> Bible, only two, a man and a woman, ever
1 were, and of these one was pronounced sub
■ ordinate to the other. All others have come
2 into the world by being born, and in no sense,
j as I have shown, either free and equal. But
t this form of expression being less striking and
■ popular, has given way to the present, and
> under the authority of a document put forth
■ on so great an occasion, and leading to such
■ important consequences, has spread far and
1 wide, and fixed itself deeply in the public mind.
£ It was inserted in our declaration of indepen
-1 dence without any necessity. It made no
necessary part of our justification in separa
ting from the parent country, and declaring
£ ourselves independent. Breaches of our charter
ed privileges, aqd lawless encroachment on our
2 acknowledged and well established rights by
1 the parent country, were the real causes and
• of themselves sufficient, without resorting to
£ any other, to justify the step. Nor had it any
1 weight in constructing the governments which
1 wore submitted in the places of the colonial.
1 They were formed of the old materials and on
2 practical and well established principles, bor
-2 rowed tor the most part from our own experi
-1 ence and that of the country from which we
1 sprang.
If the proposition be traced still further
2 back, it will be found to have been adopted
from certain writers on government who had
1 attained much celebrity in the early settlement
r j of these States, and with whose writings all
i j the prominent actors in our revolution were
. | familiar. Among these, Locke and Sidney
: ! were prominent. But they expressed it very
• j differently. According to their expression
j j “all men in the state of nature were free and
. j equal.” From this the others were derived;
t | and it was this to which I referred when I
. | called it a hypothetical truism. To understand
! i why, will require some explanation.
Man, for the purpose of reasoning, may be
| regarded in three different States; in a state of
individuality; that is living by himself apart
from the rest of his species. In the social; that is
living in society, associated with others of his
species. And in the political; that is, living
under government. We may reason as to
what would be his rights and duties in either,
without taking into consideration whether he
could exist in it or not. It is certain, that in
the first, the very supposition that he lived
apart and separated from all others, would
make him free and equal. No one in such a
state could have the right to command or con
trol another. Every man would be his own
j master, and might do just as he pleased. But
it is equally clear, that man cannot exist in
I such a state that he is by nature social, and
1 that eooiotj- is necessary, not only to the proper
i development of all his "faculties, moral and i!n
--: i tellectual, but to the very existence of his race.,
I Such being the case, i 3 a purely hypothetical
1 one; and when we say all men are free and
equal in it, we announce a mere hypothetical
truism; that is, a truism resting on a mere sup
j position that cannot exist, and of course one of
! little or no practical value.
But to call it a state of nature was -a great
misnomer, and litis led to dangerous errors: for
that cannot justly bo called a state of nature,
which is so opposed to the constitution of man,
as to be inconsistent with the existence of his
r.ace, and the development of the hig faculties,
mental and moral, with which he is endowed
by his Creator.
Nor is the social state ot itself his national
state, for society can no more exist without
government, in one form or another, than man
without society. It is the political, then which
includes the social, that is his natural state.
It is the one for which his Creator formed him,
into which he is impelled irresistibly, and in
which only his race can exist and all his fac
ulties be fully developed.
Such being the case, it follows that any, the
worst form of government, is better than
anarchy; and that individual liberty, or free
dom, must be subordinate to whatever power
may be necessary to protect society against
anarchy within or destruction without; for
the safety and wellbeing ot society are us para
mount to individual liberty as the safety and
well-being of the race is to that of individuals;
a.id in the same proportion the power necessa
ry for the safety of society is paramount to in
dividual liberty. On the contrary, govern
ment has no right to control individval liberty
beyond what is necessary to the safety and
well-being of society. Such is the boundary
which separates the power of government and
the liberty of the citizens or subjects in the
political state, which, as I have shown, in the
natural state of man—the only one in which
his race can exist, and the one in which he is
born, lives and dies.
It follows from this that the quantum of
power on the part of the government, and of
.liberty on that of individuals, instead of being
equal in all cases, must necessarily be very
unequal among different people, according to
their different conditions. For just in propor
tion as a people are ignorant, stupid, debased
corrupt, exposed to violence, within and dan
ger from without, the power necessary for
government to possess in order to preserve so
ciety against anarchy and destruction, be
comes greater and greater, and individual lib
erty less and less, until the lowest condition is
reached, when absolute and despotic powers
become necessary on the part of the govern
ment, and individual liberty extinct. So on
the contrary, just as a people rise in the scale
of intelligence, virtue and patriotism, and the
more perfectly they become acquainted with
the nature of government, the ends for which
it was ordered, and how it ought to be admin
istered, and the less the tendency to violence
and disorder within, and danger from abroad
the power necessary for government becomes
less and less, and individual liberty greater
and greater. Instead then of men having the
same right to liberty and equality, as is claim
ed by those who hold that they are all born
free and equal, liberty is the noble and highest
reward bestowed on mental and moral devel
opment, combined with favorable circum
stances. Instead then of liberty and equality
being born with man ; instead of all men and
all classes and descriptions being equally en
titled to them, they are high prizes to be won,
and are in their most perfect state not only
the highest reward that can be bestowed on
our race, but the most difficult to be won, and
when won, the most difficult to be preserved
They have been made vastly more so, by the
dangerous errors I have attempted to expose,
that all men are born free and equal, as if
those high qualities belonged to man without
effort to acquire them and to all equally alike,
regardless of their intellectual and moral con
dition. The attempt to carry into practice
this, the most dangerous of all political error,
and to bestow on all, without regard to their
fitness, either to acquire or maintain liberty—
that unbounded and individual liberty sup
posed to belong to man in the hypothetical
and misnamed state of nature, has done more
to retard the cause of liberty and civilization,
and is doing more at present than all other
causes combined. While it is powerful to
pull down governments, it is still more pow
erful to prevent their construction on proper
principles.
It is the leading cause among those which
have placed Europe in its present anarchical
condition, and which mainly stands in the
way of re-constructing good government, in
the place of those which have been overthrown
threatening thereby the quarter of the globe
most advanced in progress and civilization,
with hopeless anarchy, to be followed by mil
itary despotism. Nor are we exempt from its
disorganizing effects. We now begin to expe
rience the danger of admitting so great an er
or to havein the palace the declaration if
ur independence. For along time it remain- j
id dormant; but in the process of time it be
-un to germinate, and produce its poisonous
ruits. It had strong hold on the mind of Mr.
refferson, the author of that document, which
saused him to take an utterly false view of the
lubordinate relation of the black to the white
race in the South; and to hold, in consequence,
that the latter, though utterly unqualified to
possess liberty, were as fully entitled to both
liberty and equality as the former ; and that
to deprive them of it, was unjust and immor
al. To this error, his proposition to excluae
slavery from the territory northwest of the
Ohio may be traced, and to that the ordinance |
of ’B7, and through it the deep and danger- |
ous agitation which now threatens to engulph,
and will certainly engulph, if not speedily set
tled, our political institutions, and involve
the country in countless woes.
(From the Charleston Mercury, Ist inst.)
The Compromise Bill-
As was predicted by our correspondent, the
Compromise bill has been lost in the House,
and that by the action of men representing
Southern constituencies. Mr. Stephens, of
Georgia, moved to lay the bill on the table,and |
seven other Southern Whigs voted for the j
motion, and by their votes carried it.
On reference to the yeas and nays on the
question, as given by our correspondent, it*!
will be perceived that Stephens, of Ga., and
Giddings, Boydon, of N. C., and Palfrey,
Crozier, of Tenn., and Tuck, figures together
in the operation, no doubt for reasons per
fectly satisfactory to themselves, but so far as
the Southern men are concerned, imperative
ly demanded by the public. W e annex an
analysis of the vote by States and Parties on
the motion to lay on the table, and shall re
serve further comment until our next.
Yeas. Nays.
Dem. Whig. ' Dem. Whig.
Maine 3 1 2
N. Hampshire 11 0
Massachusetts 0 9 0 0
Vermont • 1 3 0 0
Conneticut 0 4 0 0
Rhode Island 11 0 0
New York 8 21 10
New Jersey' 0 4 0
Pennsylvania 3 14 4 0
Ohio 4 11 J. f- 0^
Indiana 1 4 o
Illinois 2 1 4 0
Wisconsin 2 0 0
lowa 0 0 0
Delaware 0 0 0 1
Maryland 0 0 2 3
Virginia 0 1 9 5
North Carolina 0 2 3 4
South Carolina 0 0 7 0
Georgia 0 1 4 3
Alabama 0 0.5 2
Florida 0 0 0 1
Mississippi 0 0 3 1
Louisiana 0 0 11
Arkansas 0 0 2 0
Missouri 0 0 4 0
Tennessee 0 1 5 3
Kentucky 0 3 4 1
Texas 0 0 2 0
29 83 72 25
[Correspondeiire of the Charleston Mercury.]
Washington, July 28, 1818.
My anticipations are realized, and the Com
promise Bill is defeated in the House. The
vote, you will see, is 112 yeas to 97 nays, be
ing a majority against tlio bill of 15. The
following is a list of the yeas and nays—the
names of the Whigs are in italics :
Ykas—Messrs. Abbott, Adams, Ashmun, Belcher,
Bingham, Blanchard, Buydon, Buckner, Butler,
Canhy, Clapp, Col/amer, Collins, Conger, Cranston,
Crowell. Crozier, Darling, Dickey, Dixon, Donnell,
Duer, D. Duncan, Dunn, Eckert, Edwards, Embree,
N. Evans, Farran, Earrelly, Fisher, Freedley, Fries.
Giddin.gs, Colt, Gregory, Grinnell, Hale, N. K.
Ilait, Hammond, James G. Hampton, Moses Hamp
ton, Henley, Henry, Elias 11. IlotHies .Hubbard, Hud
son, J. 11. lngersotl, Irvin, Jenkins, Kellogg, D. P.
King, Lahm, IV. T. Lawrence, S. Lawrence, Lin
coln, Lord, Lynde, Maclay, R. McClelland, Mcll
vaine, llorace\Mann, Marsh, Fan-in, Morris, Mullin,
Nelson, Ness, Newell, INicoll, Palfrey, Peaslee,
Feck, Ptndlelon, Petrie, Pollock, Putnam, Reynolds,
Julius Rockwell, John A. Rockwell,Rose, Ramsey, jr.,
St. John, Sclienck, Sherrill, Silvester, SUngerlund,
Smart, C. B. Smith, Robert Smith, Truman Smith,
Starkweather, STEPHENS, Andrew Stuart,
Charles K. Stuart, Strolun. Strong. TaUtnadge, Tay
lor, James Thompson, li. W. Thompson, J. it.
Thompson, W. Thompson, Thurston, Tuck, Van
lhjke,.Vinton, Warren, Wentworth, White, Wiley,
Wiimot —112.
NaVS —Messrs. Atkinson, Barringer, Barrow,
Bayly, Beale, Bedinger, Birdsall, Bocoek, Bolls,
Bowdou, Bowlin, Boyd, Brodhead, Wm. G. Brown,
Charles Brown, A. G. Brown, Burt, Cabell, Cath
cart, Chapman, Franklin Clark, Beverly L. Clark,
Cling man, Howell Cobb, W. R. W. Cobb. Cocke,
Cris/teld, Daniel. Dickinson, Alex. Evans, Feather
ston, Ficklin, Flournoy, French, Fulton, Gale, Gen
try, Goggin, Green, Willard P. Hall, Haralson,
II armanson .Harris, Hill, Hilliard, lsaacE. Holmes,
George S. ■iuston, John IF. Houston, luge,Chas.
J. Ingersol^lverson, Jamieson, Andrew Johnson,
R. W. Johnson, G. W. Jones. John W. Jones, Kauf
man, Kennon, T. llutler King, La Sere, Ligon,
Lumpkin, McClernand, McDowell, McKay, Me
t.ane, J. unnn, mcano. mimr, iweminw, r*mtuw
Pettit, Peyton, Pillshury, Preston, Rhctt, Richard
son, Richey, Robinson, Rockhill, Sawyer, Sltep
perd, Simpson, Sims, Stanton, Thibodeaux, Thomas,
Jacob Thompson, Robert A. Thompson, Tompkins,
Toombs, Turner, Venable, Wallace, Wick, Wil
liams, Woodward-—97.
The motion to lay the bill on the table was
made by Mr. STEPHENS, of Geo., who with
several other Southern Whigs voted in favor
of it. Had they voted against the motion to
lay it on the table, it would not have prevailed;
and if this vote is a fair exponent of those in
favor of or against the bill, then eight Southern
Whigs could have passed the bill. Every
Southern Democrat, you will perceive, voted
against the motion to lay the bill on the table,
and every Northern and Western Whig voted
for it, whilst twenty-one Democrats from the
non-slave-holding States voted with the
Southern Democrats. But the vote by no
means shows the opposition to the bill on
the part of Southern Whigs. Mr. Hillard de
clared, on last Monday, that he was opposed
to the bill. Mr. Toombs of Georgia, Mr. Gen
try, of Tennessee, Mr. Preston, of Virginia,
and many other Southern Whigs had declared
their determination not to vote for the bill,
yet they voted against the motion to lay on
the table. Still with all their jockeying, the
responsibility of the defeat of the bill must
rest on the eight Southern Whigs who voted
to lay it on the table.
But I think there is yet another chance for
the settlement of this question. The Sen
ate has amended the resolution of the House
fixing a day for the adjournment, by substi
tuting the 14th of August. This will give
time for action in the House on the Oregon
bill now under discussion, and when it is sent
to the Senate, they will amend it by striking
it all out, and substituting the Compromise
hill. So the bill may come up again in the
House, and should this be so, you will find
some eight or ten additional Democrats from
the North and West who will vote for the bill,
and thus throw the whole responsibility of
defeating the measure on the Southern Whigs.
I think, however, that they will be unwilling
to take this responsibility, and that it is yet
possible the Compromise of the Senate may
be adopted. '
[Correspondenceof the Washington Union.]
Baltimore, July 27—5 P. M.
Adjournment of,the Independents—Arri
val of the Eurofa. —The Independent Tay
lor Convention continued several hours in se
cret session to-day, and then adjourned sine
die. They dissolved the party, but decided
not to publish the General's letter until they
deem proper.
to a point of order—not heard—but which was
sustained by the Chair. , „
The question was then taken on the motion
for a call of the House, and decided in the af
firmative. The roll being accordingly called,
209 members answered to their names—a large
quorum—2l only being absent. The House
proceeded with the consideration of the bill,
further proceedings under the rule being dis
pensed with.
Mr. STEPHENS withdrew his motion to lay
on the table, and after a few remarks renewed
the motion, and on this motion the yeas and
nays were ordered, and the question was de
cided in the affirmative—ll 2 to 97.
Mr. Pollock moved a reconsideration of this
vote, and then also moved to lay his own mo
tion on the table. The yeas and nays were
again ordered, and resulted—yeas 114, nays
9(5. So the “motion to reconsider is decided in
the negative, and the bill is rejected by tlye
House— KILLED.
On motion, the House, then in committee
of the "whole, resumed the consideration of
the Oregon Territorial bill, reported sometime
since, from the committee on territories, and
Messrs. Green, Adams, Collins, Dunn, and
Hale, of Missouri, addressed the committtec.
Adjourned.
The North Alabamian illustrates the prin
ciples and measures of the whig party very
well by the publication of the following:
“ Sound the liewgag, strike the tonjon,
Beat the Fuzguzzy, wake the gonquong;
Let the loud hozanna ring,
Bum turn fuzzlegum dingo him.’’
The Nomination—2d District-
The Columbus Democrat of the 27tli inst.
says—Through the polite attention of Wiley
Williams and Geo. J. Pitts, Esqrs., two of the
Delegates to the Americus Convention, who
returned last evening, we are enabled to an
nounce the gratifying intelligence that the
Hon. Marshall J. Wellborn has been unani
mously nominated as the Democratic candidate
for Congress for the 2d District, and that Tim
othy Furlow, Esq., of Houston, has been ap
pfj,uted Alternate Elector in room of Dr. Mer
c«jr, transferred.to the Electoral Ticket.
2 U 1848-
The Vice President ]«£“■&
communication from HM re lore !“ e senate n
with the informatioa^Bß^^^® nr f tJopartment,
dy John,onVWhiWß|»2t>y Mf.Kever
-offiCerscftheßaltimi** ^ refcren ce to the
The general appro|^B'*^®] I . Bt ® , ®. , > OUße>
twice and referred. tall was read
On motion of Mr.
tion of the bill to establish theH» eonsidera
ernments of Oregon, a^^HJ,7 ntor ] lal .g ov '
Mexico, was taken up, and 111111 Aew
Mr. Hale moved to
of the sth section the words T? stla . ln ß out
Mr. Clarke, of Rhode white. ’
the Committee,) then address^®v,( a member of
The bill was reported * he senate.—
two members of the consent of
Underwood,) who did not ‘ and Mr.
the provisions of the bill. WK*l “ eir ™ scn }. to
of the clause which provides ®* ce P tlo . n
torial legislature in Oregon . 11 the
the law of the provisien^ ei^Hjl~“~* tl ' e *® ffirm 1
hibiting slavery in the teal „B^B pro- 1
months after the assemblif W1 “i“ three
torial legislature, that lrf* 6 ®"' * em ;
void, the bill would have , 7 U /v? d
, Clarke’s) entire assent. g nu (Mr.
iTlie provision is not cont^^^H,.
copy of the bill wlnch the prin-
Clayton having subsequer you > *f r
accidental omission, and it le^B Te^ rre “ to its
ed accordingly, as oeen a mend-
He disclaimed any intentio^^^^y c committee, j
strumental in producing a |^^R a 7. e ecn
be distasteful to the north would
accepted the appointment south, lie i
with a full knowledge of, committee,
the sentiment of his ' c3n»^j^^^B I °’?rrence in, J
tion of slavery into territor.
It was the uiulerstanding
tlii- i I'li-mi'lc. 1 that the
to be unequivocally and pojlhjj ;
ritorv. And it was
bill would make uncquivuOrtU
effect. But in
the sixth section a
to Congress, a^^^^^B;pp rovo( I,
be null and void. provi
sion, the question is left was be
fore. To remedy this evil,' an a-
mendment to the sixth sectnJR n the shape
of a proviso, that no law territorial le
gislature.repealing the prohißbiti.icf slavery by
| the provisional government, hall be valid,
until such repeal shall havlt sanctioned'
by Congress. ’
When the Republic of Texa came into the
Union, it was the understandi; in Congress
that Oregon, when it came in, , lould come in
as a free State ; and it was the lore important
that this understanding shoul low be carried
out, as the boundaries of Texa scad since been
greatly increased, if her claim Ao* the line of
the Rio Grande, &c., be reßnised. With
I this amendment he thought tfl bill would be
| more satisfactory to all. Fur«e r , the mem
j bers of the committee from tlieKorth conceiv
j ed that by the laws of the ReAlie of Mexico
; slavery is abolished in New MSo and Califor
j nia, and that its introduction K 0 those ter
j ritories could not take place wßout the sanc
| tion of Congress.
Lest any doubt should exisakthe subject,
he had proposed an amendmfii to the 26th
| section of the bill, (eleventh su e ) after the
! word slavery, that it being uniVtood and de
• elared that at the time of thefsMion of Cali
fornia and New Mexico to thdlTnited States, i
slavery and involuntary sanlude had been
prohibited .and did not exist tjrein, the laws
in existence there when so ceJd, shall remain
in force until changed by of the
United States. lie sent also® the Secretary's |
table the decree in 1829, by Blpsidenti Guerra
, ro, abolishing slavery in the Biublic <of Mexi
co ; also, an act, passed by Se Cokigress of
: Mexico in 1837, declaring t it slavery is and
shall forever remain abolishec n the
J &c. Os the fact that these 'vs were in exis- 1
' tence and in force at the tin of the cession.
| he had satisfied himself beyo 1 doubt.
In regard to the question : personal liber
ty, where slaves were carried do California or
j New Mexico, as doubt exist i as to whether i
the constitutional power of ile United States
overrides the laws in force at-he time of the i
cession, he proposed to add, | the end of the 1
28th line, in section 24th, aniinendment pro- j
viding that in all cases involfig the personal
liberty of any persons goin* to or residing
I therein, an appeal shall be alfwed directly by |
i the individual to the Supreme Court of the
United States.
In the ianguege of the ay, •• he should
shrink from no responsibility and with the I
lights before him, he would it, if the objec- I
; tionable features were retain!, give it his sup-
I port. lie had reserved to hiself’ the right of j
dissenting here to any provii ins of the bill
i which did not meet liis appr ati®. And he j
handed to the Senator from I liaia a paper to ■
that effect, which he desired ligitbe^ead.
Mr. Berrien had no wish
sire on the subject, of the
per would be
adopted, would be calculated to ibarrJMw
’ action of committees.
After some remarks by MessWSright and
Foote, on this point, Mr. Clarke oceeded to
further explanations in regard to e proceed- :
ings in committee. Neither he nctlie Sena- !
tor from Kentucky had objected tche report
ing of the bill, but he (Mr. Clari) had dis- 1
tinctly reserved to himself the rights express- ;
I i n K> in the Senate, his objections t till, i
j and had subsequently committed tlit.reser- ;
: vations to paper, which he handed to a Sen
ator from Indiana. He did not i«,imself i
bound, by his course in the cominitttto vote
either for or against the bill, but fre®vote '
in accordance with the instructions qjpeon- j
j stituents.
Mr. Miller, of New Jersey, nexf.dressed
the Senate, and in opposition to tbtll,
Mr. Miller proceeded, and in replc a ques
tion by Mr. Foote, as to whether lnould vote
for “ any compromise,” said that h. as in fa
vor of the compromise which nllowtlavery to
exist where it now exists, apd proiitsd it in
territory now f rec . He insisted this was the
duty of Congress, if the prosperity the new
territories was to be best keeping
them free, it was its duty so to dire, with
out regard to the peculiar inters of the
North or the South.
Mr. Phelps, of Vermont, (of themmittee)
followed, chiefly in reference to Mlale’s pro
posed amendment, striking oat thirds ‘‘free
white.” He regretted to perceifpposition
to the bill from tha»North.
Mr. Fitzgerald next took the i r, and re
ferred to the impression which i supposed
to exist, that his (Mr. FitzgeraltjWte would
be considered as reflecting thaiy* of Gen.
Cass, whose successor he was. jh had never
received from Gen. Cass a wjbta line on
the subject not to be found in »tter to the
Baltimore Convention. He hzfen ieft bv
the State of Michigan to act ojs-pwn judg
ment’s dictates. He had vovagainsr. the
proposition to raise this he
desired to vote directly on the jAjr bill
he considered it an act of j Uß^*^^^|j)C oPle 0 Ple
But when the committee |
upon, he voted for every i
mittce. In the report of
had looked for the “
he had voted for the
that part which did not
M ould vote for the bill, if '
surance that it would
though to many of its pn»viJßS^r^.ir>n
posed, he would vote for it
should be his political fttesKH
believed it M ould not— M trvflLjfl
existing in the free l .s.TuM
increased, lie fear«o f '■
« inch thi> bill woultrirf ...
la y-
Mr. 1 'orM'in did net ,
cid argument -.f *H<,
t Mr. Phelps,) it Mas neccM||
debate. Hut he
state very forcibly
tile lice him in voting
not behove the passage of
mm- call uluted to create
d e ■ a disruption of tire U^K
-••*j.|,..-e such a d.-: uj ,n t W '
] he -hould eobsi(9^B
m , 1 thy ot a seat on
The Wilmot
the "Kan Head and
had been described to beTBI** 1 **
ed the declaration of IndjW
Jefferson—drafted alsoraH
which had been changeflftMSj ll
of “The Wilmot I’rovigjjH^i
gentleman whose nanfl|S|jP|
wright to tlie homflgM
author of the
lie then proceeded to rfw I
marks of Mr. l’helps
of the press to the hifl'
[ A. telegraphic deap# J ) l *P*fd(ijr
Corwin s]>oke until £JLi- jvHBmMMBKI
djourned.]
' house of Ti®; '%> ]
A message was wnjß
in answer to the rcsoifl
the 10th inst.,
latum to the
('alifornia, and tile autiH|
governments were esl^|
The President
Secretary of State, thifti
the Secretary of ■.ire These reporta j
furnish the infarruati<^S*~® a ®"* r ®* a lp°’ I *f 8
of inquiry cmbra cedjW!®*2j®* ions • Thej
President refers Jo |V
vii'M.t, ,Hai ex- j
am i n ati^H^h^HPs* 66 **,
E
snlen Os
do adjourn theifl
■d Auguat—l2
A debate if" 1 ess age j
°f tic PrcsiJ receive*, i-dey, After tie- !
! bate, the subject was made the order of the
day for Thursday next. Adjourned.
SENATE.
„ . Washington, July 25,1848.
Mr Atckison, from the Indian Committee, re
ported a bill providing for the payment of the
Creeks under the treaty of Indian Spring.
Mr Breese introduced a resolution of inquiry
which was adopted, in reference to the unex-
Ba an ? e for fiurve y s on the public lands.
• • r " )? reese mtroduced a joint resolutions, aatho
nsing the appointment of a paymaster to adjust
and pay mileage of officers of the army J
Mr. Underwood presented a paper from Dr
r h,Ch WaS referred t 0 the committee on
the Ltbrarj', requesting the purchase of a suffi- j
cient number of his work „n the operation of the
*° defra >' the expose ot publication.
Ihe Committee on the Indian Appropriation
bill made a report, which was concurred in.
Mr. Yulee, from the Naval Committee, reported
a recommendation that the Senate non-concur in ,
the House amendments to the bill renewing cer- ■
:cco^,r nßlonS ’ andthe Seuate “on-concurred \
Cla > ton ' ‘ he consideration of 1
the rerritoralbil was resumed, and Mr. Under- <
wood (of the Committee) addressed the Senate l
in explanation of the motives which governed him i
in opposition to the bill as reported. \
The Senate was also addressed by Messrs. But- ♦
ler, Foote, Wescott and Johnson. At a quarter
past 7 o clock, the Senate adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
I he amendment ot the Senate to the Naval An
propnation Bill was taken up, and the llouse
XJ d p£. p “‘' d, “ e '" J «S". -11.233
The Committee of Conference on the Indian
Appropnation B,ll,madea report, (similar to that
*A *? e b ,t na iu’) and * he re P° rt w “s concurred in.—
And so the bill stands passed.
The committee were called on for reports and a
number, generally unimportant, were made
~ A J° lnt resolution was reported, in reference to
the tobacco trade with Europe, read twice and re
ferred to the committee of the whole.
I u h r Be J CCt committee on rules reported in favor
laid on the table, 107 to G 2.
He same committee reported also a new joint
Hjrovuliiig lor the taking up ot the unfinished
second session of any Congress in
Win which it was left at tl.e lirst session of
■■■■■■feress. Adopted.
tl" , Cmnmittee the Whole,
took up tltt bill reported some time since,from the
House committee on Ferri ories, to “establish the
territorial government of Oregon.-’ rimilar in Us
provisions to that which recently engaged the at- '■
tentiou ol the Senate, but further including in the i
twelfth section the proviso of the ordinance of 1
Mr. Harris, of Alabama, addressed the committee
at length on the question of slavery in the terri
tories, sustaining generally the Southern doctrine
on that subject.
Mr. Conger followed in favor of the prohibition
of slavery in Oregon and in advocacy of the power
ot Congress to control all legislation for the terri
tories.
Mr. Wallace obtained the floor, when the com
mittee rose, and the House adjourned.
Washington, July 26, 1848
SENATE.
After the disposal of some unimportant pe
titions, memorials and reports, 1
Mr. Hale submitted a resolution, which lies
over, calling for information from one of the
departments, and asking why this information
was not embraced in the annual report.
Mr. King introduced a bill, which had its
second reading and was referred, "ranting to
the State of Alabama the right of way and
portions of the pubile lands, for a rail road
from Mobile to the mouth of the Ohio river
A resolution offered last evening by Mr!
Hannegan, providing for a recess from 4 to
half-past 5 to-day, and for an evening session
| was taken up and debated, when Mr. Ilanne
’ gan withdrew it, to avoid further discussion.
! On motion of Mr. Clayton, the considera
tion of the lemtorial bill was then resumed
amendments were proposed by Messrs. Bald
j Wln and Walker—by the first two additional
; sections, m reference to proceedings in cases
of appeal, and by the latter, striking out part
of the 7 th, 8 th, and 9th lines of the sixth sec
; tion.
Mr. Reverdy Johnson then proposed to in
sert in that part of the bill which relates to
; Aew Mexico, the same amendments proposed
by him last evening, [sent you by telegraph
and published this morning] to that part which
relates to California. He then proceeded with
his argument, which had not been concluded
when the Senate adjourned last evening.
The bill was further debated by Messrs. Cor
win, Baldwin, Berrien, Badger, and Dix. The
latter gentleman was speaking when the cars
left 5. P. M.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
The House was occupied for about an hour
and a half in calling the yeas and nays on a
resolution to terminate the debate on the
■ Oregon lerritorial Bill.
I Senate bill providing for the payment of
liquidated claims ” under the late' Mexican
i treaty, was taken up and passed, with an a
n" 1 to tb * r d section, (unimportant )
j r . he or egon Territorial Bill was then taken
! up.m committee of the whole, and
Mr. Wallace addressed the committee on
® e tion of slavery—taking the Southern
the subject.
WJ- 1 idl'u,., ami in WMRUu L, h n lve Jy. ■
w Mr. Iverson clo&d the debate to-day,'in
; support of the rights and institutions of the
! South. “
! Mr - Green Adams obtained the floor for to
| morrow, and the committee rose. Adjourned.
Washington, July 27th, 1848. j
6 o’clock, A. M. \
SENATE.
! The Senate continued its session until a
j late | early] hour after my letter of yesterday
i afternoon was closed and despatched by the
afternoon train. And the debate has become
so interesting and important as it progresses
—so necessary to a proper understanding of
the whole subject—that I have continued my
sketches up to the hour of adjournment—
hastily, it is true, but reliable, nevertheless.
Mr. Dix had concluded before I had re
turned from the cars, but his remarks had
: evidently produced a profound impression. I
; found Mr. Butler replying, and referred partic
: ularly to a decision of the governor of New
1 York, which he characterised as one of the
most flagrant violations of the compact be
tween the North and the South which he had
ever known of any where. Whether that act
had been sanctioned by the New York Le-ds
' lature, he should not take the trouble to°as
; certain—he should take the word of the Sena
j tor bom New- York. To all that the Sena
i tor had Baid in regard to the gallant conduct
of the sons of the two States at Cliurubusco, he
nothing to reply, for it had a response in 1
mis own bosom—it had touched his feelings. 1
(Mr. speech was in opposition to tlie :
bill.) ,
Mr. Payton obtained the floor, but at the
request of Mr. Manguin, gave way for a motion
by Mr. Mangum to adjourn, though opposed
to the motion. It u*as decided by yeas and
nays, 17 to 30, in the negative, and Mr. Day
ton proceeded. He desired, he said, that the
question should be taken before the risin" of
another sun. The bill had been reported as
a “ compromise.” He had no sympathy with
I those who denounce it as a fair effort of the
| committee at compromise. His friend from
I il. York (Mr. Dix) seemed to think that thev
I had yielded to the south all that they had
[ askedfor— they asked for more than they had
? “kk erto claimed— the constitutional right to
’ fake their slaves into territories where slavery
had nevep existed. In this there had been
no skulking—their course had been straight
fwrway—-Tor one he was disposed to acquit
jtoilthern men of any imputation of skulking. |
TB*r« l hatPbeen no dodging, either bv the
Vermont, (Mr. Phelps,) if there
?, n 6^°ll *° ■i uscif . v t* le introduction
fbis bill, but he must vote against it.
shews us, he said, that all these
ggjgMuisitions on slavery in the abstract,
ecTm leaking down that feeling which
between members of the same
the opin
’mCongress hud the
A.ud he had
| Vliifil-r- 1
* f i * <1 i t -
by
* asked the
' P/i.™-’ JP® 011 this law,
' top • territorial Icgi-i
, zX * X slavery, cuines
■hSCpwllfe it. ‘
iHed', eflurhatmiliTr after t he
r^ 83 ' and
ITiis Mr T> cTi.u, g
twl ’l* ' » ' c ihe.fioM-. 1
:; ritorY|. KpiOjKm-tructiua thus
j ie- .m
rag supposedly
"v>* -r-.i :: gKJato one of meiSptpedien
aid never get into ..Oregon—
: f California— a few might
r vf 6 ’ U rei. e never fix
here agiiyltiire,.'wa» principally
: doout by a nice
bor^ wholly |6 rta VL , S , p or
XOtmtm, he boheved neither "Oregon nor
1 ' \VVI . eVW l >CCOmi ‘ S*aj» St I’e-.
m>«iputh haa wenvnpting mon
:r '*«• by “ North
} o>it> n - Tem ' llU^ oa HP rßt * J,^Bsi ,t ‘ l: ■'
P lO , r »«j ■w- •^V’ 11 111 '
ilj? 0 i U,F a ,ril * u ’ l '
“*WPK*»#®oPn4eft.for the South
t I 3 gffnpromises, Texas
f would ® tut »d that lie
i would stonth T lf n p| ti>Crn lr ‘ un^8
f what u a jV j re—aylad then said,
ttstlnfflifc i rtSo^iutor 6 ‘ soou Vt ‘ r titied,
I walk hSdln'haud'wTh h h ° t<M %s. ready .to A
r JSfT” he was P ,accd in a position which'
tO . v ° te on the of slave
ry, he could votosfcut one way.
WOUldire™ nde< ? thEt the nUmber sIftVCS
affordedTn th Se m P r °P° rtiou to the facilities
ritorv T« W ? y otan ‘“crease of slave ter
insisted that G f ard l ° the temtor y acquired, he
now slaver y-which did not exist there
25 act ld 'Fh! § therc without some muni
f\P ‘ c domestic slavery now existing
ouonce of Jh slaver y which exists in conse
ovar dti?/ the P°wcr exercised by the creditor
nlfd l thr°rr lqUldat e d 80 800,1 * s the debt is
paid-the claim ceases so far as the lien on the
debtor has been worked out. No such person
al HV. n constltut ,c ß slaver ‘J in the eye of the law.
hT u " wdlm 8 to vote for the compro
misebill, as before stated, because he did not
wish to go upon the record as seeming to fa
vor shivery, because he might be mistaken as
to the law on the subject, for other radical ob
jections to the bill, because of the difficulties
in carrying out the law, and further fr6m an
unwillingness to throw upon the Supreme
Court the settlement of this question. He did
not wish to make that Court—the sheet
anchor of our hopes—the organ through which
to throw off our political steam—to drapin'*
that “ anchor ’’ into the political arena. °° °
Rut he had other objections—the instruc-
tions of Legislature of New Jersey—though
he would not obey instructions, when tliey
did not coincide with his opinions—but he
considered such instructions entitled to res
pectful consideration.
He fell shocked at the assertion of a south
ern Senator, a few days since, that if the
k? 1 /®. t ie southern slaves were at the throats
of their masters, their would
expect no assistance
called upon to repudiate
without the shadow of founcl
Mr. Upham of VermontT followeaMr. Day- ,
ton. He insisted that slavery was not hevond
the control of Congress, and if Senators were
prepared to make such declaration, they were !
prepared to disregard the intentions and opin
ion.! of the framers of the constitution.
lie argued that Congress had the power to
prohibit slavery in the territories— that Con
gress, if they did not pass such a law, would
disregard the wishes of tho people of the ter-’
" tor,eß . Evolved by the question-and '
that this bill was not such a law as would car- ■
ry out the wishes of the people of the States
and territories. He denied that the bill should
be passed, even on the ground of expediency.
If the power of Congress to exercise this
power was ever to be exerted, now was the
wmfi i°i GXert Ihe introdu ction of slavery
VNOuld be an element of danger, and opposed
to the prosperity of these territories. Then 1
" hy , ,,ot ex ercise this power, why allow slavery
to obtain a foothold, where it will necessarily I
remain through all time, and exert an influence ;
for wea! or woe on the destinies of that coun- |
It had become their duty to decide upon the
constitutional question. No one ever thought
tt -? a rS. g the question of the tariff and of a
I mted States Bank—both constitutional ques
tions—to the Supreme Court! 1
lie regretted that there was any difference
of opinion between himself and his colleague
—but he was happy to know that there was ,
no difference of principle—it was only as to
the mode of carrying out that principle. He i
had listened to his speech with pleasure, and '
with pnde, as a sound, unanswerable, logical
argument on this question, so far as the prin
ciple was involved. 1
Mr. Bell next addressed the Senate, first in
reply to some of the remarks of the Senator
from New York, and then at length is opposi
tion to the bill. lie had so far, heard nothing
to influence his mind in favor of its passage. ,
nor had he been able, from all the investiga- 1
tion which he had given to the subject, to find
any thing to satisfy him that the bill would be
calcuiated to give peace and harmony to the
different portions ot the Union. It was a novel
mode—a great mode it had been argued—but 1
he confessed that he had been unable to dis
cover wherein its greatness consisted.
It there had been any disposition to settle
the question by compromise, it would have
been supposed that the Missouri compromise
line would have been submitted, either in the
form suggested by the Senator from Indiana or
by the Senator from Kentucky. And yet what '
is really the nature of the “compromise” pro- 1
posed r It the proposition of the gentleman
from Kentucky was not acceptable, why was
the proposition of the gentleman from Indiana
rejected. Ana is it expedient to adopt the 1
compromise agreed upon by the committee ? ! 1
\\ ha. is the nature ot this compromise ? ]
In iof erring it to the Supreme Court, upon ;
a question which we are told is convulsing the
union upon the different and contradic'torv
I opinions here expressed. And the Supreme
1 Court is the weakest department of the Cov
j eminent—denounced as the aristocratic branch
of the Government—it is upon the shoulders
i of th!s weakest tnbuna l that you propose to
! sh , lft , tbe responsibility. We have it already I
j asked from the North : do you propose to re
ter this question to a packed court—a packed
j J ur V ■ to use a term which will be better <>cne- 1
rally understood. D 1
For he should have little fear of the de- i 1
should tlfcvW, onj 1
a gieat .funcrtional (Question, 1
are divided, but not by
ries should they leave such a question to the 1
Supreme court, at a time not propitious, when 1 '
reason cannot have its sway at the North, 1
j when political interests are at stake, founded 1
| upon cold and calculating considerations, com
bined with the ordinary fanaticisms of the
times. The single fact that the distinguished
Senator from South Carolina is in favor of the
bill will be enough at the North to induce the
throwing aside of this bill as something mon
strous. They should take the burden of the
settlement of this question, instead of referring
it to the Supreme Court, on their own should
ers, and bear it manfully.
Would this bill, if passed, give quiet to the
country ? They had nothing but bold asser
tion on this floor, that sucli M ould be the ef
fect. And M-as any honorable Senator ready
to rise in his seat, and say that this bill will ‘
allay the excitement at the North, or at the
South either ? Already had the cry of repeal
been raised, and new combinations were being
formed—agitation increasing even at the pros
pect of the passage of this bill. After a temp
est is raised, who can control it ? Even if the
decision of the Supreme Court were reached
in six or twelve months, are gentlemen from
the North or South prepared to say, if that de
cision be adverse to their section, the people of 1
that section will be willing to acquiesce in that
decision? No honorable Senator here would
| be willing to give such an assurance. Such was
not the experience in reference to excitements
of this character—excitements which even a
single individual may control for evil—in re
ference to which, may keep the flame burning,
and with increased violence. He doubted very
much that the people would be prepared to
submit; and the Supreme Court would be made
the victim. Could any honorable Senator go 1
. home, when this bill is passed, and conscien
tiously say, we have settled-this great ques
tion on principles perfectly satisfactory, and
got it placed on grounds of perfect security.—
Nothing but mischief could come from such
double interpretations, and could lead to noth
ing but disrupturc, and dissolution of the
I Union.
He inquired of Mr. Berrien, whether, with
, out reference to this bill, he believed this Com- !
mittee would vote for the Missouri Compro
mise ?
Mr. Berrien replied, that so far as he was
concerned, and he only spoke for himself, he
would vote for that Compromise, so desirous
was he to settle this question, but not without
the express recognition of slavery south of
that line.
Mr. Bell inquired, then why not adopt that
line ? Why postpone it to a" future time ? I
, until, in the language of the North, it shall be j
ascertained what sort of a country that is ? !
’ i And he proceeded to argue that a greater pop
, ulation cannot be supported south of 3 fj 30, ;
than now exists in New Mexico and Califor
, n * a > north of that line. The refusal to settle
1 this question on this bnsis w&b* & mere qutir
-1 reling about a barren policy. And why r oi
i *?‘ e y “‘arming themselves about ‘the disarm- ;
! ‘ lo “ *£“■ UlllOll ?He wanted some guitru^
tj that there was not to be an increase of
excitement by the of this bill before
: h « could vote Jority before he could consent 1
to refer this to tljg Supreme
The great party at the NortW.
had not been formed with a
to “free soil” and the 'fjg.
“free tjyrti^
■. '!! . A
movements of oneaH >
t h e’^^T
another who had tHw/’o
honor which could be
tier the government. It was tiT^BSlsr?.' la '
■ Htical power—of political ”jji> P aL
- ed the more poignant in’fbelhiinllKV IRM
. ascendancy of the Virginia ascendancy TfT
regretted it, and that there had nSSLnJ
more equal uistribution of this powerTuwe,'*
the North and the South. JJutthe SoW®
not to blame for this, though he did not* I
And if they were to pass the
viso to-night, they could not pass a •wmSH
fliction upon these gentlemen at the”North!^
moc ucTiv, W a ' S their .. d ? sire ' and sterile and un
suhtrflf Cahforn ». it was a fruitful
S“ ]( f “Station for them. For himself, ,
1W * PrefCl ' thc P™? 01 *»>« Wilmot
1 roviso toany measure which they would
sh« « t K^ 0 ’ mB^ t, A O allay th “ excitement, defeat <
the objects of these men,'em! let cool reason
resume its proper sway. This was the only
I , ay ’ ortsdte tben * mto the Union at once. ,
lie would even prefer that, to this proposition. I
Kather than Oregon, California and New Mex-
W i*, ld bucomc subjecti of discord, lie
P»efer jhat they should declare them-
dpe independent— geographically
us-- give them a pew :
and glorious Republic on the shores of the Pv'
cific. Rather than they should become sources
oi discord and contention, he would nfrefor
that they should bo free and independent
States. If it would repress disturbance, he
would give his vote to make independent every
acre of that sterile country, and throw a little
of Texas into the bargain. Tor by the com
bination of abolition and political parties a
the North, the power to agitate and control
the South, may be kept up and succeed.
He expressed the opinion that Congress has
the power to establish or prohibit slavery in
these territories. „
Mr. Berrien rose with great regret after this
protracted and laborious session, [it now being
a quarter past ten,] to address the Senate, even
for the brieftest period. He did so, more in
accordance with the wishes of others than from
the promptings of his own judgment, and for
the purpose of repelling an allegation which
had been so oft repeated here, that the South
had been the originators of this discussion. It
had come from the North, and not from the
South, in the assertion of the unqualified power
of CongMss to prohibit slavery in the territories.
And when it was further declared that slavery
could not exist in these territories without
legislative protection, the South again said,
then omit all enactments on the subject, and
they would be satisfied. But they were now
met by the ISorth with the declavation that the
agitation of this question shaU never cease
until the positive enactment, injpcgnrd to these
territories, of the ordinance oFWB7 ! He pro
ceeded to argue the constitutional question
involved, and to answer the objections which
had been raised to the bill. He confessed that
his hope of pacification in the passage of this bill
had been shaken in the course of this debate,
4 b . ut he consoled himself with the belief that
Inhere is a redeeming spirit of the people. He
i did not conclude until near twelve o’clock,
and his argument embraced nearly all the
points which have so often already been dis
! cussed, without apparently affording any new
light upon the subject. He was satisfied, with
i a single objection, with this bill, and willing
to submit the question to the Supreme Court
ol the United States, as >* oe irom ,
those influences and prejudices which Kovern
i men elsewhere.
Mr. Bradbui y made a few remarks directly to
the point, when, shortly after one o’clock, an
ineffectual effort was made to adjourn. Mr.
Bradbury appeared to think, and very proper
ly, that where the South supposed the North
had gained every thing, and the North that
the South had gained everything, there was
danger that one party would be disappointed.
And he did not believe that the passage of the
bill would be calculated to allay excitement.
He pointed out one or two defects in the bill,
in reference to the habeas corpus, which he
deemed it necessary to remedy. lie denied
that the N orth had manifested an aggressive
spirit toward the South, or a disposition to
j pursue an aggressive policy, and replied at
some length to the positions assumed by sev- I
eral Senators. The impression drawn from j
I his remarks was, that he intends to vote against [
\ the bill, though not for sectional reasons, for
he deprecated all sectional organization.
Mr. Borland followed, and denied the power
I °f Congress to legislate at all on the question
;of slavery. He regarded the institution of ;
slavery as one of the best which existed 1
throughout our whole land, socially and po
■ liticallv. j
Mr. Baldwin took the floor at a quarter past
| one, and read a speech, which had been pre
pared, at considerable length, for the occasion,
and in which he also argued the whole ques
tion, and expressed his intention to offer some
amendments, as no case of appeal could now
be brought up as the bill stands. He conclud
ed at 2 A. M., when Mr. Niles moved an ad
journment, upon which the yeas and nays
were demanded and ordered, and it was de
cided in the negative—ayes 11, nays 32.
Mr. Niles obtained the floor at a quarter past
two, and said the Senate appeared to be Gov
erned very much by the spirit of the Com
promise Committee who reported the bill. He
did not intend at this early hour of the day,
but he thought it his duty, to occupy the at
tention of the Senate, or ti e attention of the
Chair, for Senators appeared to have other
employment, for a short time, perhaps not
more than a couple of hours.
He had no idea of hurrying this great ques
tion, this bill, this miserable contrivance. This
bill was not only negatively bad, but in regard
to two of these territories, he felt it his duty, in j
the face of this Senate—there was not much of a
Senate here, but in the face of the American i
people—to denounce this bill as aflagrant viola- j
tion of the rights which we had guaranteed to ;
them the light to be taken into the Union as
citizens, whenever we could do so constitu- j
tionally. But instead of this, we were send- j
ing to them pro-consuls and Ciceros to exercise '
the powers of government over a people two !
thousand miles oft. And in reference to Oregon, 1
which had declared its will upon the subject'
we have given her three months grace, before :
abrogating her law prohibiting slavery. There
was something significant about this. lie con- |
sidered the laws of Oregon as coming here with
binding foiGe. Gentlemen here seemed to
think that the constitution is a law, and if it
only goes, thenjit regulates everythin"-. But
The constitution only defines
legislation—therestrictions applicable to*’ prP»
vate rights. When organizing these territories
we should leave them as we find them, to
make such regulutons and pass such hvas, not
inconsistent with the constitution, as they may
j desire. He expressed the belief tliafsome sort
of trick had been resorted to—an intention to
hold this bill out to the community as some
-1 thing, when it was really nothing. If there
was an honest intention that this question
should be carried up to the Supreme Court,
then Senators ought to be gratified at amend
ments intended to facilitate the so carrying of
it up. He spoke until 3A. M., when he gave
way tor the yeas and nays to be again called
on a motion to adjourn, and the motion was
again decided in the negative—ayes 4, nays
39. lie accordingly proceeded with his re
marks, as he said, with renewed vigor, after
the slioi t respite which had been given him.
Irom the arguments here, he said, he suppos
ed it was the natural right of men to be born
! *daves. Others had supposed that all men had
been born, or created, as the Senator from South
Carolina had it, free and equal. 13 ut this
from the able arguments made here, was evi
dently a mistake, &c. He concluded aboMt 4
A. M., when
Mr. Atchison took the floor, and continued i
the debate until 5, when Mr. Bright addressed ,
the Senate at length on the same subject He !
thanked heaven that while the corrupt and
corroded spirit of demagogueism was at work !
in New York, Indiana was safe.
Mr. Dickinson replied with severity to the !
remarks of Mr. Niles, which he declared to be j
unworthy the American Senate. And he also '
referred with equal severity to the movements
in New York.
Messrs. Clayton, Underwood, and Davis of
Massachusetts, declared their intention to ad
dress the Senate hereafter in reference to this
subject.
And then the vote was taken on the first
amendment, (by Mr. Hale,) to strike out the
sth section, the words “free white,” and de
cided in the negative, by yeas and nays, 7 to
44.
Mr. Benton addressed the Senate briefly, in
explanation of his views.
Mr. Johnson’s amendments, already given,
were opposed by Messrs. Calhoun. Butler, and
Mason, and supported by Messrs. Clayton,
Johnson, Itusk, and Walker, and agreed' to—
-31 to 19.
Mr. Walker’s amendment, to strike out of
the sixth section that portion of the 6th, 7th,
and Bth lines which relate to the taxation of
residents and non-residents, was rejected
without a division.
Mr. Baldwin’s amendment, adding two sec
tions defining the mode of proceeding in Cali
fornia and New Mexico on questons of appeali
in slave cases, was rejected—ls to 31.
Mr. Hale’s amendment, to strike out of the
twelfth section the words “three months” os
the period within which the law of the Oregon
“provisional” government prohibiting s&vcry
must be re-affirmed by the “territorial” leg
islature, to continue it in force,waAoiccted by
21 to 33..
Am amendment
chusetts; to Strike thevtwelfth sec- ,
tion arid insert iu lieu thereof the Sixth sec
tion of the ordinance of 178?, —the “Wilmot !
Proviso”—was rejected by a vote of 21 to 33.
Clarke’s amendments, before referred to,
were rejected without a division, except tfcat
resembling Mr. Johnson’s, which was with
■rawn. %
*lB
'
An by Mr. Bald
win. and also a division, u,
territorialg^Mpi^^^Califonn^jfr
.ul, iViscoJlTln Legislature*,
against flTe extension of slavery Jnd expressed*
his intention to obey* those infftimctionsjttbut
from duty and inclination. ILAated h* ob-*
| jectioJfe to the bill in nVi»
| could not consider ▼Jne in
other light than a repudiation of the doc*,
■fees of Lewis Cass, tlie dcijfccratic candidate*
TiVTho Presidency, whom lie intended to sud*
port. *
j Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts, moved to amend
the twenty-fifth section, so as to include
within the limits of New Mexico, all territory
acquired by the late treaty with Mexico, ex
cept Upper California. «
'* a }' tou objected to the amendment.
1 here was a portion of territory on the left
bank of the Itio Bravo, for which no provision
had been made m the bill. I„ regard to it a
la<l ar . l . B f n ’ whloh committee had
found it impossible to overcome, and they had
therefore confined themselves to three territo-
Mr, Davis said the Senator was quite right
in saying there was a portion of \
provided for a very large portion, coverC 1
some 50 to 80,000 square miles. It 1
cessary that some sort of a govern .rent should 1
be provided for this territory, and h ;
amendment. 13
Mr. Rusk trusted that the 1 ,
would be rejected. He was well in ' 1
this question of Texas boundary h-irli rc . t^ ] a J ,■
in reserve for political pu,p„ s03 } h “ d bcen held *
Mr. Davis denied that his A
any way interfered with the bou„dary m ofTcx n
as-it simply provided for territory acquired
Mr. Houston considered it „ n „
croaching upon the just claims of “ e '‘*
Ihe amendment was rejected, 7 t 044
wfs stsare* -—**
Mr. Sebastia addressed the s tlll . rd tllno
of the bill and a few Jemai ,cnato 111 B W rt
Messrs. Hale and Foote "’T rando . by
, V q„ u v vnnQ , 100te » when the question
live 33 r Ud ¥*■• decidcd in the afflrma
rime hv its ; ;, and tile bill "-as read the third
time, b> its title, and passed without a divi
da^ OUrnoC * tull °’ cloclt to-morrow (Fri-
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
r. rulton introduced a bill to authorise
le paj ment of individual pensions in certain
cases , was read twice and referred.
re3 °lution °f inquiry was adopted, as to
the necessity of another building for the dif
ferent public Departments—and as to the fit
ness ol such purpose of the building recently
ereced by Mr. Winder, near the War Depart*
ment, and the terms upon which it can be
purchased.
On motion of Kauffman, the House pro
ceeded to the consideration of the special or
der—being the message of the President, in
reply to the resolution of the House calling
for information in regard to the true bounds”
ties of California, New Mexico, &c., and in re
ference to the establishment of civil govern
ments in conquered territory.
A debate ensued, in which Messrs. Kauffman,
Collamer, Stanton, and Lincoln each spoke* a
their hour, relating cliiully to the Presidential
question, and tffjjjdens of General Taylor,
- Jv argued at some lengtlufl
Upon the rights and just boundaries of TcxuilHH
Adjourned.
Washington, July °8
SENATE.
ilie Vice President laid before the Senate a
message from the President communicating
the information called for by Mr. BreeseWs 8
olution, relative to unexpended balances foi
surveys of the public lands. 1
Also, a communication from the Xavv De-
Mr HalcVre d ‘f® in V mation called L by
m!r r ;^ t !r' ton ' { ? m tho naval committee,
reported the amendments of the House to tho
Senate amendments to the navy appropriation
bill, with a recommendation that the Senate
g ee to the two first, and insist on the rest of
their own amendments, as originally adopted.
On motion of Mr. Hannegan, the Senate
took up the House resolution to provide for
of Congress on the 7tli Au
14Ui August. mOVCdt ° ame “ d ’ by substit u'ing
After some discussion, in which a number
t bc n ato rs participated, the question was
. tuen taken on this amendment, and it was de
cided in the affirmative, 30 to 18. And the
I j resolution, so amended, was passed.
. ] . The Senate then went into Executive ses
■ j sion, and shortly after adjourned.
•ri IO <F‘ SE I OF ttE PKESENTATIVEB.
The Speaker laid before the House a com-
I juumcation from the War Department, cover-
I ln K arc Port from the Adjutant General, with
| a statement showing the number of tho differ
ent corpse of the army after tho discharges
, provided tor at the close of the war with
I "* exico > called lor by a resolution of the
1 T.’frwnt?’ tt com, uunication from the
I ost-Office Department, showing the annual
; cost of mail transportation during the last ten
years.
. Also > a communication from the Comniis-
I sioner ot the General Land Office.
!*i ,^ ous ? insisted upon its amendments to
i the bill providing for certain Naval pensions,
i and a committee ot conference was ordered
j On motion, the bill from the Senate “to cs-
I tlle territorial Government of Oregon
California, and New Mexico,” was
and 19
j Mr. Boyd, of Ivy., moved that it be referred
; to tho committee of the Whole.
yil '; ST EI'HEXS, of Georgia, moved to fay j
I the bill on the table .
| Houston, of Alabama, moved a call of ']
! the House.
! Mr. Boyd, of Kentucky, said that though tiS? ' ' J
majority of the House may be opposed to
bill, such was the importance of the
lie hoped t\£t the bill would not be laicicST
the table, but that the House would
to the adoption ol some other measure,
the settlement at the present .session of this S
vexed question. tfT-jVH S
Mr. McClernand, of 111., contended
fruits ol the war should not thrown uwifty34* |J jjH
lAw.-jj to or
e.'btalhi.-^JinuNi t
the mill lie was t
posed to laying the bill on the table. A
Mr. Smith, of la., deemed that this bill held
out even the prospect of a settlement of the
question involved—that it contained nnv com
promise whatever. He had asked leave this
i morning to report bills for the governments of
California and New Mexico, and gentlemen
! 011 the other side had objected. A bill for the
; Government of Oregon was already before
j them. And he hoped he should be permitted
j to make his report, and that the bills would
j be referred to the committee of the whole.
I Mr. Houston, of Del, could not vote for this
! bill one way or the other, without an opportu
| nity to express his views.
Amidst; great confusion, Mr. McLanc rose
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
| (From the Baltimore Sun, 20th inst.)
ARRIVAL
0F THE STEAMER
EUROPA!
FOUR DAYS LATER
FROM EUROPE!
AFFAIRS OF FRANCE.
ANOTHER REVOLUTION ATTEMPTED.
A CRISIS IN IRELAND.
Arrest of Meagher and other Leaders.
the chartist anniversary.
Progress of the Cholera.
advaxce in cotton.
&c. &c. &c.
lhe steamer Europa left Liverpool 15th in
stant, at (i P. M., via Halifax, 25th, where she
arrived at SP. M., and left at 8. She arrived
at Boston at 64 P. M. on Thursday morning;
uas detained off Halifax nine hours by fog.
Her passage was made in less than twelve
days. She brings four days later news from :
Englatid and two days later from Paris
than the United States. The following tele
graphic account of her news reached us vos
terday, m the New York papers, and was im
mediately issued in an “ extra Sun : **
The intelligence from Ireland indicates in
creasing turbulence on the part of the people,
and a corresponding energy in the repressive
action of the Government. Mr. Measlier who
vvas expected to come to the United States m
this steamer, had been arrested at Waterford
and was to be forthwith tried for sedition. ’
•i-’lie state of siege still contilTinfthatifms**
and the vigilance of government had <fl!eeted
a plot for another insurrection to iako place X|
on the 16th. -Measures were adopted adequate J
,tp the exigency, amino violence would be at-
A eorrflH. TUrfSaw
||«C U v'°
■ t>, rniikd * ' M
‘JhMI ■■ ongi q
■irnffllraißM v,us It is n”
9 .K- »U'r.-ly apn text for get "W*
ease luah , ino-t ot w h .in vfl
Vt under their blouses, ■
to huve° tI IR|HRHVK Llle ! ' rSt 6 *° llal onfhreak
ammunition, whin were to have been y
I Kx.^ tnatlc * u thofcqurter three or four days
Wnat a l l httendeu meeting. It is said, now, 3" (H
have n, 1 , l ho projectors of this plot that®."’'
in the ?*- for the part they VB
been *' U^ e ’ l ' u t last ME
ho headquarters of
■Place de Males rr L \ was to have ■
mentis in | '-io n goV^ri'.
the plot, and many oftheiJwL e ’
been arrested. We eantssM
therefore, as to theveasjHß
the interior. M. ,