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m like manner FORTY DAYS previous to day ofsales
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published lor FORTY DAYS.
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(From the Nashville (Term.) Banner.')
Debates in the Nashville Convention.
Eighth Day.—On the question as to wheth
er the amendments presented by Mr. Me Ilea,
of M ss., should be adopted and made part of
the address, a warm controversy took place,
which was participated in by Messrs. Mcßea,
G irdon and Colquitt. Messrs. Gordon and
Colquitt taking strong ground against the a
mendments so offered. -Gen. Gordon said the
address none too strong in the character
of tlie phn.jfcology used, that every thing had
been done in the Committee which appeared
sp—niwh l MTi''rrrlinn* W fie'eVptaMe to all, and he
was against any further attempts to modify or
so'ten the terms of it.
Mr. Me Rea read at length the portions of
the Address proposed to be stricken out, with
the amendments proposed by him in lieu of
them, —said that the address ought to go to
t \ e world with entire unanimity on the part of
the Convention, if it were possible —that it was
his oi''U' ct > could be accomplished, to pre
vent ha vtng an* protest go out along with it,
and insist l that any objections on the part of
those who disposed to go further than
Wll , iteii hy lhe Address, had better take
The shape of “a ddenda," than compel men to
weaken the strength of that document by any
thing like a regular protest.
Mr. Colquitt then t ' the floor. He said
the resolutions were tain Q enough, m all con
science. We m the Southi hp ba,c *» have foi
years been engaged in plan oing setietnes for
party aggrandizement, and ’* waß time for
this to cease. Men should speak out what they
felt. Let the rights of the South pe really in
fracted, and he did not know the Sou'hern
State or the humbles t man in the ranks who
would not come up and face the politicians.
He wus willing to have margin enough incor
porated in the report to suit the views of .gen
tlemen who might wish to address the people,
but he was lor decided measures. He would
advise every Southern State to „o to moulding
bullets, costing cannon, and Jiltin’ their arsenals,
if need be, in order to defeud their rights.
Was he a disunionist? The Union, he would
say, could not be destroyed, but he was not
for tatne submission ! The Union was dear
alike to all, North and South; and if the peo
ple North loved the Union as he did, it would
be preserved, llut every man, woman, and
child. South of the Potomac, was willing
to me for their rights. It seemed to resolve
itself into this at last—it he just exactly did
know how much to ask for in the settlement
of this controversy, and he could get what he
so desired, the Almighty knew he would ask.
for just mat much and no more.
Mr. C. illustrated his position by a humor
ous story in substance—that a fellow in Geor
gia hid purchased a new pair of “ gallowses ”
and wished for an opportunity to display them.
At a muster, inereiure.ue pictcuucu w«>»u*u
to fignt jm order to get a eluince to pull otfhis
•coat'] Rut it proved to be a fight sure enough
and the mover in it got whipped. Mr. U.
hoped the Delegates had not come to the Con
vei tion to show their “gallowses ! He did
not want any dodging either, and he hoped
that every delegate would tako the lespo.isi
*r.;,*rrr«i*d out over his own name in
what he did. ,
He wa* briefly and handsomely replied to
bv Me sms. McTtea and Stuart, of Mississippi,
and Judge Hunter of AiaOama, having, secur
ed the floor, on motion, the convention ad
journed ;•> i» dl lour ?’ c ‘ ock ; r , , •
Afteunoon WWOH.-Judge Hunter having
the floor, proceed *>
m I. „ the necessity
Mr. Colquitt, lie . could not
which cuileu tor a reply,
avoid answering the charges v.
and cowardice conveyed in the
(gentleman from Georgia. Men rose . p 0
taik flippantly of their love for the Unio* 1 *
whilst raising their hands to tear it to tatters.
He would ask was there no other man here
hut himself devoted to the preservation of the
Union? Was it to be expected that the Con
ven ion would adopt views which not one in
ten or one in fifty of the people world sustain?
He came here with a heart full of the spirit
and temper of the compromise, and he accept
ed the resolutions without a word of dissent
although ihey did not ii.ll his ideas fully; al
though they did not agree with the positions
assumed in all of them. He stood there as the
sole repres ntatives of his Congressional Dis-
v net, and as such lie was willing, nothwith
sta uding his objections, to take the Resolu
tions presented by his colleague. Rut did the
Adda s 3 correspond with the Resolutions —
b‘«sed upon it? It should have been
hue ! lor ’lie Resolutions and was it so titted ?
No it was r.'Ot! They had gone in the Ad
dress bevond the limits of the Resolutions.
He would say ll ° tlie Author of the Address,
whoever he be—that it was calculated to
woik evil at home —to inflame the passions of
the people. Although thr re were not many
here wbo agreed with him, yet there were
more perhaps, than gentlemen might think ;
and they who differed had the courage to de
clare themselves. Before he would see dis
•utnon carried out he was against the Address
land tor the “Compromise” a thousand times
i,ver. [Stamping in the gallery in approba-
tion.] There, said Judge H., was the voice
that cheered him on—that would eontiue to |
cheer him on. He fii(agreed with those who j
dratted the addiess, in iMation to the portion
that related to California especially, and the
address characterized the Oompi'uiise ot the
Committee of thirteen as a Comprehensive
scheme of emancipation. [Here Hen. Goi'don
explained that this portion had been stricken
out. Judge li. accepting the explanation.
Other expressions and portions ot the Ad- j
dress were objectionable, other positions were j
overstated. iSuch action was calculated to ex- j
erciso a bad influence at Washington and to j
awaken the passions of the people, which he |
considered t j be wrong. He would pay his I
.huacbie tribute of admiration to the gentleman j
from Mississippi (Mr. Mcßea,) for his noble
conduit here to day; and tor himselt, he re
•oeat d, he would take the compromise a thou
sand turns in preference to disunion.
Hr. Winston, of Alabama, said he rose to
express ‘us dissent to nearly all that had fal'en
on this occasion. He had
heard .no much 'bout the Umon-the glorious
Union ! but when i.* became an instrument of
oppression, then it mtaraous. lie did
not care for the demonstrau*’"®- 1 * 18 , ? tam P' n «
in the galleries, it did not mfi™ him. His
health would not permit him to mak* ® s l' eL *
but coming us he did, from the same
could not be silent.
Mr. Boyk ; n, of Alabama, arose to rebuke'
the spirit which had been evinced in debate. 1
He came here not to aid in vexing the ears of :
gentlemen —not to breed dissension among
the people, and he must therefore enter his
protest against all this. This body was a de
liberative body. It was composed of the most
dignified and able men in the South, and it
was letting down the character of it to go into
inflammatory debate. Almost all ages of the
world had "presented similar scenes. When
men were subjected to great grievances, it had
always been customary to assemble together
to get redress. It was so with the conscript
Fathers of tne Revolution, and the same spirit
of conciliation which marked their action
should characerize the action of this grave
assembly- He was determined to stand by the
rights ot the country, and he took for gi anted
that prima facia every gentleman present was
in favor of sustaining the rights of the South,
differing only as to the best method by which
that end should be attained. He would notice
briefly seme of the points of difference in the
Address. He thought the mode of argument
adopted open in some respects to attack, and
consequently and unfortunately to overthrow.
He reterred particularly to that partin relation
to California. Men in and out of the Conven
tion differed in respect to this—the highest le
gal lore in and out differed in relation to this
question. If we went on in the manner pro
posed to declare the inadmissibility of Cali
fornia to enter the Union, we might be at issue
with the Congress of the United States. In
stead of putting objections on constitutional
grounds, other and as he considered weaker
grounds were assumed —that the action of the
people there was irregular, and revolutionary.
If we stood upon the right position, we were
impregnable—it we opposed the admission of
California on other and weaker grounds we
Georgia Weekly Constitutionalist.
BY JAMES GARDNER, Jr
might fail. That they ought to be left out of
the questions discussed, as he believed. The
Address stated that Congress, in adopting the
constitution of Calitornia, adopted in effect
the VVilmot Proviso. The people of Califor
nia had adopted that constitution, right or
wrong. He believed then, that the Address
was liable to attack, and successful attack, 100.
To sustain his position, Mr. B. quoted Mr.
Calhoun's speech made in 1837, pioposing to
admit Michigan, and he thought that the sug
gestions of prudence and the spirit of concil
iation should dictate the leaving out ot the
portion he had reterred to. The distinguished
gentleman Irom Virginia, (Gen. Gordon,) had
admitted that the difference was but trifling—
that the substitute offered was essentially the
same. If things could be harmonized it was
the duty of all to concede something to that
end. United here, we should go home united;
and he was in favor therefore of the substitute
offered by the gentleman from Mississippi.
1 he Convention ought not to attack specific-
ally plans before Congress. There were gen
tlemen here who were like the gentleman
from Alabama, who had declared he would go
for the Compromise a thousand times betore
he would go for Disunion, and why then at
tack the com rromise plan of Mr. Clay, and
fail to attack that of Gen. Taylor or that of
Gen. Cass? He came here not to discuss the
plan of this man or of that man, but to discuss
great constitutional principles. Tiere was a
large portion of delegates 'here from the dil
ferent States in favor of the Compromise of
the Committee of Thirteen, and was k pru
dent or proper therelore to hurl a shaft at/ill
who sustained that plan? Nothing ought to
be done here to divide the Southern people.
If men who were here now —men distinguish
ed for their talent were to be run over, they
would not go home and fold their arms quiet
ly, but would go home to sustain themselves
before the people. A distinguished gentleman
here—his colleague, could not vote for the
Address. They then would be at issue—a
breach would be created, and he implored the
Convention not to divide its members —not to
turn them loose Irom this place to create dis
cord at home. He hoped something would
be conceded to the spirit of harmony.
Mr. Pickens regretted the necessity of tres
passing for a few moments on the attention
of the Convention. He hoped there would
be more harmony than appeared. The gen
tleman from Alabama,by inference, charged up
on the a Convention plans of Disunion. (Mr.
Hunter explained— ne did not intend to be so
unders ood.) His friend from Georgia (Mr.
Coiquitt) had been arraigned lor some of his
sentiments. What reason had the gentleman
himself to suppose that he was invulnerable?
What waters nad he been dipped in which
rendered him so? If there was any spot so
distinguished, it was nearer the other extremi
ty of his person than his heel. Why did not
the gentleman point to the views of other
men who had made aggressions upon public
rights? Until lately the ship of State had
sailed smoothly along with nothing to endan
ger the rich treasure with which she was
freighted. How had things changed ? Some
strong hand must grasp the helm or she
would be driven upon the most dangerous
breakers—O’er which the sorrowing sea
bird had sung.” Was the Union to be saved
by timid resolves—to be saved by measures
engendered by foul and leprous fanaticism ?
lie was here to save the Union, and he would
not give a fig for your Union without the Con
stitu ion. What were the principles of the
Resolutions of ’'-'8? That the Union of the
States was a compact —that each State acceded
to the compact. What follows? Why that
each State, in the last resort, has the right
peaceably to secede from the Union. If the
Convention dispersed without unanimity was
not each State compelled to act for herself?—
If all were united, did any believe the Union
would be dissolved ? The people of the fif
teen Southern States look to us to declare
their rights and attend to their interest. With
all acting together, the Union never could be
dissolved. Take a middle or half-way course,
and it might be. Tnere were some States
where men dare not make these questions a
mere matter of party. Act together and there
was no need of an appeal to arms. Wecou d
appeal to public sentiment —to the peopie,
looking bold to secession as the last remedy
to sustain, our rights. This was conservative
and would make the government pause,
Give us a Union protecting our rights, and
wo would spend the last drop of our blood to
defend it. He could not bow to the god of
fanaticism with its {cprosy. lie called this a
conservative body, but if we could not pre
serve c’jv lights, he was compelled to appeal
to a resort toanns, which the gentleman from
Alabama so much t**o£ds. Ihe remarks of
gentleman were so much ;J?e reverse of
all y.nh which he coincided, that he \*a» ;cn
odind to speak. lie apprehended we were 1
; ■ -ut iti .set in motion here, principles of the
IliirhesiT 'wporf ance. Hid voq ever, Mr. Pre
sident, in i>* n * TV 1 "; h’ W °! bUli " R |
in the Mississippi the ,lUl °. rivu f et
far away amongst tnd W lich lp
hunter carelessly stepped, the
wild deer drank. Follow it out, aim w » a <-
was the mighty result, witnessed?
It might have been observed that South
Carolina has taken but little part in this Con
vention. They had met here at the invita
tion of Mississippi, a younger but guliairt
State. She had led on a great occasion and
she would lead again. Let her place her line
again ever so high, and they of South Caro
lina would be w ith her. They asked for noth
ing more than was honorable—they would
have nothing less.
Mr. Gholson spoke at length in favor of j
amending the Address, and took occasion to
define and defend the position he occupied
with a minority in the Convention in an able
manner, asking in conclusion, if in case the
Compromise bill was passed would gentle
men be willing to dissolve the Union,
Mr. Newton, said he had not intended to
speak on the oecosion. Hu colleague and ,
friend (Mr. Gholson) had asked, however—if
in case the Compromise Bill was passed, would
he be willing to dissolve the Union? He had
no right to put such a question. He himself
was not, however, for timid counsels, any more
than for rtsh ones. What was the fact with
regard to the proposed Compromise? Why,
five out of six of the propositions were in favor
of the North. Was that a compromise which
proposed to take far a single free State nine
hundred and sixty miles on the shores of the
Pacific, cutting us out forever from all the
commerce of Asia and that quarter of the
w orld, and confining us to our own shores here
at holme? The day had passed when he knew
the distinctions of party, in common parlance,
and South, there ought not to be any distinc
tion sreeognised between Whig and Democrat
on these questions. He had fought for Whig
principles with all the ardor ot his nature; but
he could tell party leaders that party ties were i
broken, and they must look to the people
hereafter for guidance. He came from the
county which was the birth-place ot Wash
ington, and in that county they recognized no
distinction of sentiment upon the questions
which had brought him there. Hu yet hoped
that his friend and colleague and himself would
go home to co-operate in measures, notwith
standing the slight differences of opinion now
| existing between them.
Remarks of Mr- Gholson in the Southern Con
| vention —Mr. Gohlson of Virginia said that he
j did not rise to make a regular speech. The
1 position which he and other members of this
j convention occupied had not been fairly stat
• go. Gentleman speak of timidity. That which
' some eiwJ timidity, is often evidence of great
: rai firmstss. It is easy to go along with
1 the & more difficult t 0 °PP°*e it.
He knew' tfik* fie yas in a minority in th.s
body yet hd f-HWted fie had firmness to pur
: sue that course 'fVkick fiia judgement approv
| He was happy to hsar from the gentleman
from South Carolina, (Mr. Piekens,) that tue
course of that HCate had been niifeunderstooc-
that it was conservative. In much fh3t had
fallen from that gentleman, he concurred. To
other portions of his speech he could not sub
scribe. He was for taking firm ground—for
uniting the South; but he was opposed to as
suming a position, which he din not believe a
majority ot the Southern States would, or
ought to sustain. He had been axnious to pro
duce concert and harmeny, and with that view
had been willing, tnat the resolutions report
ed by the committee should be adopted. He
would have made no opposition to them, but
he could never agree to the address now under
| consideration. He regarded it in every res
| pect, as unwise and imprudent —calculated to
| distract, not to unite the South.
The amendments proposed by the gentle
man from Mississippi he considered as of no
importance. The argument remained sub
stantially the same. You could not mistake
the object of the argument. It w.,uld be no
more necessary in order to understand that the
address referred to the “Compromise” to say
so in words, than i; would be to write over the
picture, “this is a horse.” If gentlemen insis
ted that the Compromise should be discussed
and opposed, it was in his opinion more man
ly to do so directly. He dissented from the
address. Gentleman say they are anxious to
ewe here united. Then they had it in their
oyer to do so. The resolutions take ground
us high as any Southern man need occupy. It
is unnece.-sary to enlorce these resolutions by
any argument. The argument wifi
Besides who can undertake to say what forinjj'
the plan of adjustment before Congress,
assume? He did not propose to discuss that
measure. But if he agreed with gentlemen,
that it was open to all the objections urged by
the address, he should still regard it unwise to
issue it.
Gentlemen should recollect, that this Con
vention does not represent the whole South.
The address declared in substance that by the
acceptance of the Compromise, the rights and
honor of the South would be sacrificed. There
are numbers of distinguished men —as true
friends as the South ever had, who entertain
different opinions—who hail it as the offering
of peace. There are several Slave States,which
from public indications, are ready to accept, it.
Why then place, or attempt to place, the
South in a position from which she may
back out?
Suppose the compromise bill, with such a
mendments as may be adopted, becomts the
law of the land, does this Convention mean to
declare that this Union is to be dissolved ?
If so then he declared that in his opinion, the
South will not sustain them. He called upon
delegates here to answer the question. Will
the South resist the compromise bill.it passed?
He appealed to the delegates from Alabama,
from Florida, from Mississippi, from other
States, and asked them, to tell him, will the
people of those States resist ? He appealed to
his own colleagues, and asked them, if Virgi
nia i-> ready to dissolve this Union, ra’her
than acquiesce in the compromise/!' it become
a law? If gentlemen are not ready to answer,
that resistance is to follow the passage of the
measure, why, he asked, publish such an ad
dress ?
Sir, lam timid. I wish the South to take
no hasty action —to make no hasty resolves—
but to consider —ponder and weigh well every
measure, before its acts.
Let the South keep herself in the right,and
let this Convention assume no grouud in
which they will not be sustained by the great
body of the Southern people. I desire never
to see the South placed in a situation from
which she may be compelled to take a step
backward.
Mr. President. lam one of those tvko de
sire to use every effort under heaven to pre
serve the Union. I trust —I believe it may be
preservfed—preserved without the sacrifice of
Southern rights or honor. I agree that firm
ness ia indispensable—but sir, modera ion is
not less so.—l love the Union—love it lor all
that is glorious in the past —or bright in the
future. I love it because of the blessings :t
has conferred upon the civilized world. I
shudder at the contemplation of its destruc
tion. I dare not calculate its value. It has
blessed the inhabitants of earth, while its in
fluences have extended to Heaven. S rike
down this Union, and the trembling thrones
and to'teiing crowns of the old world will
again become steady Despotism, that has been
quailing before the march of free principles,
will again rear its head and fasten the chains
that letter the minds and bodies of men. He
would pause, before he would take any step
involving the perpetuity of such an Union.
He loved the South more than the Union,
and would never agreo that she should be
subjected to shame or humiliation. He loved
the South as he d id his own hearth and fire
side, and gentlemen would find when the
necescity came, which he prayed a kind Prov
idence might forever avert, that those whom j
they may now regard as timid, will be found
the first where danger calls. Let no man
think that the South—any part of the South
will ever yield to the arrogant pretensions of
the Northern fanatics. We must have peace,
security and equal rights, or this Union can
not endure. It was an Union of equality
into which these Spates entered, and that j
man deceives himself, who thinks, that the j
South will submit to see the Constitution, j
which formed the terms of the compact, per- j
verted and abused, and instead of continuing j
the source of protection and blessings, con- :
verted into an engine of wrong and oppress- |
ion. Every man in whose bosom there is a j
Southern heart ia resolved—determined to
stand by Southern rights—our duty to our
selves, to our children requires it.
But still he was in favor of moderation—
conciliation, and then should justice be deni
ed us, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
Tennessee, Virginia and all the South could
together rise up in defence of their right ‘at
all hazards and* to the last extremity.” He
repeated that the amendments offered by the
gentleman from Mississippi did not change
The character pf the address—they did not
make it acceptable to him,
Bemarks of Judge Beverly Tucker. —Judge
Tucker said that it gave him much pleasure to
have tho opportunity now of addressing the
Convention, and to remember that when he
did so before, it was for the purpose of allay
ing excitement. It was not for one ut wimio
veins litp.ei had chilled the fire of jputh, and
weakened the iinoa of imagination.to call down .
the applause of galleries, but he wished to j
spaalf the words of truth and soberness, those 1
becoming his years. He arose to answer his
colleague from Virginia, (Mr. Gholson) who
had asked—in case the Compromise Bill was
passed, would he be willing to dissolve the
Union.
He was prepared to answer 'hat question;
and when he bad answered it, his colleague
would be about as wise as he was before. His
colleague was an able lawyer, and would hard •
ly put such a question in a bill. He should J
be willing to have the compromise bill passed
with amendments, if ttiey would let l.im a
mand, If it was asked what he should do if
it passed without amendments, the gentleman
himself could not answer the question, and he
was not prepared to answer it. It wms because
they saw theie was danger and did r*qt know j
the extent of it, that they were there. He h<*d j
not come here with foregone conclusions. He ;
had the declaration of Virginia—that she was j
prepared at all hazards, and to the last ex- |
tremity to reaiat the adoption of the Wilmot |
proviso. The California Rill differed from the j
Wilmot proviso as the man who burns down ]
a house uilfers from the burglar. It would j
be for the Legislature of his Sta.e to say what j
action should be taken in the last resort:—On j
that poinf he was not prepared to answer.
He said that he was prepared to speak mo
derately. If the Address reported had been
such as was proposed by others he should have
voted for it although he should try tq persuade j
others to think as he aid. He was for peace and
harmony. He was not sorry the debate had
been gotton up, for each gentleman present
owed his best thoughts to the Convention.
The debate had, however, tak* n a very discur- |
sive character. It had brought up almost !
every thing relating to the-e questions. He j
repeated he was prepared to speak soberly. I
Some had spoken as if there was danger and ■
apprehension of strife. He saw nothing of the j
sort from the manifestations here. He spoke
not only without lear, but yvith a hope o: joy- .
tul expectations, In his temper of mind he
was prepared to put away all manner of i
“wrath ani doubting,” but unfortunately this j
temper was peculiar to himself. A sense of
danger not visible, seemed to pervade the
minds of many, and be knew too much ot the
laws which govern mind to know that such
could act properly. He wished to show the
people of the South that they had nothing to
lea'. It he sew a boy running into the water
at the sight of hit own shadow, he would say
—Stop, that is not the devil. He would tell
a revolutionary anecdote interesting to fiim.
The late Judge Johnson said that during the
Revolutionary war, he was attracted to a com
pany attached to Washington’s corps—a corps
that always had plenty Os lighting to do. Capt.
Manly took charge of hiiq, kept J*im on his
right and charged him to stay by hipj. 'kfiey
met on one aecasion a party of the enemy’s
dragoonß about in numbers, and on botb !
I sides chock full of fight. He found himself j
opposed to a poor looking fellow mounted on
a pony, in the fight he charged furiously
upon hipi at a r^ttfjn' pace, expecting to ride
over him and cleave him in the saddle. But
striking with great force his adversary parried
the blow, ami he, finding himself in dinger of
pitching over his horses head was constrained
to cling to his mane. In firs fear, expecting
momentarily to feel the blow of hi* antago
nist’s sword upon his head, he tried to draw
it with iustinctive fear under the cape of his
coat, when a blow from Manly.’s sword scat- ■
tered the brains of his foe and relieved him
from the danger. He had ever since believed
that men were very incapable q! proper rea
soning under the influence of fear.
Mr. VVebstpr, for the alledged purpose of
preventing Disunion, had put lorth the “ raw j
tiead and bloody bones” dictum, that no se
cession could be peaceable. Mr. Webster—
for their purposes were different —had Bought
to make it appear that in case of dissolution,
wars would ensue. What did these calm
words of Mr. Webster's mean? They could
have no other meaning, but that if any por
tion of the South tried to relieve itself by ser
cession, it would be followed by coercion on
the part of the North ! What was this but
a menace, a mere brutem Julmen. You must
lay down on your face and suffer your pock
ets to be picked or we will cut your throat*
| which, being interpreted, means the Compro
AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 3, 1850.
! mise ! He understood —tor he could not read
■ speeches now-a-days, they made hitftsijk;—
Mr. Clay and Mr. Cass, that “ nothern
* man with Southern principles’ said the
same thing. A formidable triumvir.,;*! All
triumvirates were formidable! It, was the
position of men like unto Caesar, T’ompey,
and Crassus ! Cae ar and Pompey, had Croe
sus to hold the straws whilst g me was
played. Gen. Cass was made a cat s-paw and
did not know what he was there foraaymore
■han Lentulus did, acting for Anthony and
Augustus. Defend him from triumvirates—
from the plans of men coming from different
quarters, all for themselves, and the ‘devil
take the hindmost.” There was mischief
brewing; and one of them will be thrust a
side, and never more be heard of. ’'gustus
had his province, Anthony bis, and they left
something in the hands of the stake older to
be played for. “When rogues fall out honest
men may come by their own.” W ti«t had
these men in common? Had they not been
vituperating each other for years? He dill
not know what Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster
had between them, but he thought Mr. W.
know why Mr. Clay had not been tne can
didate of his party repeatedly. •* While the
grass grows, the steed starves : What Slid the
prophesy some four thousand years ago ?
•• Dan shall be a serpent by the way—shall
bite the horse s heels so that the lidsf shall
fall backwards.” There was not a on
earth whose heart bowed down mcir. ver
entially in the presence of true great
his own, whilst he abhorred man worship. It
was natural for man to look up, to seek for
something between him and divinity— to
make an idol of almost anything? Under
the health influence of this pa.sion, we raise
our eyes to Washington. Others loekedup
to some bull, Apis ! Some in the political
church found it in Clay, some in Cass, and
some in Webster! In Mr. Clay he did see
something to admire, in Gen. Cass something,
about Mr. Webster—nothing. He cosld un
derstand why they should reverence Cisv, but
in the “ god-like” as they call him at the
North, he could not see anything. Even in
Jupiter Tonans, when his character was de
based by debauchery and profligacy he could
not see anything to command admiration. —
There was Cass ! When Achilles was going to
the Trojan war, he received from the oracle
what naent one thing, or another. The Nicho
lson letter was such a thing! It meant some
thing for one side, —a different thing for an
other. He was glad that his friend had strick
en from the Address Mr. Clay’s name, for he
would have nothing personal in that docu
ment.
He was sorry to wear out his poor voice in
talking of these matters. He had said that
Mr. VV ebster’s menace was a mere brutrm fill- |
men! He would put a case. Suppese Florida,
Georgia, South Carolina, Mississippi, and
Louisiana, should form a Southern Confed
eracy? Suppose they, driven to ir, should be
compelled to secede? Where was the power
on earth to lift a hand against it? Would New
England? Every one knew that her tecessi
ties tor cotton would compel her to be quiet.
Every body knew that she had taken ironi the
South some seven hundred millions of dollars,
and had not left it to be idle. She had real
ized. it—had put it in factories, slaps, and
palaces. What became of those, with the cot
ton cut off? Her marble palaces would be open
for those who chose to occupy them, like teose
of Venice, and her merchant princes would
skulk in obscure corners. Every nun in Eng- !
laud, was interested in this question too, and j
we should have her capitalists swarming over
here. The impossibility of having any resort
to violence was plain. If New England in- i
terfered, England and all the world would cry j
out, stop! to enable the South to go or, and I
make cotton. What would coercion do? Could |
the South bo coerced back into die Union? j
Could you get back South Carolina it she
should go out? The attempt would be such
suicidal folly as was never heard of! You
might as well say, that if Orpheus had be in the
only man in the word, the women woul* 1 have
killed him. He did not believe that Tennes
see and Kentucky would permit their Nor
thern neighbors to cross their territory to at
tack their Southern friends' Tilt '.itJmeiii
that secession takes place,—the mordent a
breach is made.— that moment the word y a ion
loses its charm. Suppose Nor h Caroliiia, on
this question, was met with an invitation to
join tne Union, would she not stand by her
sister States? He begged leave to suppose a j
case. Virginia is crowded iu the tobacco mar
ket by Kentucky and Missouri. Suppose such
a Confederacy—that Clay could keep Ken
tucky, and Benton Missouri! The Southern
Slates would only have to make some »ligtit
commercial concessions to England to get five
or ten cents knocked off ot the duty on tobac
co, and Kentucky and Missouri could not sell
a pound iu the English market. People un
derstand these things! Hut suppose the Con
federacy embraced all the Southern States, a
country from the Chesapeake to the Gulf of
Mexico ancj the Rocky Mountains; and what
y«uld &he want? There would be * homo
geneous populationblood, and a har
mony uninterrupted. No nation das ex
isted with so magnificent a prospect, as would
be presented by this view of the case.
What would be wanting? Aiy thing in com
merce—manufactures? Virginia included coal
and water power in abundance. Wn&t could
they want? Suppose this thing done? Where
would be Pennsylvania? She had now to
sustain herself against the competition of all
New England, and was always crying out
ebout the Tariff. Yet she had the Southern I
market. Xajte away the Tariff, and she goes
to the markets of the world, in eppositjoq to
New England, and she would at once be the
workshop of the South; and instead of being
on the margin and contending for the markets
with New England and New York, she would
have it all to herself. There was Ohio, Il
linois and Indiana! What Ohio would do he
did not know —she was a sort of nondescript.
She had,indusiry, skill, wealth, commerce, and
all that. But when you go ashore at the
“Queen City,” you would think she was im
ported from Germany. There was a little of
■ the Irish brogue to be sure. She had all ihe
I elements of greatness, but she was a problem.
I One of the most beautiful features of the sla
j very system was that the association of the
whites and blacks had elevated the latter. As
; sociations between equals would generally
elevate one class at the expense of the other.
1 Our system had made the negro pretty much
[of a gentleman! The Ohio man has nothing
< to elgvate but the hog, and he cannot make
I any thing ot him. There was one thing Ohio
! reminded him of—it was a green t,nd jtanding
i poo—aye, a cess-pool.
He was conscious that he lad tired the pa
i tience of the audience. A tired man speaking
I to a tired audience, was like a tired man
! riding » Ured horse ! He had not said a tenth
j part of what he haa rneapt tq ugy ! He came
'• here with his mind charged, and he might as
j well attempt to drain Lake Erie through a
goose quill as attempt to bring ou> ail in his
mind through hiss jeech. He had said noth
i jng qf compromises, but he would say he was
| sick of them. Wo bqq always lost by them,
j and they had all come from the same quarter.
| Some of the agitation might have been gotten
up lor the sake of the credit of pacification.
But he was too much fatigued to speak, and
would close.
Remarks of Judge Wilkinson —Judge Wil
kinson, of Mississippi, bogged the indulgence
of the convention whils , he made one or two
suggestions. He spoke for the purpose of
harmonizing matters in debate—to find out
where they were, so wide had been the lati
tude of discussion, J-ik® the venerable gen
tleman from Virginia, he would vo'c fsr t*l e
Address, or any thing which would promota
harmony and make all agree when they left
L.e?e, although he did not agree with all it
contained- There were gentlemen here be
lieving that when the time comes for the ap
peal to tl).e ultima ratiq—to secession,or what
ever it might be termed, they woijld not be
justified in opposing the Federal goyernment
unless the constitution was openly and di
rectly violated. He took higher ground, al
though he would yield something to the
prejudices of those who differed with him.
There were great cardinal principles of ethic-,
reserved rights, the right of politjccl justice,
forinstai.ee. This right had been repeatedly
jmpugned. If it was impugned by the ad
mission of .Califofijis or in any other way, he
"lie was disposed to resist it, Are we to be
deprived by the great code of political ethics
of our rights, because certain rights were not
named in that instrument ? Let the Address,
if it be necessary, be remanded to the com
tuiu.ee. He would like to see it re-cast, al
though he vould receive it as it was. But it
had been compared to a bedqqilt, and there
was something apt iu the comparison, ft
ought not to appear with a piece of broad
pl.ptb here, a piece of silk there, and a piece
of damask iu sn°'-k er {dace. He would vote
for the Address in either of she forms, but he
should prefer to see it re-c^st,
Ife could not take his seat without thank
ing the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr.
Pickens,) for the high compliment pafci his
State yesterday. Like two stars, if th# time
should ever come, when they should jolde in
their orbits “chaos would have come a|ain.”
lie was not there to praise the Union, touch
less to disparage it. It had wroughlits benC*
fits. I it had covered us with glory, theN rrth
had clothed itself with power. Grass was
growing in tne streets of Charleston, Norfolk
and Savannah, and in his own State, in those
residences once the seat of a generous hos
pitality, “rhe rank grass now waves, and the
fox looks out of the windows.” He should
not specify the mode of resistance. He had
listened with much pleasure to the gentleman
Wbo had last beenpied the ears of the con
vention. He had mentioned Ohio —her con
duct towards her old and indulgent parent in
her aggressions upon her. She was indeed
that parent to drink of the stand
ing pool.
Remarks' of Judge Goldthioaite. —Judge
Goldthwaite, of Alaoama, said: he felt some
delicacy in occupying the time of the Conven
tion, as.his delegation had already occupied a
good deal of its time. If he did not feel the
necessity of harmonizing, he should not think
ot imposing his remarks upon them. He did
not believe any differed in their anxiety as to
the necessity of creating the greatest effect
both at home and abroad. He did not mean—
that to produce that effect there should be the
sacrifice of any right principle, or the estab
lishment of any wrong one. He differed some
what from the sentiments conveyed in the Re
solutions and Address; but bdievir.g that the
Resolutions reflected the veiws of a great ma
jority of those present, he went for them.—He
believed that in relation to the principal points,
there was no difference of opinion. He pro
posed to review some of the points relative to
the evils specified.
It could not be disgui-ed that the civilized
world was leagued abroad against us. Revo
lutionary France had, the first thing, set free
three hundred thousand slaves, who had vindi
cated their claim to freedom by rapine and
murder. England had done the same thing,
and other nations of Europe, the same also.
The whole of continental Europe, with the ex
ception of the weaker powers, had taken the
same ground, and on this continent we had
seen in the last few years, fourteen States de
liberately instructing their Senators and Rep
resentatives in Congress to restrict slavery to
its present limits, thus endangering the safety
of the institution. We had seen more.- -Party
ties at the North had been sundered and scat- J
tered to the winds in favor of this action. We j
had seen the Compromise, when passed in the |
Senate, promptly repudiated in the House; j
and the mean, infamous, and contemptible i
party whose members a tew years since were j
mobbed in the houses and churches of the |
North, was now countenaced, its views adopt- I
ed in the pulpits and in the philosophy of the |
schools, and sanctioned by men high in posi- |
tion there. Circulated large y by their presses, |
their views had been felt even in the terri- I
tories ot Nebr ska and M.nesota. Whilst our j
slaves were increasing, our territory was de- I
creasing; and although the period could not j
be deffned, the time would come under this |
condition of things when we should have to j
give up our property. Seeing this is so, we
must prepare for this action of the North.—
The onl v true principle is to rivet on the minds
of the North the idea, that if this was perse
vered in, the effect must be ultimately to dis
solve the Union. It should be done tempe
rately, but firmly: and it could not but have a
good effect there. What the effect of the j
Union had been, was well shown by the vene- j
ruble gentleman from Virginia. It has given J
importance to the trade of the North—has
contributed to their eminence. No one could
well doubt but that tire same benefits might be
made to result to the South. It had been cus
tomary to depreciate the resources of the
South. No country ever was richer in all the j
resources which constitute wealth. We had i
mines of lead and coal. Once separated, strong !
hands would bring these resources to inaction. |
Let these truths |be duly impressed upon
all, that this condition of things might occur, I
and the North might cease its aggressions. !
Did any suppose that the mere abstract ques- j
tion of slavery, would fall with more force on
the ear of the North than a question of inter- i
est? It was not their interest to let that idea !
nave any weight, but let the idea he had ad- I
vaneed once he impressed upon them, and I
co-iid it be fiouqtea that it would have its es- j
fev*. He knew that the horrors of Dissolu- \
tion, as mentioned by the gentleman from Vir- j
ginia, were held up before us —were pourtray- j
ed by glowing lips and in eloquent language, j
But he believed with him, it was done to I
arouse our fears. He could see no reason why I
secession should produce war, either in rela- j
tion to the navigation of the Mississippi or the
division of the public lands. Suppose it did. j
Suppose it produced not only war, but famine
and destruction. Suppose the fertile fields |
around this beautiful city were deluged in j
b'ood! Is that any reason why we should j
ignominously submit and put off the evil day?
Would gentlemen be willing to avoid war
upon the terms put upon us by our Northern
brethren—terms involving degradation and
disgrace? He would pursue that course which
should prevent all this. The only objections
he had to the Resolutions were that they did
not go t&r enough; but es they were adopted
—believing that the utmost harmony was ne
cessary to our success, be was willing to see
them adopted.
Tne same committee had reported an Ad
dress, and Delegates from his own, amongst
other States, had d ; ffered with each other in
relation iq sojfce of the points presented. One
gentleman from Alabama had sa,d fire Ad
dress was not in strict conformity with the
Resolutions. He thought, with all due defe
rence, that in this he could not be sustained.
So far as his colleague was concerned, ho did
not think there was so wide a difference as
might be imagined. He would sacrifice much
for entire harmony. There was ope princi
ple which should enter into this report, It
should be a just exponent of the opinions en
tertained by this body. He did not ask gen- j
tlemen to sacrifice any constitutional princi
ple. If they would examine the amendments
presented by the gentleman from Mississippi,
-.hey would find they could adopt the Ad
dress without any sacrifice of constitutional
principles. If the report did not compromise
the constitutional opinions of gentlemen.it ap
peared to him they could occupy the grounds
taken in it together. It was their to
have harmony, if possible.
! He had neglected to name another strop."
indication of public opinion at the North. He
doubted not but that the action of this Con
vention would be denounced es harmless. In
Alabama they pledged each other largely to
support no one who would not go against the
\Vilmot Proviso. But when the contest came,
the National Guards were at once converted
into Swiss Quarfis, end men rallied in favor of
a man known to be opposed to tne feouth by
his votes in Congress. He said this with fee
lings of mortification and regret.
As to tne llaport, he had said he did not
i think it went far enough, although hebeiievi d
t that some feared the language was vitupera-
I tive. If it \yas so, fye Wished it to be stricken
out.
To show how our efforts had been viewed
hitherto, he would read from the proceedings
of the Anti-Slavery Society of Massachusetts
for the year 1849.
[Hare Judge G. read some passages, sneer
ing at the •‘gasconade*’ of the South, and com
menting upon her supposed “weakness.”]
Judge G. continued. The tone of the pro
ceedings sos 1850 were not far different, in
their comments upon the Southern Address,
and the Address of Judge Berrien. [He here
also read some passages to illustrate what he
had said.J Did gentlemen suppose then, that
the Report went far enough ? He did not
think it, and he believed that in consequence
it would fail to have the effect anticipated,
Although he so (Bifered, he was ready to give
his vote for the Resolutions and Address, be
lieving there coma lye no wrong in that much
concession. He put forth no peculiar v iews
here. He did not believe he should ever go
deranged in favor of the Union. It was true
that his pulse might beat faster—that his
blood might flow more quickly when York
town, Monmouth or T'rehton were mentioned;
but no longer than when the constitution
was preserved was he in favor of that Union.
Remarks of Judge Sharkey —Judge Sharkey
took the floor. He said he was not much ac
customed to public speaking, and should pre
fer a conversational tone, as he had no store
of flowers to offer, but should 4eal iu matters
offset.
In the first place he asked permission to de
clare that he would vote for the Resolutions,
although fie intended to go against the address
in whatever shape it was presented : at least
in relation to that part which treated of the
compromise. He mignt have said, hitherto,
that ne was in favor of the compromise, but
yet he should_go against it. He was one of
thp prignators of this convention, which move
ment commenced fyitfl a small meeting in Mis
sissippi without dictation from any quarter.
That meeting called the October convention. It
was charged that it was gotten up by those
who were in favor of Disunion, and that those
who favored it were guilty of treason. He
started from hqtne with fear and trembling,
I not knowing that he should meet a man here.
Under these circumstances he would have ta
ken any compromise at all. But he found
that the spark of public patriotism burnt bright
and strong, and he again therefore took hia
[VOL. XXVIII.—NEW SERIES.—VOL. V—NO. 21.
stand. He did not fear a charge of inconsis
tency, f his reason was given to guide him in
such cases, fie W|3 against the report, and
he cared flotwlytt name sanctioned it. He
held it to be impolitic to pursue a course, cal
culated to throw off men, and that Report was
calculated to divide u«. •, We should not arm
those who were opposed to us, and when you
armed the opposition youjarmed the abolition
ists. He would admit'that the report was
able—that it was well written—a good argu
ment for Congress; but what was an argument
there, was no argument here. He was in favor
of the amendments. He asked that the por
tions proposed to be amended be once more,
redt. - . . r
l Mr. Meßea her? read the portions, alluded
to by Judge S.]
Judge S. continued. The compromise Bill
was discussed as a grievance : the other was a
plain straight-forward stricture on Congress.
He came here to discuss grievances, but not
to discuss the bill in question as such, until it
was carried our, The qddresi" could hbt set
up the bill as a was our own pro
position to some extent, and we could reach it
by the usual channels of legislation. The
convention sat for a higher purpose—-to do
that which could not be done by ordinary le
gislation. Jt was when the people could not
have redress through the ordinary ir.eanß,that
they-must try others.
Air, Rhett here said) that the Address did
not treat of the Compromise as a grievance—
the Compromise, as yet was no grievarice—- it
was no. passed—it h«>d noVxiste*<£..-.
Judge S. here read another portion of the
address. He said that when Congress propos
ed to exclude slavery from California, it was
an evil to be reached by extraordinary means.
\Vhen we could have redress by the ordinary
means of legislation, it must be resorted to.
Evils should not be set up and combatted.
The Compromise Bill has not yet passed.
Does any one believe it will pass ? Why then
discuss a thing which may have no existence.
If we went on thus, the bill might be put an
end to in Congress, and the Address then
would amount to nothing. The abolitionists
might say to us, they were as much opposed
to the Compromise as we were, and would as
sist us to put an end to it. They were dis
cussing matters here which might be put
an end to at any time. He was not sent here
to advise Congress. It was for the people to
advise their members. They were oil higher
grounds— to make the issue with the North
ern people. If the evil is in Congress, the
power is not here to arres’ it. The North
does not present the Compromise bill ns au
issue—it is our own. Tne opposition is so
deemed there, that he considered the propos
ed measure as at an end. He did not believe
it would be unconstitutional to admit Cali
fornia—other gentlemen might differ with him;
but they ought not to send forth debatable
matter. He believed Congress had the power
to admit California. It was contended in the
address, that it might be unconstitutional; and
yet it said that it might be assented to. How
could we assent to it, if it was unconstitution
al? Why, too, discuss the Compromise Bill
in the Address, when it was not in tne Reso
lutions ? The one ought to be baaed upon the
other, and the convention ought not to put
lorth any thing on which it could not stand.
There were differences of opinion abroad and
at home; and unless jou strip the proceedings
of objectionable matter, you iniy call conven
tions forever, but it would be like “ending
spirits from the vasty deep,” they would not
“come.” The Compromise Bill had never been
an issue before the people of Mississippi, and
he did not feel that lie had any authority to
act upon it. If it was a grievance, it vygs a
grievance supplied by people of ail portions of
the country, North and South, by some of the
people of Mississippi, and some of those of
Tennessee, as well as by members of Congress.
Whether in what he had said, he had express
ed his views exactly, he did not know; but he
would say to all in conclusion, that this should
baa convention of compromise.
Remarks of Gov. Hammond. —Gov. Ham
mond said, that as one who had aeted in try
ing to get the Address through the Coii.mit
tee, he perhaps ought to speak,and he sfu.-uk',
pndeayor to answer objections in the cairn
temper and spirit which had characterized the
address of the gentleman who had just taken
his seat. The Committee had had a hard duty
to perform in the great mass of matter laid be
fore them. He did not feel d.sposed, at the
present stage' of the question, to say what
should be done. The sole object at tins time
was to unite the South. VVhat was to be
done—what looked to? Why to the action
of Congress on the Compromise Bill now before
that body, as the remedy ior all tbp wropgs
suffered by the South. It was of no conse
quence who permittei it—men of the North
or South. Every thing dear to us was at
stake, and were we to stand trembling on the
verge of ruin, awaiting the pleasure of this or
that member? The Committee were anxious
to conciliate all, were anxious to put it in such
form as that all might be pleased ; but no pro
position could be advanced to which some
men would not have to give way, and after
twice considering all the matter brought be
fore it, they had presented what was now be
fore the Convention. He was never more as
tonished than he was to hear a gentleman of
the wide reputation of the gentleman from
Mississippi, say that it was unconstitutional
to examine into a measure before Congress.—
Os what grievance do we complain ! Was it
not the legislation of Congress which had
driven us to this? It was the privilege of
any member to examine the measures of Con
gress, and to attempt to arrest oppressive le
gislation.
Judge Sharkey explained. He only meant
to say that yvhen ends coqld nqt bs qb
tained by ordinary means, other means must
be resorted to.
Gov. H. resumed. The explanation does
not alter the matter. What were we attempt- j
ing now? Simply concentrating public opin- 1
ion to influence the ordinary legislation of 1
Congress. It would be perfectly constitution
al to denounce the leg’slaticti pf Congress if 1
we disagreed with it. All had the right to do
this. He was astonished at the obliquity of
intellect evinced by the gentleman, and he
could not account for it, unless it was caused
by the fears with which he had started from
home, and which must have clouded bis in
tellect. Was no* the Chairman of that Com
promise Committee now writing and eliciting
letters to and from all directions, to try to
influence public opinion? He did not until
now, understand the position of his Mississippi
friends. This had furnished a key to it. lie
could not tell until now what they wpro
driving at! He did not geo it in Committee,
but he'saw it now, and with amazement. He
could not imagine how they could be influ
eneed to mar the report to so great an extent.
Judge S. again explained. He did not wish
to send out a report to condemn men-
Gov. H. Jf ffyey deserve condemnation,
condemn uieui. He was for no master. North
ern or Southern; and it made no difference
whether he was Northern or Southern, if he
was a master. He was for the principle libres
homo—as was said yesterday. He did not
care who was the author of the Compromise,
so it was wrong. He now understood how
the matter was. They would discuss abstrat
principles, and not measures. He thought
we were here to discuss the application of prin
ciples to measures. If abstractions must be
discussed, merejy, we must recommit the Re
solutions. A good deal had been said as to
what they came here for. They were not
here to trail in the rear of public sentiment,
they were the leaders of the South—the ap
pointed leaders—not to hunt up public opin
ion at grog-shops, courts, mills, &c., but to
act, and act as leaders. They had been aent
here with a generous confidence, and the high
duty was devolved upon them to po int out
the way—to lead the people in the way to
equality and independence.
He would say, that although he came here
with no apprehensions as to what would be
done, he did apprehend a small meeting. —
liqt now his apprehensions were spattered to
the winds. Nine States had mot togother to
consult upon the rights and interests < f the
South, and it was utterly impossible for any
fragment to divide itself off upon any plat •
form so insignidc. nt as that presented. We
had nothing to do but to march forward in
one unbroken column to ecMraUcy iii the
Union, or independence out of it.
Tub Jackson Statue.— We, on Saturday,
(says the Washington Republic) made a call
upon Mr. Mills at bis studio, to inquire res
pecting the health of himself and his bronze
hoyae, Mr, M-J reported favorable respecting
his own condition, bqt we are sorry to learn
that his statue is in statu qu,o . He is nit yet
supplied with the metal to be melted down
for the purpose, and must await the action of
Congress upon the subject. There is, near
our oity, a large quantity qf pieces of ordi
nance, condemned long since, that would an
swer the purpose, but they may not be so
used without the formalities of aCongri ssional
appropriation. We feel a good deal of inter
est on this subject, for we are well assured
the statue of Jackson will reflect honor upon
the genius of our talented countryman and
do ciedit to the taste and patriotism of those
who may aid him in his present meritorious
effort.
\ Reported for the Baltimore Ban.]
Thjrty.firgt Congress-First Session.
Washington, June 24, 1860.
SENATE.
Mr. Hunter presented the credentials of the
Hon. Robert W. Barnwell, appointed by the
Governor of the State c f South Carolina, Sena
tor from that State in the place of Hon. F. H.
Elmore, deceased.
Mr. Barnwell appeared, was qualified and
took his seat.
Mr. Clay called for the oder of the day.
The adjustment bill was taken up.
Thetuditory was very large and brilliant,
being attracted by the notice that Mr. Soule
Was to address the Senate.
Mr. Soul“ brought forward a substitute for
that part of the bjil which provides for the ad
mission of California, as follows:
Ist. That when California -hall, by her Le
gislature, signify her accept“U';e of the parallel
of 36, 39. /North latitude, the Missouri
line, i. e. her Southern boundary, jf.nJ relin
quish all claims to the public domain in her
limits, the President of the U. States shall
declare her to be one of the States of thjs
Union, and on an equal footing with theoriig
nal States.
2d. That the sum collected by the United
States from the customs in the ports ofsDaii
fornia be returned to the treasury of the State
3d. That the Senators and Representatives
elect from California receive mileage and pay,
equal to that allowed to'the delegate from tie
Territory ot Oregoi\ ** N
4 th. That the Territory of South California,
be organized with the same provisions as those
prescribed for Utah; and that, when the peo
ple thereof shall form a State con-titutfon,the
State may be admitted with or without slav
ery, as the people may provide.
Mr. Soule spoke at great length in support
of this substitute. He devoted much of the
first portion of the argument to the purpose
of showing that, without the relinquishment,
by California, before her admission as a State
of the right to make any primary disposal of
the soil, the domain will pass to her. Cali
fornia was not a party to the condition impos
ed upon her by the bill from the committee of
thirteen, and it would not bind her, after she
became a State. If one legislature accepted i
the condition, the next might reverse it. It j
was necessary that she must pass an ordi
nance before her admission protec ing the j
rights of the United States in the publiclands. !
He showed that the ordinance passed by j
the California Convention respecting the lands, I
relinquished only the vacant lands. Alter i
havir g appropriated eleven hundred thousand !
acres for the use of school, there would be j
few vacant or unoccupied tracts of the lan i i
that would lie good for anything, after 200,- !
000 settlers had seized on them.
Atthrje o’clock, without concluding, Mr.
Soule yielded the floor, and the bill was”post
poned ill to-iuorrow.
_ After spending s >me time in Executive ses.
sion the Senate adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Mr. Carter proposed a resolution which was
agreed to, instructing the committee on com
merce to inquire in<o the expediency of por
viding a law compelling all craft earning
passengers and navigating the waters of the U.
States, or sailing under the authority of the
U. States., to be provided with ample and
suitable resources of escape to passengers, in
case of accident by fire or otherwise; and
further to inquire into the expediency of mak
ing cer ain custom house officers inspectors,
to carry out any law in pursuance oithe pur
pose of this resolution; and that said commit
tee report by bill or otherwise.
On motion of Mr. Inge, the rules were sus
pended, and the House resolved itself into
committee of the whole (Mr. Richardson in
the chair,) and resumed the consideration pf
the Bounty Land Bill.
The entire day was occupied on this bill.
AT the amendments proposed— of which there
were many—were voted down. [This wr
understood to be in consequence of the action
of the friends of the bill in their caucus on
Saturday night. It was then and there de
termined to vote down all amendments, ex
cept the oil'e agreed to by tho caucus, which
was so to amend the bill so as to exclude all
from its provisions who had not served three
months in the various wars in which the U
nited States have been engaged.]
The discussion was of great length.
Tne committee rose at 4 o’clock, without
having adopted a single amendment, e,nd the
House adjourned.
Washington, June 23, 18.30.
SENATE.
Mr. Davis, of Mass, presented memorials
from citizens of the U. S. stating that the cot
ton and woollen and calico print establish
ments have suspended or are running without
profit; also, that the iron establishments of the
U. States are much depressed or are actually
stopped. He enlarged upon the fact that large
importations of railroad iron were to come in,
and the price would rise, as it would meet
with jio competition here. The U. States lost
twice a3 much by the substitution of forei n
iron for American iron, as the actual value of
the amount imported.
If Pennsylvania lost a million of dollars by
the destruction of her iron works, it followed
that the amount of home productive industry,
was to be paid for, in an exchange of com
modities. The result would soon be—and
had already happened—that the country would
be drained of specie to pay for importations.
The necessary consequence of persisting in this
policy, would be universal poverty and dis
tress. He wo«ld pursue this subject at a fu
ture time,
After other memorials had been presented,
Mr. Jefferson Davis reported a bill to pro
vide for the classification of clerks in the mili
tary bureaus, and the equalization of their
salaries.
Mr. Rusk introduced a bill for raising two
additional regiments of cavalry; reterred to
the committf e on military affairs.
The adjustment bill was taken up.
Mr. Soule's amendment pending.
Mr. Soule pursued has argument in regard
to the; public domain of California, showing
that while all foreign nations would have ac
cess to the riches ot Cdifornia, the U. States
would alone be deprived of them. He refer
red to the Spanish law as existing in Mexico,
in order to show that the mines would be
open to allnations, if those laws were not re
pealed.
He contended, in the second branch of his
argument, in favor of dividing California into
two parts, that the limits assumed wero ex
travigant. To the new States that had come
in, an average of 44,000 square miles hadbeen
allotted, and three tunes mat area was given
to Cql fornia. He showed alsuthat the rep
resentauuns in the Convention was skilfully
contrived to give the non-slaveholding policy
a predominance. U'ah was therefore exclud
ed from the Convention.
He argued that the whole of C ilifornia was
equal to the support of a population of near
ly twenty millions.
In a few years— some tdn or twenty—Cali
fornia would possess an overpowering influ
ence fi the other House—with her forty or
fifty .Representatives.
Mr. Douglass took the floor; and, after
spending a short time in Executive session.
The Senate adjourned.
HOUsE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Mr. Cobb, ot Ala., moved that the House
resolve itself into committee of the whole on
the State of the Union, on the Bounty Land
bill.
Mr. Burt said this day had been assigned
for the consideration of the report of the select
committee of the House in the matter in
which the Secretary of War was connecte 1—
commonly known a the Galphin claim. He
was very unwilling to interfere with any of
the business before the committee of the
whole on the State of the Union, but he feft
that it was but an act of justice to a high func
tionary of the Government that the matter
which was the special order of the day, before
the House, should be disposed of, instead of
going into committee on the Bounty Land
bill.
The Chair stated that the motion to go into
Committee of the Whole on the state of the
Union would take precedence; but should
the House refuse to go into committee, the
Galphin case would t ke proiedenco over all
other business until disposed of,
The question was put on the motion of Mr.
Cobb, of Ala-, and it was carried in the affir
mative—yeas 118, nays 76 -i nd the House re
solved itself into Committee of the Whole,
(Mr. Richardson in tbe Chair) and resumed
the consideration of the Bounty Land bill.
After much discussion the committee voted
down the proposition of McLane as an amend
ment to the amendment of Mr. Hubbard.
Mr. Albertson withdrew his resolution, and
Mr. Miller, of Ohio, proposed a substitute,
the same as had been adopted by the caucus,
for it.
The bill provides 40 sores for 3 months, 80
acres for 6 months, und 160 acres for 12
months service, and upwards.
The committee, after voting down the
numerous amendments offered, adep *4 the
last (Mr. Miller’s) which was the caucus bill.
1 he Hous.e, under the operation pi the pre
vious question, concurred in the bill es
committee. The lull was 01 dere 1 forengi®s
ment, and being engrossed, was read a (bird
time and passed on a vote on yea* and m<y<f;
ot 165 in the affirmative, and 36 in the negative.
( From the MwM'ia 'Advocate, 27 th imt .)
Fro* Baibacuc.
Comb Come All. ■ ?
Fellow-Citizens :
The time has arrived for you to exercise, t»
the fullest extent, that eternal vigilance
is the price of Liberty. We are
you have so often been deluded by the erf. of *
wolf, during the ordinary conflicts of
aeretofore, that itis bu* a natural eonsequeSC® )
thi; you should not heed .he alarm, when in,
truth, ttt'effvolf i* iu the fold. We are awariP j*
that an* sgnfeuluiral people, who are busily'
engaged in jpfesecuting their calling, have not
always time or opportunity to Jteeu them
selves posted up in reference to the rfuficfemen‘a
of the General G iveinment. If the most
palpable violations of the Constitution, and
the usurpation o all important and vital right*
which are essential to our i..dependence as ft *
people, should be viewed as dangerous
liberty, then, of a truth, are we in danger of
losing that liberty, transmitted to us by »s<}-
ble ancestry. Believing that it is prop -r iiiat
we, as a peiple, should meet, consult and ad -
vise with each other on a subject so' neartoi '
affecting our dearest interests, we invite *ll
of our fellow-citizers, who ieel that we are
being oppressed, and that it i# important that
the South should unite in <ton*e pr ctitfal and
effectual measure of te-istanCe, to assemble
on the fquutu of July next,
tliut we rqav gjWeexpreshitm nfour warm as
sent to the and Resolutions of tfie
Nashville Convention, and our determination
to support, at every hazard, the action of that
body, characterized by so much* wlilom and
moderation. Qua object is to- save, m t bes
tkoythb Union, and to prepare for any and,
every emergency. 1 r>
COME ONE ! COMJS ALL !
Addresses may be expected from some of
the ablest men of the State, irrespec ‘do of Par-
Ai the dens a . . ;.*■ wiii A
be prepared sujjieient for uU. CJJMCJ and 8
bring your wive and little ones, and lot uli
unite in our country’s cause.
M Myers, J F Arnold.*
S Lawrence, Wm T Brooks,
C. Tucker, Win. G Green,
A Nelson, JAG Anderson.
M S Bellenger, J S Morris,
Wm. Phillips, N M Caider,
J S Anderson, Wm Hunt,
T II Moore, N L Burge,
W S Johnson, M W Green,
llobt. Mu Alee, J B Biack we’d,
B Tolltaon, J O 'artrell, ’
H Con s, J Warrtlaw,
I N Heggie, T M McGuire.
Spanish Insolence.—The schooner Gene
ral lay lor, Capt. Wiight, from Chagres,
bound to Turks Islands, 30 days out, put in
to this port yesterday for water and ballast.—
The Captain states that when off Cape An
toine, he was boarded by a Spanish man-of
war (name not given.) whose commander
sent aboard two officers and s eight men, who
seareht d, the vi ssel thorough v, and insolent
ly demanded his crew list and otner papers,
not being satisfied with th*> report which the
Captain gave. Ihe schooner was in company
with the brigNevius. ol Beverly, Mass, bound
from Mansanello, (Cuba,) to Boston. This
brig was also searched.
It is readily granted that Lopez and hia
followers communed a great outrage against
Spain, by' which they exposed themselves to
a severe penalty in toe event of their capture.
But that tit s all passed by. The invasion has
been abandoned and quiet restored. There is no
longer any excuse, it there ever was any
right under the law of nations, tor boarding
and searching American vesse s, sailing under
our fl ig, and pursuing the legitimate objects
of comm roe. It was for this very thing,
among others, that wo went to war with G.
Britain in 1812. We hope, therefore, that our
Government will take this matter into imme
diate consideration and at once suppress this
insolent searching of American vessels. Spam
should be made to unde, stand that, notwith
standing one of her renegade sons, at the
head ot a tew infatuated 10110-vers, ha- out
raged her soil and I er laws, she cannot there
fore with impunity stop our vessels upon tne
high seas and cast insult upon our flag. This
is one of the greatest indignities that one na
tion can offer to another; and we have very
much misunderstood the character ot Presi i
dent Taylor, if he submits to it.— Suv. Hem M
llean, 21th inst .
Attempt to set iini:.
made, at an early hour yesterday morning,
fire the dwelling of Mr. J. M. Anger, in Went'
worth, near Anson-strcet. Combustible ma
terial was j laced on one of the sills of the
piazza, which ignited and communicated to
tne fiooy. The fire, however, was fortunate
ly discovered by some of the domestics on the
premises, h Tore it had made ntuoa progress,
A negro fellow was arrested, on suspicion of
having committed the act, and t summed
yesterday afternoon, but the evidence was noC
sufficiently strong to commit him, and he was
discharged. We learn that an attempt \va3
also made, during Wednesday night, to bum
: the dwelling of a gentleman in nCharloite
streot, on the Neck. — Charleston Courier, 2Hlh
\ inst.
Florida. —By gentlemen airsVed yesterday
from Florida we are informed that the crops
of co-ton, tobacco and corn are very good in
the middle district and portions of the Eastern,
In the neighborhoods of St. Augustine, Pilat
ka, and Jacksonville, the crops are suffering
much from drought. The cane and couon is
quite backward, and corn is badly burnt up.
—Savannah Georgian, 27th mat.
Bain- —We were favored with a refreshing
shower yesterday morning. It was a welcome
boon to our citizens, who had been s'.iffe iug
martyrdom from the effects of dust for the
past tortnigln.— lb.
Cotton Crops.—Accounts ate pouring in
Upon us from all sections of the State, ot the
disastrous appealance of the Cotton erops.
The public mind abroad has been incredulous
in consequence ot statements, circulated in
previous seasons, to fluctuate prices. But the
present is beyond ail matter of speculations
facts are too apparent to admit of a doubt in
regard to its present condition, and the aea
son is too far advanced to build up a hope tor
the future. We have taken particular p iua
to collect the mos. reliable info rnation from
the principal cation-growing districts of the
State, and ail agree in the general tenor of
gloomy prospects.
One writer informs us that the cotton-fields
in the South-w a ern part, of the State present
an appearance of actual blight, which may be
a'tributed to the coldness vu the eaily part
of the season, wlveh nepnved it of its healthy
start; then tho lung continued drought, which
produced an unhealthy appearance; and now
UiC ravages of the lice.
We have als > accounts from Louisiana,
Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama, ah of
which arc equally discouraging.
Tue Corn crops, in some sections of tho
Sttte, is said to look prom sing, while in
others it has suffered in consequence oi the
drought. —/i.
Fashionable Ornaments in California.-.
A letter from Sacramento City in the Boston
Traveller says:
A grand ball took place here ye terday—•
said to nave been very grand indeed. 1 waa
only an outsider. It cost some $20,000 I
saw a hack Oomb for a Udy, made oi Califor
nia gold, set wilh brilliants and specimens,
which cost not less than $301), got up express
ly for the occasion. 'lnis sort ot extiava
ganee is very much on a par with the ring
in min or the spur luror. About every other
man you meet wears a huge ring on some fin
ger, weighing from one to lour ounces ! I
have lately seen one made expressiy for a lady.
I put it in the scales; it over weighed an ounce.
In addition lothe quinines ol encyclical bul
lion on hand, many of out flish anil fashiona
ble gentlemen wear huge lumps and speci
mens, in the rude state, just as they wire dug
out, for breastpins and other ornaments. Some*
carry about a pround of gold in shapes of
this sort.
This spur furor described the petty mad
ness of certain Caballeros who have be-n hav
ing manufactured to order, steel spurs inlaid
and streaked with silver and gold, and of pro
digious weight. They are so heavy as to be
as clumsv as a plow clevis. Tney cost trom
SIOO to $l5O a pair. Ii the material were not
so ponderous, no doubt the California ladies
would soon be wearing golden slippers.—
Cinderella would be thrown into a total
eclipse ; her splendor no longer fabled. ,
Early Cotton Bloom-—An extensive cot
ton planter in Elbert, sent us by mail, on
Mondiy last, the first cotton bloom we have
seen or heard of, in this section, the present
season. The letter was mailed on the 20th,
and we presume the bloom was plucked that
day, or it may be, earlier. H i cautions na
against inferring from this solitary accidental
bioom, that the crop is in a forward condi
tion. Oil the contrai y, he gives it as his opin
ion that it is from three to four weeks behind
he crop of last year. —Athena Whig, 27 th mat,
Mons. A. Yattemake has returned to Wash
ington, after an absence ot a year of two, with
a rich and vatied mass of valuable works in al
most all departments in useful knowledge;
statistics, political economy, natural history,
science, &e., and with a great number of beau
-1 tiful engravings. These treasures have been
I received from France, and are destined for th~
Government libraries and the corporation
I Washington.
