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office in Mclntosh street Third door from the North-west corner of Sroad-Strect dales of LAND by Administrators, Executors or Gu mans. are required, by law, to be held on the first Tue »my in the inoutli, between the hours of ten in the fore noon and three in the afternoon, at the Court House id which the property is situate. Notice of these sales ''hist be given in a public Gazette SIXTY DAYS pre vious to the day ot sale. Sales of NEGROES must be at Public Auction, on the hist Tuesday of the month, between the usual hours of awe/it the place of public sales in the county where the Loiters Testamentary, or Administration or Guardian »mp, may have been granted, first giving SIXTY DAYS’ notice thereof, in one of the public Gazettes of (At* Slate, and at the door of the Court House where Xjuch f.a'o ire to be held. Notice for the sales of Personal Property must be given m like manner FORTY DAYS previous to day ofsales Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published lor FORTY DAYS. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Or dinary for leave to sell LAND, must be published for _ FOUR MONTHS. Nonce for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published FOUR MONTHS, before any order absolute call be given bv the Court. TERMS OF ADVERTISING. One square, 12 lines, 75 cents the first insertion, and 50 cents afterwards. LEGAL ADVERTISEMENTS. UheriJ's Levies , 30 dayss2 50 per levy ;60 days, $5, Executors, Administrators and Guardians Sales Rea Estate, (per square, 12 lines) $4 75 Ih. do. Personal Estate 3 25 C tation for Letters of Administration 2 75 •* “ Dismission 4 50 N lice to Debtors and Creditors 3 25 F ur Months Notices 4 00 Ru es Nisi, (monthly) §1 per square, each insertion SKT ALL REMITTANCES PER MAIL, are at our RISK. (From the Nashville (Term.) Banner.') Debates in the Nashville Convention. Eighth Day.—On the question as to wheth er the amendments presented by Mr. Me Ilea, of M ss., should be adopted and made part of the address, a warm controversy took place, which was participated in by Messrs. Mcßea, G irdon and Colquitt. Messrs. Gordon and Colquitt taking strong ground against the a mendments so offered. -Gen. Gordon said the address none too strong in the character of tlie phn.jfcology used, that every thing had been done in the Committee which appeared sp—niwh l MTi''rrrlinn* W fie'eVptaMe to all, and he was against any further attempts to modify or so'ten the terms of it. Mr. Me Rea read at length the portions of the Address proposed to be stricken out, with the amendments proposed by him in lieu of them, —said that the address ought to go to t \ e world with entire unanimity on the part of the Convention, if it were possible —that it was his oi''U' ct > could be accomplished, to pre vent ha vtng an* protest go out along with it, and insist l that any objections on the part of those who disposed to go further than Wll , iteii hy lhe Address, had better take The shape of “a ddenda," than compel men to weaken the strength of that document by any thing like a regular protest. Mr. Colquitt then t ' the floor. He said the resolutions were tain Q enough, m all con science. We m the Southi hp ba,c *» have foi years been engaged in plan oing setietnes for party aggrandizement, and ’* waß time for this to cease. Men should speak out what they felt. Let the rights of the South pe really in fracted, and he did not know the Sou'hern State or the humbles t man in the ranks who would not come up and face the politicians. He wus willing to have margin enough incor porated in the report to suit the views of .gen tlemen who might wish to address the people, but he was lor decided measures. He would advise every Southern State to „o to moulding bullets, costing cannon, and Jiltin’ their arsenals, if need be, in order to defeud their rights. Was he a disunionist? The Union, he would say, could not be destroyed, but he was not for tatne submission ! The Union was dear alike to all, North and South; and if the peo ple North loved the Union as he did, it would be preserved, llut every man, woman, and child. South of the Potomac, was willing to me for their rights. It seemed to resolve itself into this at last—it he just exactly did know how much to ask for in the settlement of this controversy, and he could get what he so desired, the Almighty knew he would ask. for just mat much and no more. Mr. C. illustrated his position by a humor ous story in substance—that a fellow in Geor gia hid purchased a new pair of “ gallowses ” and wished for an opportunity to display them. At a muster, inereiure.ue pictcuucu w«>»u*u to fignt jm order to get a eluince to pull otfhis •coat'] Rut it proved to be a fight sure enough and the mover in it got whipped. Mr. U. hoped the Delegates had not come to the Con vei tion to show their “gallowses ! He did not want any dodging either, and he hoped that every delegate would tako the lespo.isi *r.;,*rrr«i*d out over his own name in what he did. , He wa* briefly and handsomely replied to bv Me sms. McTtea and Stuart, of Mississippi, and Judge Hunter of AiaOama, having, secur ed the floor, on motion, the convention ad journed ;•> i» dl lour ?’ c ‘ ock ; r , , • Afteunoon WWOH.-Judge Hunter having the floor, proceed *> m I. „ the necessity Mr. Colquitt, lie . could not which cuileu tor a reply, avoid answering the charges v. and cowardice conveyed in the (gentleman from Georgia. Men rose . p 0 taik flippantly of their love for the Unio* 1 * whilst raising their hands to tear it to tatters. He would ask was there no other man here hut himself devoted to the preservation of the Union? Was it to be expected that the Con ven ion would adopt views which not one in ten or one in fifty of the people world sustain? He came here with a heart full of the spirit and temper of the compromise, and he accept ed the resolutions without a word of dissent although ihey did not ii.ll his ideas fully; al though they did not agree with the positions assumed in all of them. He stood there as the sole repres ntatives of his Congressional Dis- v net, and as such lie was willing, nothwith sta uding his objections, to take the Resolu tions presented by his colleague. Rut did the Adda s 3 correspond with the Resolutions — b‘«sed upon it? It should have been hue ! lor ’lie Resolutions and was it so titted ? No it was r.'Ot! They had gone in the Ad dress bevond the limits of the Resolutions. He would say ll ° tlie Author of the Address, whoever he be—that it was calculated to woik evil at home —to inflame the passions of the people. Although thr re were not many here wbo agreed with him, yet there were more perhaps, than gentlemen might think ; and they who differed had the courage to de clare themselves. Before he would see dis •utnon carried out he was against the Address land tor the “Compromise” a thousand times i,ver. [Stamping in the gallery in approba- tion.] There, said Judge H., was the voice that cheered him on—that would eontiue to | cheer him on. He fii(agreed with those who j dratted the addiess, in iMation to the portion that related to California especially, and the address characterized the Oompi'uiise ot the Committee of thirteen as a Comprehensive scheme of emancipation. [Here Hen. Goi'don explained that this portion had been stricken out. Judge li. accepting the explanation. Other expressions and portions ot the Ad- j dress were objectionable, other positions were j overstated. iSuch action was calculated to ex- j erciso a bad influence at Washington and to j awaken the passions of the people, which he | considered t j be wrong. He would pay his I .huacbie tribute of admiration to the gentleman j from Mississippi (Mr. Mcßea,) for his noble conduit here to day; and tor himselt, he re •oeat d, he would take the compromise a thou sand turns in preference to disunion. Hr. Winston, of Alabama, said he rose to express ‘us dissent to nearly all that had fal'en on this occasion. He had heard .no much 'bout the Umon-the glorious Union ! but when i.* became an instrument of oppression, then it mtaraous. lie did not care for the demonstrau*’"®- 1 * 18 , ? tam P' n « in the galleries, it did not mfi™ him. His health would not permit him to mak* ® s l' eL * but coming us he did, from the same could not be silent. Mr. Boyk ; n, of Alabama, arose to rebuke' the spirit which had been evinced in debate. 1 He came here not to aid in vexing the ears of : gentlemen —not to breed dissension among the people, and he must therefore enter his protest against all this. This body was a de liberative body. It was composed of the most dignified and able men in the South, and it was letting down the character of it to go into inflammatory debate. Almost all ages of the world had "presented similar scenes. When men were subjected to great grievances, it had always been customary to assemble together to get redress. It was so with the conscript Fathers of tne Revolution, and the same spirit of conciliation which marked their action should characerize the action of this grave assembly- He was determined to stand by the rights ot the country, and he took for gi anted that prima facia every gentleman present was in favor of sustaining the rights of the South, differing only as to the best method by which that end should be attained. He would notice briefly seme of the points of difference in the Address. He thought the mode of argument adopted open in some respects to attack, and consequently and unfortunately to overthrow. He reterred particularly to that partin relation to California. Men in and out of the Conven tion differed in respect to this—the highest le gal lore in and out differed in relation to this question. If we went on in the manner pro posed to declare the inadmissibility of Cali fornia to enter the Union, we might be at issue with the Congress of the United States. In stead of putting objections on constitutional grounds, other and as he considered weaker grounds were assumed —that the action of the people there was irregular, and revolutionary. If we stood upon the right position, we were impregnable—it we opposed the admission of California on other and weaker grounds we Georgia Weekly Constitutionalist. BY JAMES GARDNER, Jr might fail. That they ought to be left out of the questions discussed, as he believed. The Address stated that Congress, in adopting the constitution of Calitornia, adopted in effect the VVilmot Proviso. The people of Califor nia had adopted that constitution, right or wrong. He believed then, that the Address was liable to attack, and successful attack, 100. To sustain his position, Mr. B. quoted Mr. Calhoun's speech made in 1837, pioposing to admit Michigan, and he thought that the sug gestions of prudence and the spirit of concil iation should dictate the leaving out ot the portion he had reterred to. The distinguished gentleman Irom Virginia, (Gen. Gordon,) had admitted that the difference was but trifling— that the substitute offered was essentially the same. If things could be harmonized it was the duty of all to concede something to that end. United here, we should go home united; and he was in favor therefore of the substitute offered by the gentleman from Mississippi. 1 he Convention ought not to attack specific- ally plans before Congress. There were gen tlemen here who were like the gentleman from Alabama, who had declared he would go for the Compromise a thousand times betore he would go for Disunion, and why then at tack the com rromise plan of Mr. Clay, and fail to attack that of Gen. Taylor or that of Gen. Cass? He came here not to discuss the plan of this man or of that man, but to discuss great constitutional principles. Tiere was a large portion of delegates 'here from the dil ferent States in favor of the Compromise of the Committee of Thirteen, and was k pru dent or proper therelore to hurl a shaft at/ill who sustained that plan? Nothing ought to be done here to divide the Southern people. If men who were here now —men distinguish ed for their talent were to be run over, they would not go home and fold their arms quiet ly, but would go home to sustain themselves before the people. A distinguished gentleman here—his colleague, could not vote for the Address. They then would be at issue—a breach would be created, and he implored the Convention not to divide its members —not to turn them loose Irom this place to create dis cord at home. He hoped something would be conceded to the spirit of harmony. Mr. Pickens regretted the necessity of tres passing for a few moments on the attention of the Convention. He hoped there would be more harmony than appeared. The gen tleman from Alabama,by inference, charged up on the a Convention plans of Disunion. (Mr. Hunter explained— ne did not intend to be so unders ood.) His friend from Georgia (Mr. Coiquitt) had been arraigned lor some of his sentiments. What reason had the gentleman himself to suppose that he was invulnerable? What waters nad he been dipped in which rendered him so? If there was any spot so distinguished, it was nearer the other extremi ty of his person than his heel. Why did not the gentleman point to the views of other men who had made aggressions upon public rights? Until lately the ship of State had sailed smoothly along with nothing to endan ger the rich treasure with which she was freighted. How had things changed ? Some strong hand must grasp the helm or she would be driven upon the most dangerous breakers—O’er which the sorrowing sea bird had sung.” Was the Union to be saved by timid resolves—to be saved by measures engendered by foul and leprous fanaticism ? lie was here to save the Union, and he would not give a fig for your Union without the Con stitu ion. What were the principles of the Resolutions of ’'-'8? That the Union of the States was a compact —that each State acceded to the compact. What follows? Why that each State, in the last resort, has the right peaceably to secede from the Union. If the Convention dispersed without unanimity was not each State compelled to act for herself?— If all were united, did any believe the Union would be dissolved ? The people of the fif teen Southern States look to us to declare their rights and attend to their interest. With all acting together, the Union never could be dissolved. Take a middle or half-way course, and it might be. Tnere were some States where men dare not make these questions a mere matter of party. Act together and there was no need of an appeal to arms. Wecou d appeal to public sentiment —to the peopie, looking bold to secession as the last remedy to sustain, our rights. This was conservative and would make the government pause, Give us a Union protecting our rights, and wo would spend the last drop of our blood to defend it. He could not bow to the god of fanaticism with its {cprosy. lie called this a conservative body, but if we could not pre serve c’jv lights, he was compelled to appeal to a resort toanns, which the gentleman from Alabama so much t**o£ds. Ihe remarks of gentleman were so much ;J?e reverse of all y.nh which he coincided, that he \*a» ;cn odind to speak. lie apprehended we were 1 ; ■ -ut iti .set in motion here, principles of the IliirhesiT 'wporf ance. Hid voq ever, Mr. Pre sident, in i>* n * TV 1 "; h’ W °! bUli " R | in the Mississippi the ,lUl °. rivu f et far away amongst tnd W lich lp hunter carelessly stepped, the wild deer drank. Follow it out, aim w » a <- was the mighty result, witnessed? It might have been observed that South Carolina has taken but little part in this Con vention. They had met here at the invita tion of Mississippi, a younger but guliairt State. She had led on a great occasion and she would lead again. Let her place her line again ever so high, and they of South Caro lina would be w ith her. They asked for noth ing more than was honorable—they would have nothing less. Mr. Gholson spoke at length in favor of j amending the Address, and took occasion to define and defend the position he occupied with a minority in the Convention in an able manner, asking in conclusion, if in case the Compromise bill was passed would gentle men be willing to dissolve the Union, Mr. Newton, said he had not intended to speak on the oecosion. Hu colleague and , friend (Mr. Gholson) had asked, however—if in case the Compromise Bill was passed, would he be willing to dissolve the Union? He had no right to put such a question. He himself was not, however, for timid counsels, any more than for rtsh ones. What was the fact with regard to the proposed Compromise? Why, five out of six of the propositions were in favor of the North. Was that a compromise which proposed to take far a single free State nine hundred and sixty miles on the shores of the Pacific, cutting us out forever from all the commerce of Asia and that quarter of the w orld, and confining us to our own shores here at holme? The day had passed when he knew the distinctions of party, in common parlance, and South, there ought not to be any distinc tion sreeognised between Whig and Democrat on these questions. He had fought for Whig principles with all the ardor ot his nature; but he could tell party leaders that party ties were i broken, and they must look to the people hereafter for guidance. He came from the county which was the birth-place ot Wash ington, and in that county they recognized no distinction of sentiment upon the questions which had brought him there. Hu yet hoped that his friend and colleague and himself would go home to co-operate in measures, notwith standing the slight differences of opinion now | existing between them. Remarks of Mr- Gholson in the Southern Con | vention —Mr. Gohlson of Virginia said that he j did not rise to make a regular speech. The 1 position which he and other members of this j convention occupied had not been fairly stat • go. Gentleman speak of timidity. That which ' some eiwJ timidity, is often evidence of great : rai firmstss. It is easy to go along with 1 the & more difficult t 0 °PP°*e it. He knew' tfik* fie yas in a minority in th.s body yet hd f-HWted fie had firmness to pur : sue that course 'fVkick fiia judgement approv | He was happy to hsar from the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Piekens,) that tue course of that HCate had been niifeunderstooc- that it was conservative. In much fh3t had fallen from that gentleman, he concurred. To other portions of his speech he could not sub scribe. He was for taking firm ground—for uniting the South; but he was opposed to as suming a position, which he din not believe a majority ot the Southern States would, or ought to sustain. He had been axnious to pro duce concert and harmeny, and with that view had been willing, tnat the resolutions report ed by the committee should be adopted. He would have made no opposition to them, but he could never agree to the address now under | consideration. He regarded it in every res | pect, as unwise and imprudent —calculated to | distract, not to unite the South. The amendments proposed by the gentle man from Mississippi he considered as of no importance. The argument remained sub stantially the same. You could not mistake the object of the argument. It w.,uld be no more necessary in order to understand that the address referred to the “Compromise” to say so in words, than i; would be to write over the picture, “this is a horse.” If gentlemen insis ted that the Compromise should be discussed and opposed, it was in his opinion more man ly to do so directly. He dissented from the address. Gentleman say they are anxious to ewe here united. Then they had it in their oyer to do so. The resolutions take ground us high as any Southern man need occupy. It is unnece.-sary to enlorce these resolutions by any argument. The argument wifi Besides who can undertake to say what forinjj' the plan of adjustment before Congress, assume? He did not propose to discuss that measure. But if he agreed with gentlemen, that it was open to all the objections urged by the address, he should still regard it unwise to issue it. Gentlemen should recollect, that this Con vention does not represent the whole South. The address declared in substance that by the acceptance of the Compromise, the rights and honor of the South would be sacrificed. There are numbers of distinguished men —as true friends as the South ever had, who entertain different opinions—who hail it as the offering of peace. There are several Slave States,which from public indications, are ready to accept, it. Why then place, or attempt to place, the South in a position from which she may back out? Suppose the compromise bill, with such a mendments as may be adopted, becomts the law of the land, does this Convention mean to declare that this Union is to be dissolved ? If so then he declared that in his opinion, the South will not sustain them. He called upon delegates here to answer the question. Will the South resist the compromise bill.it passed? He appealed to the delegates from Alabama, from Florida, from Mississippi, from other States, and asked them, to tell him, will the people of those States resist ? He appealed to his own colleagues, and asked them, if Virgi nia i-> ready to dissolve this Union, ra’her than acquiesce in the compromise/!' it become a law? If gentlemen are not ready to answer, that resistance is to follow the passage of the measure, why, he asked, publish such an ad dress ? Sir, lam timid. I wish the South to take no hasty action —to make no hasty resolves— but to consider —ponder and weigh well every measure, before its acts. Let the South keep herself in the right,and let this Convention assume no grouud in which they will not be sustained by the great body of the Southern people. I desire never to see the South placed in a situation from which she may be compelled to take a step backward. Mr. President. lam one of those tvko de sire to use every effort under heaven to pre serve the Union. I trust —I believe it may be preservfed—preserved without the sacrifice of Southern rights or honor. I agree that firm ness ia indispensable—but sir, modera ion is not less so.—l love the Union—love it lor all that is glorious in the past —or bright in the future. I love it because of the blessings :t has conferred upon the civilized world. I shudder at the contemplation of its destruc tion. I dare not calculate its value. It has blessed the inhabitants of earth, while its in fluences have extended to Heaven. S rike down this Union, and the trembling thrones and to'teiing crowns of the old world will again become steady Despotism, that has been quailing before the march of free principles, will again rear its head and fasten the chains that letter the minds and bodies of men. He would pause, before he would take any step involving the perpetuity of such an Union. He loved the South more than the Union, and would never agreo that she should be subjected to shame or humiliation. He loved the South as he d id his own hearth and fire side, and gentlemen would find when the necescity came, which he prayed a kind Prov idence might forever avert, that those whom j they may now regard as timid, will be found the first where danger calls. Let no man think that the South—any part of the South will ever yield to the arrogant pretensions of the Northern fanatics. We must have peace, security and equal rights, or this Union can not endure. It was an Union of equality into which these Spates entered, and that j man deceives himself, who thinks, that the j South will submit to see the Constitution, j which formed the terms of the compact, per- j verted and abused, and instead of continuing j the source of protection and blessings, con- : verted into an engine of wrong and oppress- | ion. Every man in whose bosom there is a j Southern heart ia resolved—determined to stand by Southern rights—our duty to our selves, to our children requires it. But still he was in favor of moderation— conciliation, and then should justice be deni ed us, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee, Virginia and all the South could together rise up in defence of their right ‘at all hazards and* to the last extremity.” He repeated that the amendments offered by the gentleman from Mississippi did not change The character pf the address—they did not make it acceptable to him, Bemarks of Judge Beverly Tucker. —Judge Tucker said that it gave him much pleasure to have tho opportunity now of addressing the Convention, and to remember that when he did so before, it was for the purpose of allay ing excitement. It was not for one ut wimio veins litp.ei had chilled the fire of jputh, and weakened the iinoa of imagination.to call down . the applause of galleries, but he wished to j spaalf the words of truth and soberness, those 1 becoming his years. He arose to answer his colleague from Virginia, (Mr. Gholson) who had asked—in case the Compromise Bill was passed, would he be willing to dissolve the Union. He was prepared to answer 'hat question; and when he bad answered it, his colleague would be about as wise as he was before. His colleague was an able lawyer, and would hard • ly put such a question in a bill. He should J be willing to have the compromise bill passed with amendments, if ttiey would let l.im a mand, If it was asked what he should do if it passed without amendments, the gentleman himself could not answer the question, and he was not prepared to answer it. It wms because they saw theie was danger and did r*qt know j the extent of it, that they were there. He h<*d j not come here with foregone conclusions. He ; had the declaration of Virginia—that she was j prepared at all hazards, and to the last ex- | tremity to reaiat the adoption of the Wilmot | proviso. The California Rill differed from the j Wilmot proviso as the man who burns down ] a house uilfers from the burglar. It would j be for the Legislature of his Sta.e to say what j action should be taken in the last resort:—On j that poinf he was not prepared to answer. He said that he was prepared to speak mo derately. If the Address reported had been such as was proposed by others he should have voted for it although he should try tq persuade j others to think as he aid. He was for peace and harmony. He was not sorry the debate had been gotton up, for each gentleman present owed his best thoughts to the Convention. The debate had, however, tak* n a very discur- | sive character. It had brought up almost ! every thing relating to the-e questions. He j repeated he was prepared to speak soberly. I Some had spoken as if there was danger and ■ apprehension of strife. He saw nothing of the j sort from the manifestations here. He spoke not only without lear, but yvith a hope o: joy- . tul expectations, In his temper of mind he was prepared to put away all manner of i “wrath ani doubting,” but unfortunately this j temper was peculiar to himself. A sense of danger not visible, seemed to pervade the minds of many, and be knew too much ot the laws which govern mind to know that such could act properly. He wished to show the people of the South that they had nothing to lea'. It he sew a boy running into the water at the sight of hit own shadow, he would say —Stop, that is not the devil. He would tell a revolutionary anecdote interesting to fiim. The late Judge Johnson said that during the Revolutionary war, he was attracted to a com pany attached to Washington’s corps—a corps that always had plenty Os lighting to do. Capt. Manly took charge of hiiq, kept J*im on his right and charged him to stay by hipj. 'kfiey met on one aecasion a party of the enemy’s dragoonß about in numbers, and on botb ! I sides chock full of fight. He found himself j opposed to a poor looking fellow mounted on a pony, in the fight he charged furiously upon hipi at a r^ttfjn' pace, expecting to ride over him and cleave him in the saddle. But striking with great force his adversary parried the blow, ami he, finding himself in dinger of pitching over his horses head was constrained to cling to his mane. In firs fear, expecting momentarily to feel the blow of hi* antago nist’s sword upon his head, he tried to draw it with iustinctive fear under the cape of his coat, when a blow from Manly.’s sword scat- ■ tered the brains of his foe and relieved him from the danger. He had ever since believed that men were very incapable q! proper rea soning under the influence of fear. Mr. VVebstpr, for the alledged purpose of preventing Disunion, had put lorth the “ raw j tiead and bloody bones” dictum, that no se cession could be peaceable. Mr. Webster— for their purposes were different —had Bought to make it appear that in case of dissolution, wars would ensue. What did these calm words of Mr. Webster's mean? They could have no other meaning, but that if any por tion of the South tried to relieve itself by ser cession, it would be followed by coercion on the part of the North ! What was this but a menace, a mere brutem Julmen. You must lay down on your face and suffer your pock ets to be picked or we will cut your throat* | which, being interpreted, means the Compro AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 3, 1850. ! mise ! He understood —tor he could not read ■ speeches now-a-days, they made hitftsijk;— Mr. Clay and Mr. Cass, that “ nothern * man with Southern principles’ said the same thing. A formidable triumvir.,;*! All triumvirates were formidable! It, was the position of men like unto Caesar, T’ompey, and Crassus ! Cae ar and Pompey, had Croe sus to hold the straws whilst g me was played. Gen. Cass was made a cat s-paw and did not know what he was there foraaymore ■han Lentulus did, acting for Anthony and Augustus. Defend him from triumvirates— from the plans of men coming from different quarters, all for themselves, and the ‘devil take the hindmost.” There was mischief brewing; and one of them will be thrust a side, and never more be heard of. ’'gustus had his province, Anthony bis, and they left something in the hands of the stake older to be played for. “When rogues fall out honest men may come by their own.” W ti«t had these men in common? Had they not been vituperating each other for years? He dill not know what Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster had between them, but he thought Mr. W. know why Mr. Clay had not been tne can didate of his party repeatedly. •* While the grass grows, the steed starves : What Slid the prophesy some four thousand years ago ? •• Dan shall be a serpent by the way—shall bite the horse s heels so that the lidsf shall fall backwards.” There was not a on earth whose heart bowed down mcir. ver entially in the presence of true great his own, whilst he abhorred man worship. It was natural for man to look up, to seek for something between him and divinity— to make an idol of almost anything? Under the health influence of this pa.sion, we raise our eyes to Washington. Others loekedup to some bull, Apis ! Some in the political church found it in Clay, some in Cass, and some in Webster! In Mr. Clay he did see something to admire, in Gen. Cass something, about Mr. Webster—nothing. He cosld un derstand why they should reverence Cisv, but in the “ god-like” as they call him at the North, he could not see anything. Even in Jupiter Tonans, when his character was de based by debauchery and profligacy he could not see anything to command admiration. — There was Cass ! When Achilles was going to the Trojan war, he received from the oracle what naent one thing, or another. The Nicho lson letter was such a thing! It meant some thing for one side, —a different thing for an other. He was glad that his friend had strick en from the Address Mr. Clay’s name, for he would have nothing personal in that docu ment. He was sorry to wear out his poor voice in talking of these matters. He had said that Mr. VV ebster’s menace was a mere brutrm fill- | men! He would put a case. Suppese Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana, should form a Southern Confed eracy? Suppose they, driven to ir, should be compelled to secede? Where was the power on earth to lift a hand against it? Would New England? Every one knew that her tecessi ties tor cotton would compel her to be quiet. Every body knew that she had taken ironi the South some seven hundred millions of dollars, and had not left it to be idle. She had real ized. it—had put it in factories, slaps, and palaces. What became of those, with the cot ton cut off? Her marble palaces would be open for those who chose to occupy them, like teose of Venice, and her merchant princes would skulk in obscure corners. Every nun in Eng- ! laud, was interested in this question too, and j we should have her capitalists swarming over here. The impossibility of having any resort to violence was plain. If New England in- i terfered, England and all the world would cry j out, stop! to enable the South to go or, and I make cotton. What would coercion do? Could | the South bo coerced back into die Union? j Could you get back South Carolina it she should go out? The attempt would be such suicidal folly as was never heard of! You might as well say, that if Orpheus had be in the only man in the word, the women woul* 1 have killed him. He did not believe that Tennes see and Kentucky would permit their Nor thern neighbors to cross their territory to at tack their Southern friends' Tilt '.itJmeiii that secession takes place,—the mordent a breach is made.— that moment the word y a ion loses its charm. Suppose Nor h Caroliiia, on this question, was met with an invitation to join tne Union, would she not stand by her sister States? He begged leave to suppose a j case. Virginia is crowded iu the tobacco mar ket by Kentucky and Missouri. Suppose such a Confederacy—that Clay could keep Ken tucky, and Benton Missouri! The Southern Slates would only have to make some »ligtit commercial concessions to England to get five or ten cents knocked off ot the duty on tobac co, and Kentucky and Missouri could not sell a pound iu the English market. People un derstand these things! Hut suppose the Con federacy embraced all the Southern States, a country from the Chesapeake to the Gulf of Mexico ancj the Rocky Mountains; and what y«uld &he want? There would be * homo geneous populationblood, and a har mony uninterrupted. No nation das ex isted with so magnificent a prospect, as would be presented by this view of the case. What would be wanting? Aiy thing in com merce—manufactures? Virginia included coal and water power in abundance. Wn&t could they want? Suppose this thing done? Where would be Pennsylvania? She had now to sustain herself against the competition of all New England, and was always crying out ebout the Tariff. Yet she had the Southern I market. Xajte away the Tariff, and she goes to the markets of the world, in eppositjoq to New England, and she would at once be the workshop of the South; and instead of being on the margin and contending for the markets with New England and New York, she would have it all to herself. There was Ohio, Il linois and Indiana! What Ohio would do he did not know —she was a sort of nondescript. She had,indusiry, skill, wealth, commerce, and all that. But when you go ashore at the “Queen City,” you would think she was im ported from Germany. There was a little of ■ the Irish brogue to be sure. She had all ihe I elements of greatness, but she was a problem. I One of the most beautiful features of the sla j very system was that the association of the whites and blacks had elevated the latter. As ; sociations between equals would generally elevate one class at the expense of the other. 1 Our system had made the negro pretty much [of a gentleman! The Ohio man has nothing < to elgvate but the hog, and he cannot make I any thing ot him. There was one thing Ohio ! reminded him of—it was a green t,nd jtanding i poo—aye, a cess-pool. He was conscious that he lad tired the pa i tience of the audience. A tired man speaking I to a tired audience, was like a tired man ! riding » Ured horse ! He had not said a tenth j part of what he haa rneapt tq ugy ! He came '• here with his mind charged, and he might as j well attempt to drain Lake Erie through a goose quill as attempt to bring ou> ail in his mind through hiss jeech. He had said noth i jng qf compromises, but he would say he was | sick of them. Wo bqq always lost by them, j and they had all come from the same quarter. | Some of the agitation might have been gotten up lor the sake of the credit of pacification. But he was too much fatigued to speak, and would close. Remarks of Judge Wilkinson —Judge Wil kinson, of Mississippi, bogged the indulgence of the convention whils , he made one or two suggestions. He spoke for the purpose of harmonizing matters in debate—to find out where they were, so wide had been the lati tude of discussion, J-ik® the venerable gen tleman from Virginia, he would vo'c fsr t*l e Address, or any thing which would promota harmony and make all agree when they left L.e?e, although he did not agree with all it contained- There were gentlemen here be lieving that when the time comes for the ap peal to tl).e ultima ratiq—to secession,or what ever it might be termed, they woijld not be justified in opposing the Federal goyernment unless the constitution was openly and di rectly violated. He took higher ground, al though he would yield something to the prejudices of those who differed with him. There were great cardinal principles of ethic-, reserved rights, the right of politjccl justice, forinstai.ee. This right had been repeatedly jmpugned. If it was impugned by the ad mission of .Califofijis or in any other way, he "lie was disposed to resist it, Are we to be deprived by the great code of political ethics of our rights, because certain rights were not named in that instrument ? Let the Address, if it be necessary, be remanded to the com tuiu.ee. He would like to see it re-cast, al though he vould receive it as it was. But it had been compared to a bedqqilt, and there was something apt iu the comparison, ft ought not to appear with a piece of broad pl.ptb here, a piece of silk there, and a piece of damask iu sn°'-k er {dace. He would vote for the Address in either of she forms, but he should prefer to see it re-c^st, Ife could not take his seat without thank ing the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Pickens,) for the high compliment pafci his State yesterday. Like two stars, if th# time should ever come, when they should jolde in their orbits “chaos would have come a|ain.” lie was not there to praise the Union, touch less to disparage it. It had wroughlits benC* fits. I it had covered us with glory, theN rrth had clothed itself with power. Grass was growing in tne streets of Charleston, Norfolk and Savannah, and in his own State, in those residences once the seat of a generous hos pitality, “rhe rank grass now waves, and the fox looks out of the windows.” He should not specify the mode of resistance. He had listened with much pleasure to the gentleman Wbo had last beenpied the ears of the con vention. He had mentioned Ohio —her con duct towards her old and indulgent parent in her aggressions upon her. She was indeed that parent to drink of the stand ing pool. Remarks' of Judge Goldthioaite. —Judge Goldthwaite, of Alaoama, said: he felt some delicacy in occupying the time of the Conven tion, as.his delegation had already occupied a good deal of its time. If he did not feel the necessity of harmonizing, he should not think ot imposing his remarks upon them. He did not believe any differed in their anxiety as to the necessity of creating the greatest effect both at home and abroad. He did not mean— that to produce that effect there should be the sacrifice of any right principle, or the estab lishment of any wrong one. He differed some what from the sentiments conveyed in the Re solutions and Address; but bdievir.g that the Resolutions reflected the veiws of a great ma jority of those present, he went for them.—He believed that in relation to the principal points, there was no difference of opinion. He pro posed to review some of the points relative to the evils specified. It could not be disgui-ed that the civilized world was leagued abroad against us. Revo lutionary France had, the first thing, set free three hundred thousand slaves, who had vindi cated their claim to freedom by rapine and murder. England had done the same thing, and other nations of Europe, the same also. The whole of continental Europe, with the ex ception of the weaker powers, had taken the same ground, and on this continent we had seen in the last few years, fourteen States de liberately instructing their Senators and Rep resentatives in Congress to restrict slavery to its present limits, thus endangering the safety of the institution. We had seen more.- -Party ties at the North had been sundered and scat- J tered to the winds in favor of this action. We j had seen the Compromise, when passed in the | Senate, promptly repudiated in the House; j and the mean, infamous, and contemptible i party whose members a tew years since were j mobbed in the houses and churches of the | North, was now countenaced, its views adopt- I ed in the pulpits and in the philosophy of the | schools, and sanctioned by men high in posi- | tion there. Circulated large y by their presses, | their views had been felt even in the terri- I tories ot Nebr ska and M.nesota. Whilst our j slaves were increasing, our territory was de- I creasing; and although the period could not j be deffned, the time would come under this | condition of things when we should have to j give up our property. Seeing this is so, we must prepare for this action of the North.— The onl v true principle is to rivet on the minds of the North the idea, that if this was perse vered in, the effect must be ultimately to dis solve the Union. It should be done tempe rately, but firmly: and it could not but have a good effect there. What the effect of the j Union had been, was well shown by the vene- j ruble gentleman from Virginia. It has given J importance to the trade of the North—has contributed to their eminence. No one could well doubt but that tire same benefits might be made to result to the South. It had been cus tomary to depreciate the resources of the South. No country ever was richer in all the j resources which constitute wealth. We had i mines of lead and coal. Once separated, strong ! hands would bring these resources to inaction. | Let these truths |be duly impressed upon all, that this condition of things might occur, I and the North might cease its aggressions. ! Did any suppose that the mere abstract ques- j tion of slavery, would fall with more force on the ear of the North than a question of inter- i est? It was not their interest to let that idea ! nave any weight, but let the idea he had ad- I vaneed once he impressed upon them, and I co-iid it be fiouqtea that it would have its es- j fev*. He knew that the horrors of Dissolu- \ tion, as mentioned by the gentleman from Vir- j ginia, were held up before us —were pourtray- j ed by glowing lips and in eloquent language, j But he believed with him, it was done to I arouse our fears. He could see no reason why I secession should produce war, either in rela- j tion to the navigation of the Mississippi or the division of the public lands. Suppose it did. j Suppose it produced not only war, but famine and destruction. Suppose the fertile fields | around this beautiful city were deluged in j b'ood! Is that any reason why we should j ignominously submit and put off the evil day? Would gentlemen be willing to avoid war upon the terms put upon us by our Northern brethren—terms involving degradation and disgrace? He would pursue that course which should prevent all this. The only objections he had to the Resolutions were that they did not go t&r enough; but es they were adopted —believing that the utmost harmony was ne cessary to our success, be was willing to see them adopted. Tne same committee had reported an Ad dress, and Delegates from his own, amongst other States, had d ; ffered with each other in relation iq sojfce of the points presented. One gentleman from Alabama had sa,d fire Ad dress was not in strict conformity with the Resolutions. He thought, with all due defe rence, that in this he could not be sustained. So far as his colleague was concerned, ho did not think there was so wide a difference as might be imagined. He would sacrifice much for entire harmony. There was ope princi ple which should enter into this report, It should be a just exponent of the opinions en tertained by this body. He did not ask gen- j tlemen to sacrifice any constitutional princi ple. If they would examine the amendments presented by the gentleman from Mississippi, -.hey would find they could adopt the Ad dress without any sacrifice of constitutional principles. If the report did not compromise the constitutional opinions of gentlemen.it ap peared to him they could occupy the grounds taken in it together. It was their to have harmony, if possible. ! He had neglected to name another strop." indication of public opinion at the North. He doubted not but that the action of this Con vention would be denounced es harmless. In Alabama they pledged each other largely to support no one who would not go against the \Vilmot Proviso. But when the contest came, the National Guards were at once converted into Swiss Quarfis, end men rallied in favor of a man known to be opposed to tne feouth by his votes in Congress. He said this with fee lings of mortification and regret. As to tne llaport, he had said he did not i think it went far enough, although hebeiievi d t that some feared the language was vitupera- I tive. If it \yas so, fye Wished it to be stricken out. To show how our efforts had been viewed hitherto, he would read from the proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Society of Massachusetts for the year 1849. [Hare Judge G. read some passages, sneer ing at the •‘gasconade*’ of the South, and com menting upon her supposed “weakness.”] Judge G. continued. The tone of the pro ceedings sos 1850 were not far different, in their comments upon the Southern Address, and the Address of Judge Berrien. [He here also read some passages to illustrate what he had said.J Did gentlemen suppose then, that the Report went far enough ? He did not think it, and he believed that in consequence it would fail to have the effect anticipated, Although he so (Bifered, he was ready to give his vote for the Resolutions and Address, be lieving there coma lye no wrong in that much concession. He put forth no peculiar v iews here. He did not believe he should ever go deranged in favor of the Union. It was true that his pulse might beat faster—that his blood might flow more quickly when York town, Monmouth or T'rehton were mentioned; but no longer than when the constitution was preserved was he in favor of that Union. Remarks of Judge Sharkey —Judge Sharkey took the floor. He said he was not much ac customed to public speaking, and should pre fer a conversational tone, as he had no store of flowers to offer, but should 4eal iu matters offset. In the first place he asked permission to de clare that he would vote for the Resolutions, although fie intended to go against the address in whatever shape it was presented : at least in relation to that part which treated of the compromise. He mignt have said, hitherto, that ne was in favor of the compromise, but yet he should_go against it. He was one of thp prignators of this convention, which move ment commenced fyitfl a small meeting in Mis sissippi without dictation from any quarter. That meeting called the October convention. It was charged that it was gotten up by those who were in favor of Disunion, and that those who favored it were guilty of treason. He started from hqtne with fear and trembling, I not knowing that he should meet a man here. Under these circumstances he would have ta ken any compromise at all. But he found that the spark of public patriotism burnt bright and strong, and he again therefore took hia [VOL. XXVIII.—NEW SERIES.—VOL. V—NO. 21. stand. He did not fear a charge of inconsis tency, f his reason was given to guide him in such cases, fie W|3 against the report, and he cared flotwlytt name sanctioned it. He held it to be impolitic to pursue a course, cal culated to throw off men, and that Report was calculated to divide u«. •, We should not arm those who were opposed to us, and when you armed the opposition youjarmed the abolition ists. He would admit'that the report was able—that it was well written—a good argu ment for Congress; but what was an argument there, was no argument here. He was in favor of the amendments. He asked that the por tions proposed to be amended be once more, redt. - . . r l Mr. Meßea her? read the portions, alluded to by Judge S.] Judge S. continued. The compromise Bill was discussed as a grievance : the other was a plain straight-forward stricture on Congress. He came here to discuss grievances, but not to discuss the bill in question as such, until it was carried our, The qddresi" could hbt set up the bill as a was our own pro position to some extent, and we could reach it by the usual channels of legislation. The convention sat for a higher purpose—-to do that which could not be done by ordinary le gislation. Jt was when the people could not have redress through the ordinary ir.eanß,that they-must try others. Air, Rhett here said) that the Address did not treat of the Compromise as a grievance— the Compromise, as yet was no grievarice—- it was no. passed—it h«>d noVxiste*<£..-. Judge S. here read another portion of the address. He said that when Congress propos ed to exclude slavery from California, it was an evil to be reached by extraordinary means. \Vhen we could have redress by the ordinary means of legislation, it must be resorted to. Evils should not be set up and combatted. The Compromise Bill has not yet passed. Does any one believe it will pass ? Why then discuss a thing which may have no existence. If we went on thus, the bill might be put an end to in Congress, and the Address then would amount to nothing. The abolitionists might say to us, they were as much opposed to the Compromise as we were, and would as sist us to put an end to it. They were dis cussing matters here which might be put an end to at any time. He was not sent here to advise Congress. It was for the people to advise their members. They were oil higher grounds— to make the issue with the North ern people. If the evil is in Congress, the power is not here to arres’ it. The North does not present the Compromise bill ns au issue—it is our own. Tne opposition is so deemed there, that he considered the propos ed measure as at an end. He did not believe it would be unconstitutional to admit Cali fornia—other gentlemen might differ with him; but they ought not to send forth debatable matter. He believed Congress had the power to admit California. It was contended in the address, that it might be unconstitutional; and yet it said that it might be assented to. How could we assent to it, if it was unconstitution al? Why, too, discuss the Compromise Bill in the Address, when it was not in tne Reso lutions ? The one ought to be baaed upon the other, and the convention ought not to put lorth any thing on which it could not stand. There were differences of opinion abroad and at home; and unless jou strip the proceedings of objectionable matter, you iniy call conven tions forever, but it would be like “ending spirits from the vasty deep,” they would not “come.” The Compromise Bill had never been an issue before the people of Mississippi, and he did not feel that lie had any authority to act upon it. If it was a grievance, it vygs a grievance supplied by people of ail portions of the country, North and South, by some of the people of Mississippi, and some of those of Tennessee, as well as by members of Congress. Whether in what he had said, he had express ed his views exactly, he did not know; but he would say to all in conclusion, that this should baa convention of compromise. Remarks of Gov. Hammond. —Gov. Ham mond said, that as one who had aeted in try ing to get the Address through the Coii.mit tee, he perhaps ought to speak,and he sfu.-uk', pndeayor to answer objections in the cairn temper and spirit which had characterized the address of the gentleman who had just taken his seat. The Committee had had a hard duty to perform in the great mass of matter laid be fore them. He did not feel d.sposed, at the present stage' of the question, to say what should be done. The sole object at tins time was to unite the South. VVhat was to be done—what looked to? Why to the action of Congress on the Compromise Bill now before that body, as the remedy ior all tbp wropgs suffered by the South. It was of no conse quence who permittei it—men of the North or South. Every thing dear to us was at stake, and were we to stand trembling on the verge of ruin, awaiting the pleasure of this or that member? The Committee were anxious to conciliate all, were anxious to put it in such form as that all might be pleased ; but no pro position could be advanced to which some men would not have to give way, and after twice considering all the matter brought be fore it, they had presented what was now be fore the Convention. He was never more as tonished than he was to hear a gentleman of the wide reputation of the gentleman from Mississippi, say that it was unconstitutional to examine into a measure before Congress.— Os what grievance do we complain ! Was it not the legislation of Congress which had driven us to this? It was the privilege of any member to examine the measures of Con gress, and to attempt to arrest oppressive le gislation. Judge Sharkey explained. He only meant to say that yvhen ends coqld nqt bs qb tained by ordinary means, other means must be resorted to. Gov. H. resumed. The explanation does not alter the matter. What were we attempt- j ing now? Simply concentrating public opin- 1 ion to influence the ordinary legislation of 1 Congress. It would be perfectly constitution al to denounce the leg’slaticti pf Congress if 1 we disagreed with it. All had the right to do this. He was astonished at the obliquity of intellect evinced by the gentleman, and he could not account for it, unless it was caused by the fears with which he had started from home, and which must have clouded bis in tellect. Was no* the Chairman of that Com promise Committee now writing and eliciting letters to and from all directions, to try to influence public opinion? He did not until now, understand the position of his Mississippi friends. This had furnished a key to it. lie could not tell until now what they wpro driving at! He did not geo it in Committee, but he'saw it now, and with amazement. He could not imagine how they could be influ eneed to mar the report to so great an extent. Judge S. again explained. He did not wish to send out a report to condemn men- Gov. H. Jf ffyey deserve condemnation, condemn uieui. He was for no master. North ern or Southern; and it made no difference whether he was Northern or Southern, if he was a master. He was for the principle libres homo—as was said yesterday. He did not care who was the author of the Compromise, so it was wrong. He now understood how the matter was. They would discuss abstrat principles, and not measures. He thought we were here to discuss the application of prin ciples to measures. If abstractions must be discussed, merejy, we must recommit the Re solutions. A good deal had been said as to what they came here for. They were not here to trail in the rear of public sentiment, they were the leaders of the South—the ap pointed leaders—not to hunt up public opin ion at grog-shops, courts, mills, &c., but to act, and act as leaders. They had been aent here with a generous confidence, and the high duty was devolved upon them to po int out the way—to lead the people in the way to equality and independence. He would say, that although he came here with no apprehensions as to what would be done, he did apprehend a small meeting. — liqt now his apprehensions were spattered to the winds. Nine States had mot togother to consult upon the rights and interests < f the South, and it was utterly impossible for any fragment to divide itself off upon any plat • form so insignidc. nt as that presented. We had nothing to do but to march forward in one unbroken column to ecMraUcy iii the Union, or independence out of it. Tub Jackson Statue.— We, on Saturday, (says the Washington Republic) made a call upon Mr. Mills at bis studio, to inquire res pecting the health of himself and his bronze hoyae, Mr, M-J reported favorable respecting his own condition, bqt we are sorry to learn that his statue is in statu qu,o . He is nit yet supplied with the metal to be melted down for the purpose, and must await the action of Congress upon the subject. There is, near our oity, a large quantity qf pieces of ordi nance, condemned long since, that would an swer the purpose, but they may not be so used without the formalities of aCongri ssional appropriation. We feel a good deal of inter est on this subject, for we are well assured the statue of Jackson will reflect honor upon the genius of our talented countryman and do ciedit to the taste and patriotism of those who may aid him in his present meritorious effort. \ Reported for the Baltimore Ban.] Thjrty.firgt Congress-First Session. Washington, June 24, 1860. SENATE. Mr. Hunter presented the credentials of the Hon. Robert W. Barnwell, appointed by the Governor of the State c f South Carolina, Sena tor from that State in the place of Hon. F. H. Elmore, deceased. Mr. Barnwell appeared, was qualified and took his seat. Mr. Clay called for the oder of the day. The adjustment bill was taken up. Thetuditory was very large and brilliant, being attracted by the notice that Mr. Soule Was to address the Senate. Mr. Soul“ brought forward a substitute for that part of the bjil which provides for the ad mission of California, as follows: Ist. That when California -hall, by her Le gislature, signify her accept“U';e of the parallel of 36, 39. /North latitude, the Missouri line, i. e. her Southern boundary, jf.nJ relin quish all claims to the public domain in her limits, the President of the U. States shall declare her to be one of the States of thjs Union, and on an equal footing with theoriig nal States. 2d. That the sum collected by the United States from the customs in the ports ofsDaii fornia be returned to the treasury of the State 3d. That the Senators and Representatives elect from California receive mileage and pay, equal to that allowed to'the delegate from tie Territory ot Oregoi\ ** N 4 th. That the Territory of South California, be organized with the same provisions as those prescribed for Utah; and that, when the peo ple thereof shall form a State con-titutfon,the State may be admitted with or without slav ery, as the people may provide. Mr. Soule spoke at great length in support of this substitute. He devoted much of the first portion of the argument to the purpose of showing that, without the relinquishment, by California, before her admission as a State of the right to make any primary disposal of the soil, the domain will pass to her. Cali fornia was not a party to the condition impos ed upon her by the bill from the committee of thirteen, and it would not bind her, after she became a State. If one legislature accepted i the condition, the next might reverse it. It j was necessary that she must pass an ordi nance before her admission protec ing the j rights of the United States in the publiclands. ! He showed that the ordinance passed by j the California Convention respecting the lands, I relinquished only the vacant lands. Alter i havir g appropriated eleven hundred thousand ! acres for the use of school, there would be j few vacant or unoccupied tracts of the lan i i that would lie good for anything, after 200,- ! 000 settlers had seized on them. Atthrje o’clock, without concluding, Mr. Soule yielded the floor, and the bill was”post poned ill to-iuorrow. _ After spending s >me time in Executive ses. sion the Senate adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Mr. Carter proposed a resolution which was agreed to, instructing the committee on com merce to inquire in<o the expediency of por viding a law compelling all craft earning passengers and navigating the waters of the U. States, or sailing under the authority of the U. States., to be provided with ample and suitable resources of escape to passengers, in case of accident by fire or otherwise; and further to inquire into the expediency of mak ing cer ain custom house officers inspectors, to carry out any law in pursuance oithe pur pose of this resolution; and that said commit tee report by bill or otherwise. On motion of Mr. Inge, the rules were sus pended, and the House resolved itself into committee of the whole (Mr. Richardson in the chair,) and resumed the consideration pf the Bounty Land Bill. The entire day was occupied on this bill. AT the amendments proposed— of which there were many—were voted down. [This wr understood to be in consequence of the action of the friends of the bill in their caucus on Saturday night. It was then and there de termined to vote down all amendments, ex cept the oil'e agreed to by tho caucus, which was so to amend the bill so as to exclude all from its provisions who had not served three months in the various wars in which the U nited States have been engaged.] The discussion was of great length. Tne committee rose at 4 o’clock, without having adopted a single amendment, e,nd the House adjourned. Washington, June 23, 18.30. SENATE. Mr. Davis, of Mass, presented memorials from citizens of the U. S. stating that the cot ton and woollen and calico print establish ments have suspended or are running without profit; also, that the iron establishments of the U. States are much depressed or are actually stopped. He enlarged upon the fact that large importations of railroad iron were to come in, and the price would rise, as it would meet with jio competition here. The U. States lost twice a3 much by the substitution of forei n iron for American iron, as the actual value of the amount imported. If Pennsylvania lost a million of dollars by the destruction of her iron works, it followed that the amount of home productive industry, was to be paid for, in an exchange of com modities. The result would soon be—and had already happened—that the country would be drained of specie to pay for importations. The necessary consequence of persisting in this policy, would be universal poverty and dis tress. He wo«ld pursue this subject at a fu ture time, After other memorials had been presented, Mr. Jefferson Davis reported a bill to pro vide for the classification of clerks in the mili tary bureaus, and the equalization of their salaries. Mr. Rusk introduced a bill for raising two additional regiments of cavalry; reterred to the committf e on military affairs. The adjustment bill was taken up. Mr. Soule's amendment pending. Mr. Soule pursued has argument in regard to the; public domain of California, showing that while all foreign nations would have ac cess to the riches ot Cdifornia, the U. States would alone be deprived of them. He refer red to the Spanish law as existing in Mexico, in order to show that the mines would be open to allnations, if those laws were not re pealed. He contended, in the second branch of his argument, in favor of dividing California into two parts, that the limits assumed wero ex travigant. To the new States that had come in, an average of 44,000 square miles hadbeen allotted, and three tunes mat area was given to Cql fornia. He showed alsuthat the rep resentauuns in the Convention was skilfully contrived to give the non-slaveholding policy a predominance. U'ah was therefore exclud ed from the Convention. He argued that the whole of C ilifornia was equal to the support of a population of near ly twenty millions. In a few years— some tdn or twenty—Cali fornia would possess an overpowering influ ence fi the other House—with her forty or fifty .Representatives. Mr. Douglass took the floor; and, after spending a short time in Executive session. The Senate adjourned. HOUsE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Mr. Cobb, ot Ala., moved that the House resolve itself into committee of the whole on the State of the Union, on the Bounty Land bill. Mr. Burt said this day had been assigned for the consideration of the report of the select committee of the House in the matter in which the Secretary of War was connecte 1— commonly known a the Galphin claim. He was very unwilling to interfere with any of the business before the committee of the whole on the State of the Union, but he feft that it was but an act of justice to a high func tionary of the Government that the matter which was the special order of the day, before the House, should be disposed of, instead of going into committee on the Bounty Land bill. The Chair stated that the motion to go into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union would take precedence; but should the House refuse to go into committee, the Galphin case would t ke proiedenco over all other business until disposed of, The question was put on the motion of Mr. Cobb, of Ala-, and it was carried in the affir mative—yeas 118, nays 76 -i nd the House re solved itself into Committee of the Whole, (Mr. Richardson in tbe Chair) and resumed the consideration of the Bounty Land bill. After much discussion the committee voted down the proposition of McLane as an amend ment to the amendment of Mr. Hubbard. Mr. Albertson withdrew his resolution, and Mr. Miller, of Ohio, proposed a substitute, the same as had been adopted by the caucus, for it. The bill provides 40 sores for 3 months, 80 acres for 6 months, und 160 acres for 12 months service, and upwards. The committee, after voting down the numerous amendments offered, adep *4 the last (Mr. Miller’s) which was the caucus bill. 1 he Hous.e, under the operation pi the pre vious question, concurred in the bill es committee. The lull was 01 dere 1 forengi®s ment, and being engrossed, was read a (bird time and passed on a vote on yea* and m<y<f; ot 165 in the affirmative, and 36 in the negative. ( From the MwM'ia 'Advocate, 27 th imt .) Fro* Baibacuc. Comb Come All. ■ ? Fellow-Citizens : The time has arrived for you to exercise, t» the fullest extent, that eternal vigilance is the price of Liberty. We are you have so often been deluded by the erf. of * wolf, during the ordinary conflicts of aeretofore, that itis bu* a natural eonsequeSC® ) thi; you should not heed .he alarm, when in, truth, ttt'effvolf i* iu the fold. We are awariP j* that an* sgnfeuluiral people, who are busily' engaged in jpfesecuting their calling, have not always time or opportunity to Jteeu them selves posted up in reference to the rfuficfemen‘a of the General G iveinment. If the most palpable violations of the Constitution, and the usurpation o all important and vital right* which are essential to our i..dependence as ft * people, should be viewed as dangerous liberty, then, of a truth, are we in danger of losing that liberty, transmitted to us by »s<}- ble ancestry. Believing that it is prop -r iiiat we, as a peiple, should meet, consult and ad - vise with each other on a subject so' neartoi ' affecting our dearest interests, we invite *ll of our fellow-citizers, who ieel that we are being oppressed, and that it i# important that the South should unite in <ton*e pr ctitfal and effectual measure of te-istanCe, to assemble on the fquutu of July next, tliut we rqav gjWeexpreshitm nfour warm as sent to the and Resolutions of tfie Nashville Convention, and our determination to support, at every hazard, the action of that body, characterized by so much* wlilom and moderation. Qua object is to- save, m t bes tkoythb Union, and to prepare for any and, every emergency. 1 r> COME ONE ! COMJS ALL ! Addresses may be expected from some of the ablest men of the State, irrespec ‘do of Par- Ai the dens a . . ;.*■ wiii A be prepared sujjieient for uU. CJJMCJ and 8 bring your wive and little ones, and lot uli unite in our country’s cause. M Myers, J F Arnold.* S Lawrence, Wm T Brooks, C. Tucker, Win. G Green, A Nelson, JAG Anderson. M S Bellenger, J S Morris, Wm. Phillips, N M Caider, J S Anderson, Wm Hunt, T II Moore, N L Burge, W S Johnson, M W Green, llobt. Mu Alee, J B Biack we’d, B Tolltaon, J O 'artrell, ’ H Con s, J Warrtlaw, I N Heggie, T M McGuire. Spanish Insolence.—The schooner Gene ral lay lor, Capt. Wiight, from Chagres, bound to Turks Islands, 30 days out, put in to this port yesterday for water and ballast.— The Captain states that when off Cape An toine, he was boarded by a Spanish man-of war (name not given.) whose commander sent aboard two officers and s eight men, who seareht d, the vi ssel thorough v, and insolent ly demanded his crew list and otner papers, not being satisfied with th*> report which the Captain gave. Ihe schooner was in company with the brigNevius. ol Beverly, Mass, bound from Mansanello, (Cuba,) to Boston. This brig was also searched. It is readily granted that Lopez and hia followers communed a great outrage against Spain, by' which they exposed themselves to a severe penalty in toe event of their capture. But that tit s all passed by. The invasion has been abandoned and quiet restored. There is no longer any excuse, it there ever was any right under the law of nations, tor boarding and searching American vesse s, sailing under our fl ig, and pursuing the legitimate objects of comm roe. It was for this very thing, among others, that wo went to war with G. Britain in 1812. We hope, therefore, that our Government will take this matter into imme diate consideration and at once suppress this insolent searching of American vessels. Spam should be made to unde, stand that, notwith standing one of her renegade sons, at the head ot a tew infatuated 10110-vers, ha- out raged her soil and I er laws, she cannot there fore with impunity stop our vessels upon tne high seas and cast insult upon our flag. This is one of the greatest indignities that one na tion can offer to another; and we have very much misunderstood the character ot Presi i dent Taylor, if he submits to it.— Suv. Hem M llean, 21th inst . Attempt to set iini:. made, at an early hour yesterday morning, fire the dwelling of Mr. J. M. Anger, in Went' worth, near Anson-strcet. Combustible ma terial was j laced on one of the sills of the piazza, which ignited and communicated to tne fiooy. The fire, however, was fortunate ly discovered by some of the domestics on the premises, h Tore it had made ntuoa progress, A negro fellow was arrested, on suspicion of having committed the act, and t summed yesterday afternoon, but the evidence was noC sufficiently strong to commit him, and he was discharged. We learn that an attempt \va3 also made, during Wednesday night, to bum : the dwelling of a gentleman in nCharloite streot, on the Neck. — Charleston Courier, 2Hlh \ inst. Florida. —By gentlemen airsVed yesterday from Florida we are informed that the crops of co-ton, tobacco and corn are very good in the middle district and portions of the Eastern, In the neighborhoods of St. Augustine, Pilat ka, and Jacksonville, the crops are suffering much from drought. The cane and couon is quite backward, and corn is badly burnt up. —Savannah Georgian, 27th mat. Bain- —We were favored with a refreshing shower yesterday morning. It was a welcome boon to our citizens, who had been s'.iffe iug martyrdom from the effects of dust for the past tortnigln.— lb. Cotton Crops.—Accounts ate pouring in Upon us from all sections of the State, ot the disastrous appealance of the Cotton erops. The public mind abroad has been incredulous in consequence ot statements, circulated in previous seasons, to fluctuate prices. But the present is beyond ail matter of speculations facts are too apparent to admit of a doubt in regard to its present condition, and the aea son is too far advanced to build up a hope tor the future. We have taken particular p iua to collect the mos. reliable info rnation from the principal cation-growing districts of the State, and ail agree in the general tenor of gloomy prospects. One writer informs us that the cotton-fields in the South-w a ern part, of the State present an appearance of actual blight, which may be a'tributed to the coldness vu the eaily part of the season, wlveh nepnved it of its healthy start; then tho lung continued drought, which produced an unhealthy appearance; and now UiC ravages of the lice. We have als > accounts from Louisiana, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama, ah of which arc equally discouraging. Tue Corn crops, in some sections of tho Sttte, is said to look prom sing, while in others it has suffered in consequence oi the drought. —/i. Fashionable Ornaments in California.-. A letter from Sacramento City in the Boston Traveller says: A grand ball took place here ye terday—• said to nave been very grand indeed. 1 waa only an outsider. It cost some $20,000 I saw a hack Oomb for a Udy, made oi Califor nia gold, set wilh brilliants and specimens, which cost not less than $301), got up express ly for the occasion. 'lnis sort ot extiava ganee is very much on a par with the ring in min or the spur luror. About every other man you meet wears a huge ring on some fin ger, weighing from one to lour ounces ! I have lately seen one made expressiy for a lady. I put it in the scales; it over weighed an ounce. In addition lothe quinines ol encyclical bul lion on hand, many of out flish anil fashiona ble gentlemen wear huge lumps and speci mens, in the rude state, just as they wire dug out, for breastpins and other ornaments. Some* carry about a pround of gold in shapes of this sort. This spur furor described the petty mad ness of certain Caballeros who have be-n hav ing manufactured to order, steel spurs inlaid and streaked with silver and gold, and of pro digious weight. They are so heavy as to be as clumsv as a plow clevis. Tney cost trom SIOO to $l5O a pair. Ii the material were not so ponderous, no doubt the California ladies would soon be wearing golden slippers.— Cinderella would be thrown into a total eclipse ; her splendor no longer fabled. , Early Cotton Bloom-—An extensive cot ton planter in Elbert, sent us by mail, on Mondiy last, the first cotton bloom we have seen or heard of, in this section, the present season. The letter was mailed on the 20th, and we presume the bloom was plucked that day, or it may be, earlier. H i cautions na against inferring from this solitary accidental bioom, that the crop is in a forward condi tion. Oil the contrai y, he gives it as his opin ion that it is from three to four weeks behind he crop of last year. —Athena Whig, 27 th mat, Mons. A. Yattemake has returned to Wash ington, after an absence ot a year of two, with a rich and vatied mass of valuable works in al most all departments in useful knowledge; statistics, political economy, natural history, science, &e., and with a great number of beau -1 tiful engravings. These treasures have been I received from France, and are destined for th~ Government libraries and the corporation I Washington.