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'..M IIIHWP"""* - —== ■ sr —: - - s —... : = —— W*L\\c tecrklji cgffftjgta & doustttuttonaltst, ■M. 1 • /aaS •®B’am'waae(3siiD'@i - X ' vy : ',, m>- ■■■-■■ -r«ra.Tii'.*ai~i-a}- "if •. •&—— u ' i»~‘T— ~ r ~n i y.~sr.f. r . n ' ' ' ' 7 '' uV - 1:li 11 ? A! ‘l'. STA, (ilvXUil.V. \VKi)\KSI)AY < .SEPTEMBER o, I*3l. .. r • lomeK OX M«;1XT0SII-3TBte*T', T HIItHDOOn FR'oMTIIR XOHTII-WSST OORNEII OF BROAD ** S.THBET. » . • •‘•• W '.. ■ p . pr ' -'ik. h v \jec«tor«. A‘i ifiijo -ti.wr.-’ oi* fosarj* v tote JmM on the Hr*? * mr.nili Li'twOPn the hour* of ten 1n ~ P' v ' r £®(lr|W imnl "" at I’nWic Anct ! on.,oa the •SivlM of NJS , ( ’ R ‘ ih. between tbi u.«fl.-.l\»urs (tWC PVMX sale, %the county t rtf. r*i,is «ctinuentax-y. or A4iftimstr»iiou. iht' L-* - i v . ( . boon uranivu. first giving % *&«4 U> Riven. V*B™ aJ ° to !rt p Conrtof SS rAt'' to «* l.ANi>, must 1... publish,.! for sWrOBS. intt-fK' publShetl N WiLenny order •,-■ idle cut be given V*y tli* Court. OF ADYEJtTTfiSNG.. One oqnure. 12 Hue*?* cent* tbe first in eM ( oo. *u< off cent* af*»rwartV.v' I»ttAL.AD'"IHWIBBMg£‘I® « Piffiriir Levie.. ;.o S 2 50 RxcjutorV. Admini ...tor* m.S Owtyjm*.- sttl-.*. Kuil ,JL Estate, (per iuare. &,*»«**•) • • - %o. do. IVrsoml t.rti-;. d 2o Citation £br Letter? of Adifiniftrutiou f ■*» I)i.- ; ; -ion .•• .. • y •••••• AUGUSTA, GA. SATURDAY MORNItJG, AU&UST 30. Terms of the Weekly Paper. One yoar, in advanco $2,00 ts paid within the year.* 2,00 Atthoonil f tlio year 3 > oo [£7=- Tlio above terms will bo rigidly enforced. Free Soil boasts sinoo the Compromise. The Constitutional Union papers teem with laudations of the Compromise, as a llnal and glori ous settlement of the difficulty between the North and the South. Since the passage of the series of measures, which .have been misnamed a Com promise, most of the Northern papers havp boast ed. that while the people of that section are unanimous against tire further extension ol slavery, (he signs of the times are favorable, even in Ihe South. They speak in terms of praise of the liberal minded men of the South who are either open in (heir advocacy of fi' ee soil. or * n " different upon the subject. Would to God theie were no reasons for the boast. Our beloved sec tion has heretofore, exhibited a stainless faith in the maintenance of its rights and institutions.- fs it So now ? Is the li#ft of Southern faith pure and undimmed by infidelity and treachery ? What strange and extraordinary light shoots oc • casionally, athwart the dark prospect that sur ' rounds us. Men of the South, you must arouse ' and speak for yourselves, and it will require an exercise of sublime energy to undo and finally resist the mischief which has been done. You are told by some Southern papeis to keep quiet, forbear and conciliate. The North is not prac tising those truly useful virtues. In her legis latures, conventions, religious assemblies, prima ry meetings, and indeed, in every channel of pub lic influence and action, the people there are call ed upon sever to falter in opposing us. The en tire North is in a blaze of opposition to the great institution of the South, and yet we are • told to fold our arms, to have confidence in a returning sense of Who would be so wgak and foolish as to stand still upon the beach, with a wild sea raging around hie lee * anjl each succes sive tide growing higher and more furious than the one which preceded it ? No, wa must be up and doing. We have to awe thej'aithless in our midst,as well as our opponents beyond the slave ry liiTe" Oh ! for the light of other days. f>ow is the time for it to bum brighter than ever. .Now b> the time for the Saulh to be. uniteil 51s a band of brn * h*Hs.. •. * '*■ . iLi „ ! - * - * ♦ ,: 4 * • * r ’ pgtfkhittsfa ns with being kidnnfivr* rob/M*, but all in the tree States, deny that -for institu tion is sanctioned by the law of God, or any just law of man, and hence, condemn it upon princi ple. They deny us our constitutional right to go into the common territory oi the Stales, w ith our slaves, if we see proper to do so. Hence the necessity for action. Opposition to slavery at the North bus become a religious fanaticism. The love and worship of a common God and Sa viour, have not been strong enough in too holi ness of their ties, to prevent a part of the North ern church from opening its battery of bigotry upon the Southern church. The latter has been compelled to seek repose and an undisturbed worship, in a total separation Irom the former. What kind of a picture is this to be held up be fore the chiristain and civilized world, first, wo have felt the force ot their artillery of reli gious madness, and now we are experiencing that of a political phrenzy, not less, il not more dangerous, and still, we must be as mild as a moon beam, and conciliating as a lamb in the clutches of a wolf. When we go to God s holy inspiration, we find enough to convince every mind, not blinded with prejudice, that slavery and religion are not inconsistent with each other. Ham was con demned to servitude, and slavqry was instituted by Heaven itself. l ' Blessed be the Lord (rod of Shem and Canaan shall he his servant . " Abraham was a chosen servant of God. The Lord said : He that is born in thy house, and he that is bought with thy money must needs be circumcised, and my covenant shall be in your flesh for an everlasting covenant."’ We are told in the same chapter, (the 17th of Gen.) that the circumcision of Abraham and Ishmael, and “ those bought with money of the stranger,” took place on the same day. How frequently the ex pressions occur ‘'man servants and maid servants" in the old Scripture. Hired servants are spoken of and those bought with money. Slaves were recognized as property. In the 21st chapter of Exodus is found, “ If a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall surely be punished,” but " if he continue a day or two he shall not be punished, for he is his money." The children of Jsreal were told "of the heathen round about you shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids, and they .dial! be your possession , and ye shall take them as an iMwritatu' 10. jour children after you to inherit them for a possession, they shall be your bondmen for ever." We could fill a col umn with similar extracts from the old Scrip- ture. We shall very briefly continue the sub-I ject in our next, and will that the exis- ' tane’e and legality of slavery was fully recog nized by Christ and his Apostles. We refer to these Scriptural proofs for two reasons: first, to make them familiar lo those who may not have thought upon the subject; and second, lo satisfy others, even at the South, that the abolitionists and opponents of slavery are wrong in denouncing it as abhorred of God and eriminal in man. Do anti-slavery men pos sess a higher and purer morality than Christ and his Apostles ? Some of them are crazy enough to think so. but they are blinded by the deep de lusions which beset them. We sincerely de sire and hope to see them disenchanted, before they wake up amid the falling fragments of a once “ glorious Union.” Tha Chronicle’s Noddle Set for Wit. ‘ He cannot therefore plead them in bar or ar rest of judgment, and his only escape is, being then a young man—he ‘"may have ' been a mere baby. Well, there is no resisting such a plea, and Mr. S.mythe is of course, entitled to all its bene fits. We congratulate him upon his escape and his triumphant defence of his own consistency, and the ‘'reckless assertions” of the Constitution alist,in-relation to the position of the Union party of Georgia, and the South, on the Proclamation of Gen. Jackson. Long live the “Baby Act.” We copy the above paragraph liorn the Chroni cle & Sentinel of Wednesday. The .Chronicle dont often tap its head for wit, and when it d.Jee, as in the above ease, it only exposes itself tofri dicule. There is no true wit without truth for its foundation, and as there was.no “baby act” to sustain the Chronicle, it must rub its noddle and try again. This is a case of downright butting. The Chronicle depends upon the thickness of its scull, not its contents. In butting at us, (even supposing we entertained opinions, when “a f t young man” that we do not now,) it butts at }ilt. Toombs, and many others, who were nulli- P# ' ’ ia iiriniaryrrii'm.-oai; .furs and States Mights advocates 4 (Tiea young tncft I'HK now cmwlldqtitmisfs. *T£e Chronicle may blitfGu, And bust every bpdy if it w&htg t<j, but ; we sjiall protest against its . butting being mistak en for icif. -We teg our readers not to under-, stand us to‘allude tp t liem in this protest. What wesay.is inf ended'for noddlej like that of the Chronicle. * f t . “ : sajfc Fair ’ Llberal “A Jnßl '” ,Mr. pobb says tliat the Compromise is fair, | .liberal and just; "The New York Kxpress says: “We do not believe that after the South lias prartieajlif l/pst five, measures of the Compromise, font they will let the Nprth repeal the'* sixth, the only one :/iat gives than any thing at all, and that one tbP sdeifiiily guarantied by the Constitution .” TljMe it is, right out, plain and (lafT-footed, in ' the m Yiftk Express, ghat’s what we have said all along. The South has practically lost nve measures. If tbit is true, and the South got, in the Fugitive Slave bill, . ptfiing more than is guaranli-d to her by the Constitution. wha> did I *be gaint That is the question, WHAT Dif> | SHU GAIN 1 It is the plainest case that was ' ever submitted to a free people, since God Al ! mighty said “Let there be light.*” We have 1 eveJHhiijsr and f'ainediarifaAaadyet ? >;ae ~Jdm• DlMi.ftpn Vi-fr Pror-ce Snators, y SpeaWrs of the House oF Kep.onenta tives, Forejgn Ministers, See., tell us that we h. i*. gotm fair, liberal, just and honorable settlement!! The North is clothed in purple and fine linei,- the South has on a ragged Coat, with half a tail, and out at the elbows, and yet we are to' 1 that we make as decent an appearance as the North. 1 Is not this trifling with the public intelligence? | The people must be won over by treating them as idiots ! A triumph must be won at the ex pense of the public intelligence ! Two men are equally interested in a large es -1 tate. One gets the lands, the fine house, all the money, &e.; the other gets nothing —dines at his i kind neighho/ J s, if he dines at all, and has not a ; hole to creep into, like the fox. but lays his head as chance may permit. Would it not be adding insult to injury to go up to this man and say to him, “ Sir, the settlement between you and the ' other party, is eci.se, liberal and just ” ? Would it not be doubly preposterous to ask him for his vote, while administering such consolation as this ? If he could be coaxed to admit that he was fairly treated and to vote for such a man, it might safely be said of him he would die like an ass. people of the South are routed, cheated, (degraded, and then asked to vote for those who stand spongers for the infamous deeds by which it was done. Even in Kentucky, where Cas sius M. Clay run as the emancipation candidate for Governor, Gen. Leslie JJombs, one of the most popular Whigs in the State, was beat for Congress, with a majority of over eighteen hun dred to hack him; We shall not ecasc to hope for similar results in Georgia, till the people themselves give fruits at which to. blush. Ap pearances, for nearly a year past, ifhave been ominous of evil. There is some show of reason in a people’s yielding public virtue to pecuniary interests." No people ought to do that,init the human mind can contemplate* no picture more debasing than that of a sacrifice of public virtue, with no pros pect of gain—indeed with every prospect of pe cuniary, social and political prostration, to fid low, as the direct and necessary consequence of that sacrifice. There are labyrinths of difficulty into which we might get by necessity , to be extricated from which would require all the wisdom, patriotism and courage which a people could command; but it is awful to contemplate their getting into such a condition by self-delusion, and the artful* sophistries of selfish politicians, who site in them selves stars' of the first magnitude, land in the "S'4*jnrTtie The man who fitters the people to tilt'd 1 injury, is a despicable demagogue, unfit to be a repository of power. Wepsay, then, that the people are also censurable, who will not examine facts and judge for themselves. The people of Georgia, in mass, ought to see the im position and chealery of the Compromise, as plain ly as the New York Express sees it. Thousands of them do see it, and will act upon it. If popu lar leaders were to tell some people that an ele phant was a rat, they would believe it. With such, argument is vain. You might as well talk to a corpse. To a man who will examine facts, it would be as decorous to tell him that an ele phant was a rat, as that the late Compromise was, to the South, fair, liberal and just! Let the people examine and think for them selves. No: Ihern Sympathy for the Blacks. The people of Indiana have adopted a new constitution. At their late election, they ratified the following, and made it a part of that consti tution : We, of the South, are rogues, man-steal ers, and rascals, dealers in the pound of flesh, and deserve to be execrated by ail mankind, because of our patriarchal institution : and yet the friends of the negro in liberty-loving Ohio, have adopt ed the following as a part of their fundamental law. It exhibits fully their hollow hypocricy. and the unprincipled character of their crusade against the South. They will permit 110 negro, or mu latto, to settle in Ohio, and yet would turn them loose upon us in a pent up and limited region. They hold us up to the scorn and hatred of the whole world for inhumanity; and mercy dies an endless death, in their souls, before their words of condemnation have fairly escaped their lying lips. “ Sec. 1. No negro or mulatto shall come into or settle in this State, after the adoption of this Constitution. “ Sec. 2. All contracts made with any negro or mulatto coming into this State, contrary to the foregoing section, shall be void; and all persons who shall employ, or otherwise encourage such negro or mulatto to remain in the State, shall be fined in any sum of not less than ten dollars nor more than five hundred dollars. “ Sec. 3. All fines which may be collected for a violation of the provisions of this article, or any law which may hereafter be passed lor the purpose of carrying the same into execution, shall be set apart and appropriated for the colo nization of such negroes and mulattoes, and their descendants, as may be in the State at the adop tion of this Constitution, and may be willing to emigrate. “Sec, 1. The General Assembly shall pass laws to carry out the provisions of this article.” It may be and has been said, that there are j peculiar reasorys for such a decision in Ohio. The V New York Tribune says, alluding to the above : “ We cannot doubt that the same proposition, in like manner submitted to a direct and naked popular vote, would prevail in nearly every free State of the Union." There is the testimony of the ablest and most widely extended free soil paper published in the Northern States. How hypocritical and prepos terous the grief of these people, at the wrongs done the poor Africans! There is more real re gard for the well being, the comfort and happi ness of the negro race, in the bosom ol" a single Southern slaveholder, than exists in the public bosom of the entire State of Ohio. Considering their professions there, they act more like sava ges than civilized people. What would become of the black race if these people were to be the arbiters of their fate ? They malignantly de nounce us and proscribe the negro in the same breath. Their love for him is an ostracising ty ranny, and their love for the South, a betraying and deadly hiss. To Mr. Smytlie: —Come, the public has waited sometime, lor “ the letter” you wrote in 1831, or thereabouts, to some editor iii Georgia, in which you stated that you believed “ in the right of secession.” Come let us have “ the letter You have got Mr. Cobb's, and it is nothing J?ut fair we should have yours. Another States Rights Man. 1 This we also take from the Chronicle of Wed , nesday. “ Another States Rights man"’ would be ■ a proper person to hold up a target for the Chroni : cle to butt at. Both of them appear to go it blind. > We nevfr said that we wrote a letter in 1834, in I which we avQWed a belief in the right of seces sion. We said that we wrote an article for a pub -1 lie journal, in which we made that statement.— , “ Another States Rights man” reminds us of the 1 ass with a lion’s skin on him. We only allude , to his pretending to be a States Rights man! He may be a very smart fellow, for ought we know. 1 I;ivt he is not * very- accurate or observing one, r to cali upon us for a letter when we expressly t stated’that we had written an article for a news-. - paper, which was published. Perhaps this States ■JUghts nutif was confused, or bewildered by the *Uoise of the “ masked battery orit shay lie that : that letter of Mr. Cobb's lias crowded <the cracks of his he»l till he has become a monomaniac on letters. m- We have not got Mr. Cobh's letter. We have a letter .of his, but not the letter. If I cc had 'ymt i ten a letter, we could save our honor, uprrp this eall,jfnil refuse to produce it until Sir. Cobb ’ produced his. You are unfortunate Mr. “ Another States Rights man” in alluding to letters. You have p only exposed youself and Mr. Cobb. Load up your popgun again, appeaUto Mars, and fire.— What a pity it is that this is not the season for china berries, but you can chow up some paper I wads. They may do as well. Y6ur only hope , now consists in playing <he parr of a perfect dare devil. In that way alone, can you get the war- God to come to your aid. Georgia Home Gazette. ' MLc have herijfoforc fooi.V altoded. "cry byiuly \ tajPe proposed pul i.»*Lm, < Re? -A. Whyte, of a new literary and family lournal, to be called the Georgia Home Gazette. • j Our time and space permits us nos*', only to re *fer to it in a few words. Os Mr. Whyte’s quali > fications for the task which will be imposed upon ' him, we have already expressed our opinion; ■ He is a gentleman of varied intellectual accom plishments, and a ready, instructive and elegant 1 writer. We have no doubt that he will be well sus tained by contributions from the pens of Southern literati. Our State and sectiop are flooded with 1 journals, magazines and reviews, of Northern and ’ foreign origin. Why should this be the case when we have talents and enterprize in our 1 midst sufficient to supply our people with ample and excellent intellectual aliment. 1 It is discreditable to Georgia, and the whole South, that efforts heretofore made to supply the want, at home, have been so inadequately sustain ed. We want a Southern Literature. Nature, cli mate, scenery, leisure, every thing conspires to foster genius in the South. Nothing is wanted but the encouraging patronage of our people. Augusta is as suitable a place as exists in this section, for the establishment of such a paper as the Home Gazette is intended to be. We learn from Major Whyte that his journal will not be hypercritical in its reviews, tone, or character.— His object is rather to present to his reader that which is useful, than beautiful. His journal will bedeveted more to the amusement and instruction of the family circle than the gratification of the sentimentality of those who are fond of romance for its excitement, and literature for its tinsel. Mr. Whyte’s character as an amiable and moral gentleman, in addition to his fine talents and scholastic attainments, is a guarantee to the public that his paper, as a family journal, can be received and read without the slightest fear of its pages being tainted with any thing objection able tod he moral taste. We can only say, in conclusion, that he has our best wishes for success in his enterprize, and we trust the good will of the public generally will be manifested tor it by his speedy attain ment of a large and lucrative subscription list and ample advertising patronage. We learn that the first number will be issued about the middle of the ensuing month. For terms, see the Prospectus in another column. The Ouban Advices. * The advices received from Cuba, via Havana are very contradictory, and the next intelligence | from that quarter is looked for with much anx •mat. we find the following, wilder dat* of Havana, August 17, which is as late as any received. August 17.—The news brought this moment, say 8,30, by the steamer Almendares, from the scene of warfare, is to the effect that Gen. Kuna has fallen into the hands of Lop t/.. The Almen dares brings eighty-two woun led Spanish troops, and of the number taken prisoners by Lopez’s party he has had the humanity not to shoot one. *** That Letter. The Southern Recorder is quite clamerotis for the publication of Mr. Cobb's letter to the Ma con Committee by the Southern Rights papers. It insists that as those papers have been calling for Mr. Cobb’s suppressed letter to the Cenvention, therefore, they are under obligations to accept the letter to the Macon Committee as a full response, and say nothing more about the suppressed letter. The editor of the Southern Recorder is some what mistaken if he supposes that either the Southern Rights editors or the people of Georgia are to be put off" ill that way. They want the suppressed letter, and they will not be satisfied with any thing shorter. Produce that letter Mr. Cobb, and gentlemen ot the Consolidation Union party, or acknowledge that it contains senti ments that you are afraid for the people to see. The people want to see the letter Mr. Cobb wrote to the Toombs Convention, which Mr. Toombs put in his breeches pocket, and conclu ded that it would not do to publish. Mr. Cobb may write as many and as long letters as his ingenuity may suggest, but as long as that sup pressed letter remains hid, the people will sus pect that there is a trick on foot to cheat them out of their votes. 0”?“ It is our painful task to announce the death of Martin M. Dye, Esq., who departed this life at Madison, on the 2Gth instant, af ter protracted illness. He was for many years a well known and highly esteemed citizen of this community, during a portion of which time lie occupied the honorable position of Mayor of the city of Augusta. A year or two since he moved to Savannah, where he was engaged in business, under the firm of Dye & Shumakc, at the time of his death. He was an honorable merchant, a good citi zen, a benevolent man and a pious Christian. He was universally beloved and respected. A Small Mistake. In Georgia 53 papers are published, 4 being monthly, 40 weekly, 4 tri-weekly, and 5 daily. Os these, 10 are democratic; 8 whig, 1 indepen dent, 1 liteiary, 2 medical, I agricultural, 4 reli gious. I Union, 1 neutral, and the character of the rest not stated. The largest circulation is that of the Augusta Sentinel, 5000 copies. The Temperance Banner, in Greene county, has 5000; the Augusta Constitutionalist,Southern Cultiva tor, Macon Telegraph and Macon Messenger have each about 300. We copy the above paragraph from the Mem phis (Tenn) Enquirer, in order to correct a mis take, in reference to the circulation of our paper. Probably a mistake was made in the omission of a cipher, in putting the number at 300. Our circulation is over ten thousand, by which it will be seen that it is much the largest in the State. The Constitutionalist, prior to its union with the Republic, had a circulation considerably exceeding 3000. Its circulation had for several years been above the last named figure. It is now probably greater than that of any other paper in the Southern States. Ouban Meeting in Augusta. The meeting at the City Hall Park, on Thurs day night, presented a cheering spectacle to the lovers of Republican freedom, and the friends of oppressed Cuba. It was truly a people's meet ing—a dense mass of citizens, glowing with fer vent enthusiasm for Cuba, and burning with in dignation at the savage butchery of the gallant Crittenden, Kerr, and their hapless comrades, crowded the platform and loudly cheered the re solutions passed on the occasion. This was a meeting of the people, emphatically. Many, too many of our citizens who ordinari ■ ly give weight to popular movements were ab ■ sent. It was feared by some, perhaps, that the over zealous exertions of the Federal Adminis -1 tration to cut off American sympathy and aid to Cuba might be rebuked. Perhaps the current of ■ their sympathies ran in the direction of '"law ■ and order I’’ 1 ’’ in that worst spirit of conservatism ; which always takes the side of the government > against the people, though the struggle be be . tween power and right. , Be this as it, may. a large number of our most I respectable cifoens-*-respectal>le in its best sense, fpVere there. The people were there, of all ages j and" pursuits. Many a hancfo*harJened by toil, ! was clenched in stern resolve, and many manly brows were knit with indignant passion, and the universal heart of the large assemblage swelled with responsive sympathy to the appeals of the speakers fn favor of Cuba, and vengeance lor the 1 blood of our inhumanly butchered and mutilated countrymen. It was evident that a very ,strongfeeli*i 1g of in diguitffon prevailed again* Sir. Owen, the Ame rican Consul, who stands charged with the‘moat shameful indifference (o the fate of his men, sentenced without a trial. But the mee'ting. after full argument, determined that he should not be condemed before he was * hekrd in his defence. Election ot Judges and State House Officers by (he People. We have purposely avoided ‘he discussion of this question down to this point in the present canvass, as we did not desire to mingle it with the vital political issuec now dividing the two parties in our State. We believe a large ma jority of the people of either party, if a fair expression pf opinion ce" K obtained, will ■.f these elections and placing them'vhere they ought to be, and where they properly belong, di* rectly in t.ie hands of the people.'** As an original question a different system from either of these two might meet with popular fa vor. The nomination of Judges by the Gov- ■ ernor to the Senate, two-thirds of whom would t be necessary to ratification, ■ ifominations to be of an equal number from each political party, and in case of a {vacancy the nomination. 1 to be from the ranks of the party, which by the 1 vacancy is left with the smallest number of * judges on the Bench, is a plan which has been ; suggested to us, and has its advocates and strong r arguments to sustain it. But the merits of this ; plan we do not undertake to discuss, as it is not now properly before the people. ‘ Bur the last Legislature provided for the ascer : tainment of the popular voice on the question, whether these elections should be by the Legislature, or i.y the People. The voters 1 are requested to signify their wishes on their bal- lots at the election in October. The strictly party character of the elections * by tlie Legislature, and the utter disregard of 1 all claims to office, except political services 1 performed in be half of the dominant party, which have uniformly marked those elections, - demonstrate the utter unfitness of that body : to be entrusted with the disposal of judicial offices. Is he peqmlar and influential among the 1 voters ! What has he done for the party f and what benefit will his election be‘to the party! are the questions much more freely discussed in party concusses and colories, than is he a good jurist ? I is he a man of ability, firmness and impartiality? > (t is he honest ? is he capable V’ The plausible in triguant, the man of shallow pretensions, but pleasant address, and with active political friends —the man who is popular on the stump, and has often carried his county for his party by indus trious electioneering in hotly contested canvasses, lias generally, much stronger claims, and brighter prospects for success under the present system than the most learned jurist of retiring and but little addicted to strife of politics and the brawling conflicts of the hustings. The lat ter stands no possible chance for such promo tion, though the calm and discriminating judge ment of the people, nor the question submitted to them would at once decide in Ills favor. We will not extend our argument at this time in favor of election of Judges by the People, but we will occasionally recur to the subject be tween this and the election in Octobej. which biennially take place at Milledgeville, have disgusted many who were originally averse to giving the elections to the people, and have thoroughly convinced them, that the Legislature is an unfit depository of such power and patron age. The influences and considerations which con trol these elections are wrong in principle, and a perversion of the authority vested in the hands of the Legislature. If the people will resume this authority and lake these elections into their own hands, and we now speak especially of elections for judges, they will be apt to vote with more wis dom and quite as much honesty. The system has been adopted in the States of New York and Mississippi, and has worked well. It has been adopted in other States, and we hear no com plaints or dissatisfaction with its operation. The system of popular elections will create a class of office-holders and aspirants for judicial honors distinct from the politicians. The claims they will bring before the constituent body, will be based on professional merit and personal good character. They will not be the political ser vices rendered to party and party leaders, or tact and adroitness upon the stump, or electioneering accomplishments at the polls. Many of the arguments we would urge against the election of judges by the people will apply with equal force to elections by that body of the Solicitors and State House officers. The people are too large a constituent body, and too disinter ested in their motives of action to be influenced by the sinister views that control the action of political parties in Legislative bodies. A man of the most exalted claims to office—of the most admirable fitness—of the purest integrity—of the most exemplary morals stands but little chance for an election if his party happen to be in a minority in the Legislature, in opposition to a man on the otfcer side of the commonest abili ties—of inferior qualifications—of intemperate habits—and even of questionable integrity.— Those things ought not to be. Yet they have often been witnessed in the case of elections by Legislatures. The people would not thus dis pose of offices bestowed directly by their suf frages. Interesting Fact. —We copied a notice a day or two since, of a fire in the basement of the chemical warehouse of Messrs. Haskell, Mer rick & Bull, New Y'ork. We have since been informed that the flames were spreading repidly, when they weie instantly subdued by the acci dental breaking of a dem.john of ammonia. From Santa Fe. Mr. H. Barthel, of Santa Fe, was a passenger in the steamer Cataract, which arrived at St Louis on the 10th inst., Irom the Missouri river. | He brings no later advices than were previously j received, but the Republican learns from him : one or two items of interest. The corn crop of New Mexico, it was feared, would prove a failure; ! business was dull, and things wore rather a, gloomy appearance. A man by the name of Harris, of Missouri who went out as a passenger in Sims & Me Cauley’s train, died on the 28th July, and was buried on Mud Creek. When Mr. R. saw the grave, the body had been disinterred by th< beasts and birds, and was no where to be seen. Russell & Jones’ train were met at the Moro. Hubbell’s at Ciinerone, Spencer’s at the same place, Otero’s at Rio Jornadu, Major Ruggles’s at Fort Mackay, Aubrey’s at Big Cow Creek- Major Miles at Turkey Creek, and a Mormon . party at Rio Colorado. All were getting along well. No sickness except a few cases at Fort Mackay, only three of which were fatal. Tiif. Storm. —A violent storm of wind and : rain from the north-east raged in this vicinity on , Saturday evening last, and continued all night and until meridian on Sunday.—After noon it moderated, and by nightfall had cleared away. 1 The damage done to the standing corn and cot ton has been considerable. On the seaboard we . understand the storm was more violent, and fear much damage to the rice and cotton. The shipping on the coast must have suffered consul -1 erably. —Griffin Jeffersonian, 28th inst. , Revival at McDonough. —We neglected to j. state in our last, as we had intended, that the people of McDonough and its vicinity, have re -1 eently been the subjects of a most powerful re -1 vival of religion. After incessant labor on the ; part of the religious community in that place, for seventeen days, the result has been nearly one hundred conversions, with sixty members added to the Baptist and forty-seven to the t Methodist Churches.— lb. P Public Meeting. nt to a public call, a very large and ic number of the citizens of Augusta, , the cause of Cuban Independence, as -1 the City Hall, on Thursday evening, Oil motion of William H. Oakman, Jr., John C. Sr >ed, Esq., was called to the Chair, and Wil liam l. McLaws, Esq., requested to act as Se cretai »\ A- tl. H. Dawson, Esq., moved that a Com mittj of Twelve be appointed by the Chair, to report Resolutions for the action of the meeting, whin being seconded, was unanimously adopt ed. ; It 1 ivingbeeri made known that the Court, KOOll was too small to contain the number in atteijance —on motion, the meeting adjourned to ts jPark, where, having been called to order the (pair announced the following gentlemen as compVfing the Committee of Twelve: A. H. H. Dav.|>n, Esq., Col. G. F. Parish, William H. Oaktfan, Jr., Dr. Wm. E. Dearing, Henry D. Bell,»James M. Simpson. Samuel C. Wilson, GustJS us A. Parker, Benjamin F. Chew, Sr., Dr. J. MkHill, James B. Hart, and Sanrtl. 11. Crump, ling the absence of the Committee, John | Jr.. Esq., being called upon, addiessed the 1 feting in an eloquent and patriotic man ner. v A.f 1 • H. Dawsou, Esq., from, the Committee of Twelve, reported the following Resolutions : Ist. Resolved, That we respond with enthusi asm so the noble sentiments of sympathy every when manifested throughout the United States wi 5 flie heroic stand the citizens of Cuba are tm.ki*jg in the cause of human liberty. 2d. Resolved, That we ardently cherish the hope-that the Antillian Queen will soon be free, and that the achievement of her independence n .% and will be effected in a maimer so signally gallaii’ and brilliant, that she will be recognized atom-' throughout the civilized world as a co equal n dignity to. and entitled to a place among the nations of the earth. 3d. Resolved, That in ouropinion, the day can not be lar distant, when Cuba must and will be free, and that we fondly trust no disaster that may, in the vicissitudes of war, befall the Patriots, will be permitted to stay the work of destiny on that long oppressed, though still, bright little Isle ot thofocean. 4th. Resolved, That we hold, that any free born American citizen has the unqualified and unqrJktionable right to expatriate himself at his own and that the legal right belongs not to our government to demand of him, when be is about to leave his native land, whither he goeth ? nor to interdict his departure ; and there fore l*Tit That the Chairman ofthis meet ting d<V*ppoiiit aCommittee of five to receive con tribuf "ns for the equipment of such of our fellow citize * as are willing and anxious to become identi vid with the career of the star of liberty that is 'rising now on the lovely, though fettered littleAiueen of the Antilles. oth. Resolved, That if the forty Americari citizens who were recently executed by the Spani.4l authorities at Havana were put to death withort first having had such a fair and impar tial as they were by law entitled to, that it is, in pur opinion, whether they might have been convicted legally or not. nevertheless the bpmdeu duty of our insulted and injured geveiir oebt to write upon the deathless page of histon, in the best blood of old Spain, a terrible warnlrg to the balance of the world to beware how tVy rashly tamper with the lives of Ame rican ‘citizens. Itl.rßcsolved, That, as Georgians, we will ex press,/'.! opinion about the behaviour of our fel low-ci:izen, Allen F. Owen, U. S. Consul at Havagiij toward the ill-fated Americans who met tfeir doom at that place, untill intelligence more s.».thentic as to his conduct shall reach 11s, and ht lias first been heard in his own defence. WkCh report being seconded, upon motion for their jMoption, John Phinizy, Jr., objected to the pass*", of the last Resolution, and moved a sub- gave rise to an able, animated and spirit^discussion, Mr. Phinizy advocating liis aiiHfAac} oral J[a .tet Gardner. J 1- A. U. H. " Ur. J. M. Hill sustaining Tho origi nal Resolution. The substitute being negatived, the original Resolution was unanimously adopted. It having been made known to the meeting that Col. Robert McMillan, of Elbert, had just arrived upon the ground, and there being a gen eral call made for him, and a considerable desire manifested to hear him, he was conducted to the stand, and after being introduced by the Chair, addressed the meeting in an able and eloquent manner, approbatory of the action of the meet ing. Under the Fifth Resolution, the Chair appoint ed the following gentlemen as composing the Committee of Five: Jas. Gardner. Jr., John Phinizy, Jr., A. H. H. Dawson, Dr. W. E. Dear ing, and Robt. A. Whyte. On motion, the meeting then adjourned. John C. Sneed, Chairman. William R. McLaws, Secretary. [communicated.] MARIETTA, Aug. 24th, 1851. Messrs. Editors: —I have thought it would be somewhat interesting, both to yourselves and your readers, to hear from the discussion that came off here on yesterday, between the Hon. Howell Cobb and Gov. McDonald. Os course you will hear that Cobb has utterly demolished and used up the old war horse of the Southern Rights party. But have you ever heard of a discussion between any two gentlemen yet but what our so-called Union friends claim to have used up our men ? But it is a little against their claims of triumph that there is a constant cha.ige going on in favor of Southern Rights and McDonald. Although Gov. McD. has constant ly, since he was first apprised of the wishes of the party that he should be their candidate, de clined to stump it over, the State; nevertheless, when Mr. Cobb came to his own county, and in vited him to discuss the principles of the respec tive parties, he at once accepted the invitation, and I do not think his opponents will be very desirous, or manifest quite so much anxiety to get him on the stump again. Mr. Cobb opened in a speech of about an hour ami a half, in which he labored prodigiously to pi.jve that the Compromise was “fair, liberal and just,” and that he, with the other members "f the Georgia delegation in Congress, did all they were instructed to do when they kept the Wil mot Proviso from being engrafted on the territo rial measures. He ranted loud and long about : ae glorious Union and the horrors of disunion. After concluding, Gov. McDonald came for ward amid the warm greetings of his friends, ud after adverting to the fact that he had, from the oijtset, said to his friends that they must not ex iled him to canvass the State on the stump, yet when his opponent came to his own county and presented him with an opportunity to discuss with him the questions of the day, he should not ■ decline so favorable an opportunity to put to rest | the charge, made by his opponents, that he was i afraid to trust his principles to the test of public j discussion with his opponent on the stump. He then proceeded to attack the positions of Mr. C., first remarking that resistance to the Compro mise measures was not in the issue; that they had been disposed of by the Georgia Convention; but as he was charged with being a disun ionist, because he had said they were unjust and viola i tivc of the constitutional rights of the South, and as his opponent had worked so hard to prove the opposite, he would ask the pardon of the people for saying a few words on what he deemed dead issues. Upon the Texas Boundary, he got the Ex-Speaker completely cornered. In reference to California, he showed that by trick and strat agem, the South had been most unjustly defraud ed by the legislation of Congress, and that the Hon. Speaker and his colleagues had most sig nally failed in their duty to their constituents, in not resisting that as much as they would the YVilmot Proviso; and that the people expected them to look to and guard their rights, without having to instruct them, whether the assault came in one form or another. He then glanced at the other measures, tearing down the props upon which his opponent rested their justness. Next he came to the real issues in this canvass, viz: the right of secession, which Mr. Cobb barely touched at the conclusion of his opening speech. Upon this subject, Governor McDonald was unanswerable. He completely annihilated the absurdities put forth on the side of consolidation. His speech was replete with sound argument and cool and dispassionate ap peals to the wason of his hearers. While he claimed and most clearly proved the right of a State to secede peaceably from the Union, he in- j dignantly repelled the charge that he was now I or had ever been in tavor of the exercise of the : right for any thing in the past, and showed most j clearly that a man was not necessarily a disu nionist because he could nofapprove of the Com- I promise, or because he behoved in the right of 1 secession; and he reaffirmed his former declara tion that the decision of tl Jr people, through their convention, should'not beldisturbed; l>Ut that we must hold all parties up tof the maintai nance of the Constitution for the fAfire, if we expected to maintain the Union ; for, without we maintain ed the Constitution inviolate, the Union could not be preserved. He occupied some two hours. Mr. Cobb came forward in' reply,' and without even attempting to answer the arguments of Gov. McD., he let but infa strain ot empty de clamation about the Union —claiming to have Madison, Jackson, and everybody else but the Southern Rights party with him. After'occu pying considerable time in that way, he attempt ed to define his position in reference tp secession. We thought he was going to come up to the scratch; but he soon began, to mystify. He said that he held that “ a Slate <had the right to secede, for just cause—that she had a right to judge oft hat cause—but that the other States remaining in the Union had the right to judge whether the seceding State was right or not.’’ How much less trouble to have said that a State had no right to secede. And it is possible that Mr. Cobb has such a con tempt for the understanding of the people, that he thinks he can keep them from seeing that he holds the Federal doctrine of consofidation. and denies the right of secession. He occupied, in his reply, about half an hour. 4 J Gov- McDonald came forward again, and oc i cupied about half an hour in the same cahn, dig nified and argumentative manner. He proceed ed to tear clown the masked battery, and to cast off"the mist Mr. Cobb had endeavored to involve his own opinions in on the right of secession, > which he did most effectually; and in order to fasten down clearly on Mr. Cobb his coercion and consolidation doctrines, he, near the close of his remarks, turned to him and said: “ I under ' stand my distinguished opponent, Mr. Cobb, to hold this position on the right of secession, viz: that a State has a right to secede for just cause, and that she has a right to judge of that cause; but the remaining Spates have the right, to judge of her action, and if they disapprove of it. to use force to coerce her back into the Union.” Mr. Cobb did not demurr to this construction, and, in a few minutes afterwards, when ail opportunity was presented to him to make any explanation he desired, he said he had no further explanation t* make ; so I hope we will hear no more from his friends that he is in favor of the right of se cession, or that he is opposed to coercion. Let our opponents boa. t as-much as they please, we are perfectly satisfied with the result. Mr. Cobb converted one man, but it was from a Cobbite to a Republican and a McDonald man. We are gaining daily, and will carry Cobb coun ty by at least 300 majority, and I hope even a hundred more by the election. Our opponents . can out boast the world, but I see they don’t talk about beating Gov. McDonald more than five thousand. That is a great tailing off from twen ty thousand; but they wont, when sober, offer to bet, and give five. In haste, yours, &c. GEORGIAN. P. S.—The only attempt Mr. Cobb made to meet the charges G’ov. McDonald made against him for failing in his duty as a Southern repre sentative, was to show that such and such men voted as he had. Rather a weak justification, we thought. There was one other point I omitted to men tion. Mr. Cobb contended that the convention that nominated Gov. McDonald having declared Ueorgia.“<jegrftded.fecitu her cypflitifm.j.i o^ualL.., "A'ln ti.c ’'oil 1011 , umHjOv. AtcT). bavins an proved the action of said convention, that in now saying the people should not disturb the de cision of the State convention, he virtually ad vised the people to maintain their own shame, &c. Gov. McDonald met this charge most hap pily, by showing that Mr. Cobh did not know the meaning of the word degraded, or he had, at least, given it a very different one from the true meaning, or that of the Convention. Mr. Cobb, "in attempting to explain the meaning of it, in reply, proved clearly that he had totally misap prehended the meaning of the world. Governor McDonald showed that the word, as used in that convention, meant that the State had been simp ly lowered in degree of equality in the Union. Mr. Cobb’s friends, feeling so certain of suc cess by such large odds, might, with groat pro priety, send the Hon. gentleman to a Grammar school from now till Ist Monday in October. (communicated.) Secession—Revolution. Mr. Cobb, finding that his anti-secession doc trines are not so palatable as he anticipated, is attempting to conceal his true position by making Secession and Revolution convertible terms. But all his efforts will prove futile—for already, in his attempts to “Mystify,” he has involved himself in a labyrinth of inconsistencies, wholly irrecon cilable. That there is a marked and palpable difference between the two, must appear to every reflecting mind—a distinction too, which is of vital importance to the mainteance of State Rights. To say that the two "are equivalent, evinces either, an ignorance, wholly unpardona ble in one who has been pretending to study the nature of the structure of our government so long or a wilful intention to practice decept ion upon the credulous and unsuspecting. In what then does the difference consist ! There is a case precisely in point, whieh will plainly illustrate it. The citizens of Cuba are now in aStatp of open revolt against the govern- | ment of Spain. They are making an effort to burst asunder the shackies of tyranny whi ch have so long fettered them, and we hope in God, that their noble struggle for liberty may be crowned with success. Now here, the citizen, or subject is in direct conflict with the government—in other words, a State of revolution exists. But should their efforts to secure their independence prove abortive, her citizens may then be treated as re bels and traitors by the mother country. Now, when a State secedes, she does it as a body poli tic—as a unit indivisible. The issue is between the State and the Federal Government, and not between the latter and the citizens of the State, as individuals. The State government throws its protecting aegis between the citizens and the General Government, thereby precluding any action against them as traitors. Now, the State is sovereign, and there is no power under the canopy of Heaven that has any right to restrict her action. Where is the tribunal that shall summon her to trial ? Where is the law that binds her—the judge to sentence her—or the offi cer to execute ? That she may be conquered into submission, by bringing superior brute force to bear upon her, does not in the least degree in validate her rights. Admit that Revolution and Secession arc the same—and we are already a consolidated empire. Admit this to be true— and the rights of the State are swallowed up in the unlimited powers of the Federal Government —and the States themselves, thus shorn of all sovereignty, become nothing more than mere dependent provinces, while their citizens are re duced to a level with the meanest slaves that crouch beneath the frown of tyranny. But if the doctrine, as held by Mr. Cobb and the Con stitutional Union party be true—verily, they are in a most pitiable dilemma. They tell us that in the event certain things arc done by Con gress, which things are set forth in their platform, then, to use their own language, they are for Revolutiem. Now, they tell us in the same breath, that we shall that moment be coerced into sub mission by the other States. Where then is your remedy ? and what avails all this bluster about revolution and the protec tion of the South ? The moment the first sig nal of revolt is given, you that moment assume the position of rebels and traitors against the gov ernment. You have thus pronounced sentence of condemnation upon your own heads—have whetted the knife that is to cut your own throats —you have lighted the torch of civil war, and will yourselves be consumed in the fire of your own kindling. Are the people of Georgia ready to meet such a fate ? Admit this doctrine—that VOL. XXX--NEW SERIES -VOL. VI --NO <HO. ' 11 11 miw 1 iw miii Airirr■ there is mother remedy but Revolution, and it is 1 inevitable. But this is not the only inconsistency to be found among the members of that party. The Union men of 33 opposed the doctrine of nullification upon the ground that Secession was the “rightful remedy.” How can they reconcile themselves to the support of a man who utterly denies that there is any such right belonging to a State as that of peaceable Secession. We would just here inquire,by whom is a State to be disturb ed in the exercise of this right ? Who is to wage this exterminating war with which we are threatened ? The possession of the power to co erce, does not carry with it the right to coerce— But this is the doctrine of Mr. Cobb—its fallacy is too obvious to.require exposure. The case is a plain one, and must appear evident to every man of common sense. Mr. Cobb and others of the Revolution Party knew the reluctance with which this consolidation pill would be swallowed, and hence their attempt to gild it over—to “mystify’’ and to deceive the unwary, by making Revolu tion, a right belonging to tlie most abject slave on earth, synonymous with Secession, a right be longing to a sovereign and independent State. JASPER. August 21st, 1831. The following letter received by us a few days since, is from one of the most respectable and intelligent citizens of Rabun county : “Clayton, Rabun County, July 25. We poll, in this county, about 350 votes, and Mr. Cobb will get 200 to 250. His majority will not vary much Irom 100 votes. Send us some documents to prove the fire-eaters were in fr.vor of disunion last year —they deny it up here. Mr. Editor, the above is clipped iVoni the Union Banner, edited at Macon. I am unable to say how, or from whom the editors of the Banner re ceived their misrepresentation of the vote of the people of this county (Rabun.) The gentleman, (whoever he is,) says out of about 350 votes in this county, that Mr. Cobb will get about one hundred majority. I greatly differ with the disruptionist, (for I know no true Southern Rights loan would have give such an estimate,) and given a true and nn prejudeed opinion of the election in Ociobor. I think that Mr. Cobb will get from 50 to 100 votes in the county, which will leave Judge McDonald 150 to 250 majority. I think I have good grounds to infer that Mr. McDonald will get largely the majority, from the fact that the usual Whig vote of the county is about fifty, and even some of the Whigs will not vote for Cobb. But I siqqiose there are a few dirt-eating De mocrats that will vote for him, which will give him about the average Whig vote of the county. Mr. Cobb in his former elections, has always got largely the majority in Rabun : but the true old Democrats are getting their eyes open since Mr. Cobb has become one ol the firm of Toombs, Stephens & Co. We are not unapprised that Mr. Cobb lias turned traitor to the South, and therefore we are going for the old Democratic friend of the South and preserver the Union, (Charles J. McDonald.) Enough on this sub ject at present, l just wished to inform you and the public, that we are friends to the South and preservers of the Union. Justice in the Mountains. Clayton, August 19th, 1851, (OOMMCNIOATKU.) Frivit and Conlidinslial. NO. IH. TO THE HON. ROBERT TOOMBS All Irishman nicer is over perlite— Erae and aisy say I, if it lades to a tite : An tbis being my motto, as I've written to Cobb. Sans ceremonie. I write you, doar Rob. Didn’t ye, or did ye. tlie night o’yoro spaelie At the City Hull, notice jist out ov the raclie Os your wide-wavin arm, a wild Irish lad That scranied like an injin and went on tike mad, Ca'imin cLivvr. nov. arid then op The ilooijl u id a thump Os liis crab-tree ahltlelah whiles you bad tlie stomnp.’ Our itforts wint 01V —■! mi. 1.0 y,.ro spaoho and my y"ll ; But in boner, dear Bob, tls me duty to say Though ye well aped "OULU IIARRY,” twas o'erdone for Ci.ay— (Ye know since ye heard “ Hal ” here some years ago, Your copy by some folks was thought quite “ so-so.") For an ould chap foreninst me sphakes to me very tow, " Wat's the mat tiler wid Bob—a leetle hoiv-come-yc-so, Eh ?” " Ocli! divil a bit darlin,” soz Ito him, •' It's away that lie's got—ho sphakes always wid 'vim,' When they git him rite mad and sez 1, “ More’n that, A gout in August} - that shood ha bin flat Os his back long ago, to Bob’s great surprise Sits o'er on that bench—and he’s got his kane eyes Fastened plump upon Bob, and its nateral euulf Unliss a man's made o'tlie hist Irish stuff Like meself,” sez I, winkin. “ to be suimnut put out At mating a glioust a wandheriu about, Stid of dacently lying snug and slitill in his grave Its enough,*’ sez I, “ould nion, to make any mon rave.” The ould fellow laughed at me quoere explenashnn ’ But I’m much fearin, Bob, lastc your past imputation For gittin up at short notice, a good “ clay imitation,'’ Has been sumniut impared by that ripresintation. But to come to the point, this letther, dear Bob, In tlie same kindly spirit I wrote in to Cobb, Is meant to point out tlio weak points in your apaches, And to give ye me aid in rcpairln the beaches. (You'll excuse me oinishun to put in French, That murtherous jargon givs me tongue sic a wronch, I fear twill quite ruin this bad pen to write it, 1 And therefore this letther is in Irish indited.) First, a dale of complaint I hear at your delay In building yore altar; twould be best rightaway To proclaim that tlie bricks are already in mould, On tlie Ilamilcar patthern, like he used of ould, And that ye've sint to ould Erin for Phelim McScag, (A broother of mine, and a bit of a wag, 1 But an ilegant mason.) who’ll shortly he here, | ■ To give shape and form to yore progoct so dear. , . The '‘masked battry," too, has been too long kiptgoin; | . The paple now say there's no way of knowin How long yon will stay snugly tucked up behind it. And think it high time you get biddings to mind it. They want you among them —there's been so much de- 1 sertion . From the Southern ranks lately, they think your di version Should now come to a close ; and as you know the ways Os this masked battry well, they say all tlie bays And laurels that are won. if you'll lead tlie attack, Shall circle your brow. Will you stand to the rack ? 1 know you will, Bob, and I’m plcdgin ye to it. And byway of assistance to help you to do it, Oird on that bright sword which you thought so '‘sug gestive,” “Causing wise men to ponder,” (Come. Bob! don't he restive,) “And brave men to act,” and as you gaze on our title To our late acquisition, iet oacli jot and each tittle Os all your professions be strictly adhered to And silence this slander thatyc rather have veered to Duo North on the compass, and are sumniut inclined. Like a church-staple rooster, to crow with the wind. But here is tlie bitterest pill that's been made— (Laste that Fohwory spacliu could be laid in the shade— Alas ! it stands on tlie record. —tlie best India-rubber Could never efface it—nay. nor angel's best blubber !) ’Tis said that you claimed from England and Russia, From furriners, aliens, Spain, France and Prussia, Both non-intorference and non-intervintion, And established your claim beyond all contravention; But the North, you said, owed, both that and protection. Wli icb, if we failed to get, stern neeessty’a direction (Justified by our interests, our safety, our honor. Than all human governments hild to be stronger.) To us, as our duty, was at onco to sacede, Or make oursilves •• aliens," as you make it read. And thin in yore spaelie on the McLernand bill, Where you first undertook that arduous, up-liill And profitless task, of the Ilamilcar altar, (A job so severe tis no wonder you falter.) You make us believe you will strike for disunion, If we don't get protietion in the pale of the Union. Yet mirabile dictu! (do yo rade latin, Bob ’ If ye don't you can turn o'er these hard words to Cobb.) You now hold that the doctrine of non-intervintion Was all the South asked for l»y word or intintion; That this she has got, amt has no right to complain For the loss of adocthrine you fought for in vain.— Very well, but you said that protietion refused, While it made us degraded, outraged and abused, Would cause you at once for fradom to sthrike, (indipindance you havo it—but the words are alike). And the paple now ask if ye've yit struck the blow, (’Twas like that, if ye have, that laid Pattherson low :) For the divil a hit can they find any place Wlierfc your fingers have left any sign, print or trace ! Tilts winds me up, liob,—hut it must not stop you— Ye must git out if yo can—raise a hullabeloo, And ere the noise and confusion hev intirely subsided. To some place of refuge we'll hope that ye've glided. But Pegasus is weary—this abominable road Is very fatagiug to a nag but half shod ; So I here shall draw rein—but before I git down, Laste Cobb makes a failuro ingettin tlie crown, On yore way Bob, to Paris, your thravellin l»ag Would be well taken care of by Augustj/> Jorgy. PATIIRICK McSOAG. Arrival op the Alabama. —This vessel ar rived here yesterday morning at an early hour, bringing 52 cabin passengers, 45 steerage do., and a full freight. On Sunday, 104 o’clock, P. M.,25 miles north of Hatteras, exchanged signals with the steamship Florida, hence for New York. At 12 o’clock, on the same night, off Hatteras, experienced a very severe gale from the S. F,., which lasted 24 hours.—Sap. Rep. 28 th inst. > [communicated.] WALTON COUNTY, Aug. 18th, 1801. Messrs. Gardner and Smythe: You paper of the 16th instant, has just been placed in my hands, containing an article over the signature of “A Visiter,’ 5 which I must notice. I am sure I would not have done so if the writer had not referred to some matters that have by falsehood and misrepresentation been magni fied into such importance, that I will even avail myself of this poor occasion to refute the foul aspersion which malignant slanderers have sought to fix upon me. “ A Visiter” speaking of me says: “On a visit to the North some time since he called to see a friend who was an abolitiontst by the name of Chester. Said Chester invited the Hon. Judge to dine with him, and byway oi il lustrating his doctrine by his practice, he placed a quatroon wench on the right hand of Mr. Hill yer. After dinner, Chester said to his friend : 1 While 1 was a resident in the South, 1 had a great repugnance to this kind of equality; but since I have become an abolitionist, the glorious doctrine has inspired me with greater love for my species, and particularly’the negro equality. When Mr. Hillyer returned to the State of Geor gia, and being full of the inspiration of the above doctrines, and the tear oftlrc numbers of the North, he had occasion to address a meeting of his fellow-citizens/*. Now, in this paragraph there is a clear inti mation that while in New York by my associa tion with Mr. Chester became inspired with the doctrine that the white and negro race are equal and that the doctrine of the abolitionist is glori ous. This imputation is absolutely' and inlit mously false. For by no word or act of my life have I ever intimated an opinion that the white and negro race were or ought to be on a footing of political or social equality. The imputation is here clearly sought to be thrown upon me, that while in New York at the house of Mr. Chester, my conduct was such as to degrade me among gentlemen, and to im pair my character as a Southern man—which imputation I repeat is false, and he who makes it lies. It is not true that Mr. Chester invited me to dine with him. While in New York I made his house my home. 1 went there as promptly as if he had been my brother, and I will not consult any living man upon the propriety’of my having done so. Mr. Chester, more than thirty years ago, wa, the friend of my father, and subsequently the friend of my widowed mother and her orphan children. And on my leaving College (having lieen educated by the charity of ray grandmoth er) without one cent of money in myt'iooket, and not a change of clothing in my wardrobe, he took me by the hand and gave me food and raiment, and sheltered and brought me forward in my profession. 1 owe him gratitude. And while. memory remains, and I recognize the proper im pulses of the human heart, I am his friend and he shall have my hand. On the first evening of my arrival at the house of Mr. Chester, there came in to supper four oi live women, and 1 learned afterwards from Mr. Chester that one of them was from the Island of Burmuda, and was supposed to have negro blood in her. There was nothing in her color, manner or appearance Which induced me to sup pose that she was other than a white woman.— 1 assert positively, that while in the non-slave ding States I never even spoke to any of the ne gro race except the waiters at the hotels, and Mr. Chester is the only abolitionist I saw. I do not believe that “ A Visiter" thinks that while in New York I associated with free ne groes on terms of equality. Ido not believe that he thinks I am tainted with abolitionism. Nor do I believe that in his heart he doubts that I am as true to the institution of slavery a» he is himsffi And vet JiAib' ins-u-twl * v '*+' v ~ ‘ things against me witl-ml* p not say he is a wicked and bad man : but 1 will say that in writing bis communication be has committed a great folly. The balance of his piece, 1 will not conde cened to notice, further than to say (while writ ing) that it is a mixture of misrepresentations and falsehoods, and sinks below contempt. This correspondence is now closed on my part. Ido not intend to be drawn into a news paper controversy with every body that sees proper to asperse nw, I have no idea who this writer is. 1 did not know that I had but one personal enemy in the world, and i do not sus pect him of being the author of such a produc tion. JUNIUS HILLYER. (communicated.) Messrs. Editors: —We have had glory enough for one day at Social Circle. On Saturday, the 23rd inst., according to pre vious notice, a large assemblage of people col lected together at the Academy at Social Circle, Walton county. The Committee of Arrange ments took all the advantage they wished in fa vor of the Union Party, by calling up Mr. Jones first, at eleven o'clock, who spoke one hour and a quarter; then calling up the Hon. Mr. Hillyer, who occupied one hour and a half, wild also the Hon. Mr. Toombs one hour and a half; after which Mr. W. .1. Vason, one of the native sons of Morgan, but now a citizen of Louisiana, was allowed to addressed the meeting; but notwith standing the day was far spent, it being 5 o'clock, the people were determined to remain and hear the champion of Southern and States rights, and if I am any judge of language, I think the Hon. Robert Toombs got the most glorious political thrashing that has ever been listened to in this county; even the ladies clapp'd their hands and rejoiced at Mr. Vason's plain and pointed truths. F.BENEZF.R. We have another letter from an eye witness to the discussion at Social Circle, wlrj confirms the above statement as to the severe handling which Mr. Toombs suffered on 'the occasion. MARRIED, In Pendleton, S. C., on Thursday, 21st inst., by William Hubbard,Esq., Air. James C. Thompson. of Pendleton, to Miss Ann E. F. Scott, of Charleston. On the 19th inst., by the Rev. Mr.] Bishop, Mr. James Jenninos O'Ban non, of Barnwell, to Miss S. C. Bkatton, daughter of the late Dr. John Bratton, of York District. In Richmond county, on the 21st instant, by Rev L. J.Davis, Mr. Gkoroe W. Bekry, of Augusta to Miss Sarah Francis, daughter of Dr. William Williams On Thursday night, the 7th instant, by John S. 8011, Esq., Mr. Ge, neper Jlai.l, of Emanuel conn ty, and Miss Sarah Folks, of Jefferson. On the 10th inst., by A. Sibloy, Esq., Zachahia* May, Esq., to Miss Frances A., daughter of Robt Todd, all of Meriwether county. On the evening of the 14th instant, by tho Rev. John I‘. Duncan, Col. Wm. L. Stanley, to Miss Rebecca E. Bass, all of West Point, Ga. At the Residence ol Mr. Benjamin Boyd, Bruke County, Ga., August 21st, 1851, by the’liar . Mr. Liveley, Mr. John S. Grf.f.n, of Soriveu, to Mies Ann A. Gordon, of Burke County. 11 1 -. l_ ■ ■—.■.""-.■jj :'l —————— — OBITUARY. Died, at SupimerhiU, in Edgofiold District South Carolina, on the 31st ult., of Congestive Fo \ or, Mr. Edward Adams, aged 35 years. In tho prime of his manhood, he has boon takon limn all tho endearments of a loved and loving family, and from numorous connexions and friends who valuod him for his integrity, sincerity and be noyolcntjheart. Ilia was the happy lot of trium phing oyer death through awcll-groundodfaith.und ol realizing tho truth of the promisu, that the sink ing and death stricken soul that cliugs to the Su viour, has nought to fear even in the valley of tho shadow of death. Died, also at tho same pluco,and of tho same dis ease,four children of the above named deceased Richard Caldwell,on the 21st ult aged II months. Edward Preston, on tho Ist ult., need 81 years. Tai.lui.aii, on tho 4th inst., aged 3] years. David Lawrence, on the 12th inst’, aged 6 years. Thus, in three weeks, have ftvo members of ono household been removed by death. A widow, a son and a daughter, arc all that remain of Ihis onco happy family. * In this county, on Tuesday night* tho 12th inst., John W. Gkayhill. In the city of Griffin, on Monday last, of the pre vailing Diarrhoea, Mrs. Sarah Ann Dulix, consort of A. B. Dulin, Esq., aged about 30 years. In Griffin, on Monday night last, of tho same dis ease, Mr. Wm. Jackson, an old member of tho Baptist Church, In Griffin, on Friday last, M. Walter Pope, of the prevailing diarrhoea, aged about 23yoars. At her residence in Edgefield Village, on the morning of the 12th instant. Mrs. Mary Carroll, in tho 69th year of her age. In Chambers county, Ala., on tho 19th instant, Capt. John Bostwick, in the 81st year of his age' a native of Richmond county, Ga. At Mrs. Campbell's Hotel', in Madison, on the 26th inst., Martin M. Dye, of Savannah, aeeii about 65 years. ji S*:)