Newspaper Page Text
J&isrtlltmrims.
[.From the N. O. Delta, 22rf inst.}
Later from Havana. —Execution of the Fifty-one
Americans.
Havana, Ang. 17, 1851,
Eds. Delta: —l regret to inform you that the
American prisoners, (fifty-one in number,) were
executed yesterday, at 12 o’c ock, M. Some of
them were dragged to the place ol execution on
their faces, and others were seen with their ears
cut off. The Spaniards spit in their faces, struck
them, and heaped upon them every imaginable
species of taunts, insults and abuse, previous to
their execution. Alter the tragedy, the brains
of some of the victims were exhibited, and the
most brutal acts of barbarity witnessed. The
Americans here were not even permitted to give
the bodies of these unfortunate victims of Spanish
cruelty a decent burial. They were shot like
dogs, and theii "bodies were hauled two miles, and
thrown into a hole. The military stole their
clothing, hats, boots, and stripped theinot every
thing, besides inhumanly mutilating their bodies,
—cutting off their ears, and fingers. Such was
the fate of these heroic martyrs to Cuban Liber
ty, and such the scenes which marked their ex
ecution I
The prisoners were not allowed to speak to any
one after they had been condemned to be shot;
but Col. Crittenden asked to be shot unshackled,
but was refused. He met his fate bravely—like
a real hero and a true soldier.
It is with pain and mortification I note the fact
that the American Consul evinced so little sym
pathy for his unfortunate countrymen. They
were confined in the Esperanza six hours, and he
had ample time and opportunity to visit them,
had he been so disposed—so no excuse can be
raised on that score. He was repeatedly called
upon and begged to visit them, in order to learn
if the poor fellows had any words to send to their
mothers, sisters, or friends, in their dying mo
ments, but he peremptorily refused to have any
thing to do with them. Had he desired it, he
could have obtained permission to visit them as
well as Costa, of New Orleans. He has the
watch of one of them, and fourteen letters weie
given him, which they had addressed to their
Irieti'i -, at home. Thank God ! they died like
men—brave and valiant to the last!
The Creoles are charged with cowardice, but
with what degree of justice, I am not. at present,
prepared to say. What can they do, when the
fact that Lopez has but 300 or 400 men in par
ty, is taken into consideration ? They have done
——. -ip)] - IU.! u*ul J remembered that three thous
and troops are in the field, well officered, armed
and equipped.
The fact cannot be ascertained, but it is thought
by some that the prisoners were surprised by su
perior numbers of Spanish troops, and surrender
til under the promise of pardon, or they would
not have given themselves up without a strug
gle.
Wo are watched and hunted here like so many
dogs. Twenty-five hundred resolute men can
take the whole island, and keep it.
You must arouse our people, or every Ameri
can citizen on this island will die a victim to
Spanish tyranny. There is no safety even for
those who reside here, and their number is small.
As to the Creoles, they cannot do much, unless
they obtain immediate assistance. The charge
that they lack courage, does them great injustice.
What can they do in their helpless condition 7
Pinar del Rio has risen, and Guanazhay has
pronounced. But can they hold out?—that is
the question. All we want, all we ask for, is
2500 men. With that number Cuban Indepen
dence would be established in less than two
months.
1 enclose you a bulletin of the Faro, giving you
the names of the unfortunate men, who were cap
tured and executed. They had no one to rep
resent them. The Consul was afraid of losing
his popularity, and excused himself, when re
quested to visit the prisoners, on the ground that
the'tifovoinment had declared them outlaws, and
that they should have remained at home. Vet,
he says, he ts as anxious as any one to have the
island free!
All I hope t\ir so that the Spaniards will do
some act that ’till cause our Government to come
down on them. The brutes are becoming very
saucy since their success. They call us Indians,
heretics, pirates, thieves, filibusteros, and every
thing else that and would take our
livea, if they dared, and will do it yet, if we are
not veiy c tutioul.
It is unnecessary to say more, as the papers
will furnish you,with the particulars of the re
cent events on this unhappy island.
There are many young men on the steamer,
from whom you can get all the news herein men
tioned, confirmed.
0:; Board Steamship Chf.rokei:, |
Havana, Aug. 10,1851. j
Eds. Delta i write this to send by the mail
to-morrow, to inform you of the arrival of the
Pampero at, a place called Papos, some seventy
miles from this city'. On landing, the patriots
had a fight, the result of which was that 130
Spaniards were killed. A party numbering about
sixty, in endeavoring to get around a point of
land, in lighters or small boats, to attack a small
town, were discovered and run down by the
Spanish steamer Habanera, which took some
fifty-two of them prisoners. They were brought
to this city, and shot this morning at 10 o'clock,
without judge or jury. You will receive by this
mail a printed list of their names. Forty of them
were Americans, and twelve were foreigners.
Their the most inhuman butchery
that ever teyv" ' ~.<*■f£v country—ll soldiers
‘ ,a and then to uayonet
mi lie (he
of their nuiaWß After which, they were dragged
down the hills and thrown into wagons, with
their heads hanging out. Their clothes, caps,
hats and shoes, were taken by the crowd, and
carried as trophies through the city.
Now for my own trouble. Mr. Kennedy, of
your city, in company with myself and seven
teen of our passengers, went on shore this morn
ing, and having procured nine cabs, or rather
yolantes, rode out about three miles, tea place
called Bishop's Garden. On our return, the horse
attached to the carriage occupied by myself and
Mr. My firs, of Mississippi, in the rear of the par
ty, suddeni s' balked and stopped. After coaxing
him to go, and finding him no go, l got out, and
was forcing him to go ahead, when, suddenly, a
Spanish officer earne up and ordered the driver to
drive us to the prison In vain did we ask what
was our crime. No one could, pr at least would
speak a word of English. The head officer not
being in at the time, we were escorted from one
prison to another, through nearly all of the pub
lic streets of Havana, with two soldiers on each
side, and a crowd which increased as we pro
gressed, following us, crying out, “Pirates!'’ ‘'Pa
triots!” "Americans!" &c.
At last the others who had paraded us, receiv
ed an order from the main prison to conduct us
to the Captain General's headquarters, to which
place the crowd, about five hundred strong, fid
lowed us, hooting at us as we passed. On ar
riving at the Governor's, we were placed be
tween a file of two dozen soldiers. After wait
ing about 4 halt hour, he arrived and heard the
charge which the officer made against us. which
tvs*''- that we had made various signs—such as
dravvi J'S our fi |1 S ers across our throats—and, fur
ther thW v,e drawn pistols and knives on
hiii; I for an interpreter, and after learn
ing his charges, told the Captain General that
every word spoken »"t lle Spanish scoundrel was
a lie. He then ordered his men to release us,
which was done forthwith, M'd we walked out,
feeling much lighter, and breatil* n ß much freer,
as, at one time, I assure you, I thought the Mora
Castle was our doom.
We had walked but about three blocks ffotti
the place of our release, when we were again ar
rested by the same officer, who threatened to :
keep us 6afe, unless we would give him money.
Three gentlemen, Spaniards—the only ones of
that caste that I have seen in this city since 1
have been here—one of whom spoke a little En- j
glisii—told us that if those officers got a chance
at us they would most assuredly stick a knife in j
us. and that the sooner we got to our friends the
better it would be for us; and, further, two of
them said they would pilot me a short distance
out of their way. I felt a little shy of them, as
they had deceived me before, yet I thought it best
to trust to luck. I had gone but a short distance
when the}’ again arrested me, I then used ray
physical strength, knocked them down, ran off,
and finally got on board the boat. My companion,
however, was not so successful, as he was retak
en, and is not yet released.
I forgot, however, to say that at the first prison
they searched us, and stole from me a small pen
knife, which I shall hold the city responsible for.
The city is all commotion, and the people are
down in the mouth.
You can put this in your paper with my name
attached, if you deem it worthy of a place in your
columns. You can rely upon its correctness.
Yours respectfully.
BENJ BUTMAN, of N. Orleans.
Tbo tblUW'ng is a list of the names of those
i . r w £ Crittenden, Capt. Frederick S.
shot. Col W.*. K L . e| * t Jas Brandti
drat S j*Bryce, Lieut. Thos. C. .lames. S.r.
John Fisher.'capt. T. S. Veaeey, Surge™
K. A. Forniquet, Sergeant J. hiterens. Ser
geant A. M. Cotchett, Sergeant G. ,M. Green,
sergeant S. Salmon F-. T. Collins, James Stan
ton Soldiers, N. H. Fisher, Wm. Chilling, G. 4.
Cook, S. O. J nes, M. H. ®alj,C. C.Wm. Snath,
A Ross P. Brourke, John Christfoes, William
H. Holmes, Samuel Mills, Edward Rulman,
Wiliam Little. George W. Arnold, R- J • re §y•
Robt. Cantley, John G, Sanka, Wm, Niseman.
Serg’nt. Napoleon Collins, Adj t. R. C. Standford,
Thos. Harnatt, A. Torres Hernandez, Patuck
Dilion, Alex. Mellcer, Thomas Hearsey.
Great Meeting of the Friends of Onba.
An immense gathering of our citizens, collect, ;
ed last evening in Lafayette Square, to express j
their disgust at the act of unparalled barbarism
perpetrated by the Spanish authorities in Cuba,
against a few of the brave followers of Gen. Lopez,
who were made prisoners by the Spaniards in
the chances of war.
The vast multitude was addressed by Cols.
Field and Wheat, who spoke in impassioned
strains of the character of those of their friends
•vho had been sacrifilfed on the altars of Spanish
cruelty. They expatiated on the sacredness of
the cause of liberty in which they fell, and ex
pressed their willingness to spend and be spent
for Cuba and the Cubans.
Judge Walker being loudly called for, addles
sedthe crowd, counselling them to observe the
calm and dignified demeanor of freemen, having,
as they had, a great wrong to avenge,—an in
sult to wipe out. Acts of individual violence and
passion would only weaken a feeling which
ought to be concentrated-and irresistible. The
patriots must be helped—bravely, substantially,
effectually, and a monument for those who
have fallen, must be erected iu the lovely isle
dor whose liberties they fell.
The speakers were often interrupted by loud
■ outbursts of applause, which showed a united- '
ness of feeling, ahd a determinatfon to act, tm |
the part of the hearers, which could not be readi
ly silenced or put down.
The following resolutions were then read to j
the meeting, and unanimously adopted, after
which the crowd quietly dispersed :
Res-J.ed, That, as American citizens, wa
pledge ourselves to avenge the slaughtered vir
tims of Spanish barbarism, who were murdered
in cold blood by the miniofis of despotism in
Havana, on the 16th of August, instant.
Resolved , That the murder of these men, un- 1
der the circumstances, is the most infamous deed
of the age, and should place its perpetrators and
abetters beyond the pale of humanity or mercy.
Resolved. That we deplore the loss of the gal
lant young men who risked their lives and all in I
the sacred cause of human liberty, and tender
our- sympathy to their afflicted relatives and
friends.
Resolved, That Concha has shown himself to
be the most dastardly and blood-thirsty villian of
the age, whom it is the duty of all mankind to
pursue with their hatred and vengeance, until
his own life shall expiate those of his murdered
victims.
Resolved , That all the aiders and abettors in
New Orleans, of the barbarous dynasty of Spain
in Cuba, should be treated by all Americans with I
scorn, contempt, and that hostility due to allies j
of such a cause, accursed, as it must be, by God
and man.
Resolved, That we will aid the patriot cause :
in the Island of Cuba, at any and every sacrifice, ;
and with all the means in our power.
Resolved, That, as from the slaughter of Alamo
and Goliad, sprung with renewed vigor the germ
of Texan liberty, so shall that of the gallant
Crittenden and his brave companions, impart
new strength and vigor to the Tree of Cuban In
dependence.
The Excesses of Yesterday and Last Night.
We regret that the exciting news received
yesterday morning from Cuba, produced such a
feeling of popular indignation among our citi- I
zens, that acts of violence were done by them, S
which in their “ sober second thoughts,” they
will themselves condemn. The first object on j
which popular vengeance was wrecked, was the
printing office of that villainous Spanish sheet,
" La Union,” which, for months past, has been
casting forth its toad-like venom oti the Ameri
can character and name. The types were east
into the streets, the press was torn down, carried
away in triumph, and broken; and the paper
for a prospective edition, was scattered to the
winds. No violence was used on the persons of
any of the inmates of the printing office.
The next attack was made on the cigar shop
of B. Gonzales, at the corner of Gravier and St.
Charles streets. This attack was provoked on the
part of Gonzales, who declared to a young gen
j t leman of the city, that all the accounts of an in
surrrection in Cuba were wholly false. On this,
words arose, and Gonzales moved to get a pistol.
Mr. M., the young gentleman on this, drew his
pistol and warned the Spaniard that if he stirred,
it was at his peril. Another Spaniard came to the
rescue of his friend, and he was also kept at bay
by Mr. M. A crowd now.rushed in from the street,
and committed some few excesses, but were even
tually quieted and the shop was shut up. In
about an hour, Gonzales opened his door, and,
armed with a dagger and a dirk, he dared any
one to attack him. His foolish banter was met
by a volley of brickbats, after which he made a
rush through the crowd severely stabbing two
men, who opposed his way. He ran in the po
lice office and thereby obtained protection from
the vengeance of the pursuers, but his shop was
now re-entered by the crowd, and its contents
were cast into the streets. An American flag
flung forth by a lady, from an upper window
saved other portions of the building from vio
lence.
AH this was done during the course of the af
ternoon. In the evening the “ Jenny Lind Sa
! loon,” at the corner of St. Charles and Perdido
streets, shared the fate of the Gonzales cigar
shop. It was rumored that other Spanish coffee
-1 fiouses would be attacked, but the crowds de
j sisted. on the protestations of the parties that
they favored the cause of Cuban liberty.
While these scenes \yepe being enacted, the
Spanish Consul’s sign was torn down from his
office and burnt, and a headless effigy of the
Consul was borne by an indignant crowd, through
the principal streets of the city. It was rumored
that tfie American Consul at Havana would be
: treated to a like mark of respect to-night. We
j shall see what we shall see,
Capture of the Fifty.
We heard, yesterday, that the Fifty Patriots j
who were so inhumanly butchered in Havana,
! were captured by the upsetting of two rafts, on
j which they were proceeding to get in the rear
of the Spanish army. These * Its, we learn,
• were run info by a Spanish sterner, and the
men being thus thrown into the water, were
taken one by one.
The following letters from that gallant young
Creole hero, Victor Kerr, are among the last
which he ever wrote. They were written in a
! bold and muscular style of ehirography, and will
| sufficiently refute the unfounded vuo<,qrs touching
their tenor, put into circulation yesterday by the
enemies of Cuban liberty:
To His Wife.
My Dear Felicia . Adieu, my dear wife; this is
t}j£ last letter that you will receive from your
Victor, Jit one hour I shall be no more.
Embrace ali of n?y friends for ine. Never mar
iry again; it is my desire. Vs y adieus to my sis
i ters and brothers. Again, a last adieu, i die
j like a soldier. ,
Your husband, vk toe krkk.
; August 16, 1851—6 o'clock.
To ins FillENr-.t.
Mtj dear Friends: (leave ■ jii forever, and 1
go to the other world. lam prisoner in Havana,
and in an hour 1 shall have ceased to exist. My
dearest friends, think often of me. I die wor
thy of a Creole,(worthy of a Louisiana!!, and of
a Kerr. My dearest friends, adieu for the last
| time.
Your devoted friend, victor kerr.
To N. Larose,H. Bouligny, Leon Fazende,\Vil
j Ham G. Vincent, Felix Arroyo.
August 10, 1851—61 o’clock.
[ From the N. O. Picayune, 23 d insl.\
Gen. Lopez and his Followers.
The Delta of last evening publishes the follow
ing letter from Adjutant Satnford, which ex
plains partially the manner in which our unfor
tunate countrymen inet their untimely late:
Havana, Aug 16, 1851.
Dear Muling: —We arrived on the Island of
j Cuba after the most horrible passage you can con
ceive of, cooped o« board with 400 or 500 men.
We arrived on Sunday last, I believe—dates I
have almost forgotteu. The next morning, Lo
pez, with Gen, Paraguay and all the comantiing
officers, left us—(l mean Crittenden and his bat
talion.) Wo heard nothing more of him for two
days, when Crittenden despatched a note. He
then requested we should join him at a little
town some six or eight miles off, leaving us in
the meantime lo take care of all the baggage,&e.
We started for him on Wednesday morning,
at 2 o'clock, A. M., and had proceeded only three
1 miles, when we were attacked by 500 Spanish
soldiers. In the first charge I received a very
severe wound in the knee. We repulsed them,
however. They made another charge, and
| completely routed us. We spent two days qnd
j nights the most miserable you can imagine, in
the eheparel, without anything to eat or drink.
We made the best of our way to the seashore,
and found some boats with which we put to sea.
Spent a night upon the ocean, and next day,
about 12 o’clock, were taken prisoners by the
Habanero, were brought to Havana last night
Otltl condemned to die this morning. We shall
all be shot in an hour.
Good bye, and God bless you. I sen dthe Ma
sonic medal enclosed in this, belonging to my
father. Convey it to my eist.er. Mrs. P n,
I and tel) her of my fate. Once more, God bless
! you. Stanford.
i From this and from a comparison with the
j official reports of the Spanish officers, we are en
; abled to construct a more connected and proba
ble narrative of the events which led to the un
happy catastrophe than has yet been given.
Gen. Lopez, on landing near Bahia Honda, with
the main body of his forces, consisting of about
300 men, advanced towards Las Pazas, a small
I town a few miles ill the interior, leaving Col.
| Crittenden and his command, UJ strong, in
| charge of the baggage. That night or the next
j day, the steamer Pizarro landed 700 Spanish
; troops at Bahia Honda, and these advancing
j towards the place of Lopez’s landing, cut off
| Crittenden’s men from their companions. On
the second night afterwards, this party deter
mined to attempt to form a junction with Lopez,
baton the road were attacked by an overwhel
ming body of troops, and after a short struggle
were on the second charge routed and dispersed.
After wandering about in the thickets, fifty of
them got together and made tb.eir way to the
sea shore, where they seized lour small boats and j
endeavored to make their escape, when they
were captured, as has been related in the official
report ol' Admiral Bustillus There are still sixty
four of this command to be accounted for. of
these, forty were surprised and shot at a small
farmhouse. A Spanish lieqteqant reports that
on the Uth he came upon twenty “pirates” par
ding an equal number of wounded comrades, all
.of whom were immediately put to death. The
reiJJiiining twenty-four, or such of them as had
not been filled in battle, probably cDctipaed to
wander in the vicinity until, we are forced to
believe, they also Were taken and slaughtered, j
The .other party, under Lopez, if received i
the attack of the Spaniards, in alarm house at;
Jvas Pozas, and beat the,m off with severe loss, at :
least so it is to be supposed, sipce the Spanish
! official reports state that they desisted from the j
assault in order to receive reinforcements. Wimth- j
jgf any subsequent fighting took place at this I
| point we do not know; at all events, Lopez held :
his own for two days—till, on the 15th, he left !
for the interior, and was not molested on his
march by Gen. Enna; all of which we learn from
the Spanish official accounts. This W'S.s the state
of affairs on the 15th. the date of our last advices
from the scene of action, Mjorugh Gen. Eanna s
despatch, dated at 3:30 on that flay- U Gen.
Lopez reached the mountains in safety, he will
discover soon wether lie has relied witji too much
confidence on the assistance of the native inhabi
tants.
THe Lct’ers.
Letters written by the victims at Havana to
their friends in this city have been received in
many instances, and some of them have beep
shown us. The following, addressed by Capt. Vic
tor Kerto his brother Robert Ker, of this city, has
been handed to us for publication with the request
of Mr. Robert Ker to contradict the report that
any letter has been received by their mother from
his brotlier Victor:
My Dear Brother Robert. —Adieu! I ym to be
shot in an hour; there is no remedy for it. This
will be handed to you by my friend, Mr. Costa,
who has beep kind enough to take charge of it.
■B— L L< n^—» ——mtrn
j Adieu! Robert. I die as a man and as an Ameri
can should die. Kiss your dear wife, my good i
mother, sisters and brothers,- and believe me ever 1
| your brother.
(Signed) Victor Ker.
August 16, 18pl—o’clock.
1 •: L WO , ot i, ler . ers have been shown us, but
without the liberty to publish in full. Both
complain of having been deceived in the expec-
I ta , n °f- @reole assistance on landing, and one
; speaks ot being deserted by Gen. Lopez, and '
speaks with harshness of his abandonment of
them! • *
Ouf own inference from the statements, and
such other circumstances as we can connect with
i them, leads us to the impression that this party
got separated lropi the main body of the troops,
retreated to the -'aside and attempted to escape !
in boarts, when they were captured; and that'they !
■ had resentments against Gen. Lopez for this
! “abandonment. 1
One letter expresses the opinion that all the
accounts of rising in Cuba originated or “were
■ trumped up in the United States.’? This is
! rather too sweep!:.g a generalization from two
or three days’ experience at Bahia Honda, romote
from the places at which these risings ware re
ported; and we happen to know that whatever ,
! their character may turn out to be, the reports 1
did come from Cuba. But this testimony, under
such circumstances, only increases the anxiety
; to know what has been, in fact, the reception of ;
! these men in Cuba, on which so much uncer- ;
| tainty hangs.
- ~
Proceedings of the 7th Congressional District. i
Sparta, Wednesday-, Aug. 20; 1851. !
The ConventioH to nominate a Representa
tive of the Southern Rights Party to Congress,
for the 7th District, assembled at Sparta on Wed- j
nesday, the 20th instant.
On motion of J. B. Trippe, Esq., of Putnam, ;
Wilson Bird, Esq. of Hancock county, was called
to the Ciia'.r; and on morion of J. A. Harris, Esq.,
Jos. H. Nisbet was requested to act as Secretary.
: The object of the meeting having been ex- j
; plained.
j On motion of H. C. Lang, Esq., the counties j
1 were called, and the delegates reported to the
i meeting as follows:
Washington—H. C. Lang, Green Brantley,
: Jno. Wicker and M. C. Williamson.
Baldwin—W. A. Mott, A. C. Devereaux, J.
H. Nisbet,
Hancock—Wilson Bird and B. T. Harris,
i Morgan—W. M. Day and H. D. Harris.
Taliaferro —Wrn. Beit and E. Elliott. |
Putnam—J. A. Harris, W. F. Trippe and J. ;
B. Trippe.
On motion of Mr. Lang of Washington coun- i
| ty, one delegate from each county was appointed
| by the Chair, to select a candidate. The Chair- :
mail named the following gentlemen as compos- ;
ing that Committee, Messrs. Lang of Washing- j
i ton, Mott of Baldwin, Harris of Hancock. Day ot J
j Morgan. Bell of Taliaferro and Harris of Putnam. |
j The Committee retired, and after a short con
» sultation. presented through their chairman, the ;
name of Col. David W. Lewis of Hancock as the
candidate'of the Southern Rights Party of the
7th Congressional District, which was unani
mously ratified Ly 'he Convention. Mr. Harris
of Putnam, slated ' ,iat Col. Lewis was in the
village, and would doubt accept in person the
nomination; and nia ; a’motion that a Commit
tee be appointed by the Chair to inform Mr.
Lewis of his nomination, and solicit his presence
at the meeting. The Chairman appointed Messrs.
Harris of Hancock, Lang of Washington and Mott
of Baldwin that committee. The Committee
returned after a short absence, with Col. Lewis,
who accepted the nomination in a few spiiited
and eloquent remarks.
Mr. Lewis said that it was apparent to the
Con vention, alter the first word lie uttered, that
his indisposition was such as to utterly preclude
any extended remarks. The Convention, how
ever. having met in his own Village, and having
given him, as inform- . by the committee, a hear
ty and unamimous nomination, ami having re
\ quested his acceptance 1 ‘ore the Convention it- j
! self, he felt it was due .hem if possible to meet j
them. He was there then, simply to say in few !
words, that in accepting the nomination, he did j
it in full view of all the difficult and probable j
consequences resulting .rom the steps he was i
taking.—He knew the calculated majority against j
him in the District vvus irom 2500 to 3000 \otes. j
| He was awars, tea), that his opponent was not
only the most pon. for man in the District, but
j considered by many as never having been rival
|ed upon the stump —as a great user iy) or "swal- !
! sower” of all who dared to encounter him. Still, j
I for himself, lie had determined already, that can- j
t didate or no candidate he would spare no labor, j
that he would make every effort, that he would ;
under every probability o) success. He only j
asked of the members of the Convention and of
the friends of the cause throughout the District, |
to meet him in the same spirit in which he j
should enter the canvass. He should enter it and !
so should every individual manof us, enter it as |
1 if there was every probability of success, and as |
if the result was to depend upon individual ex- |
I ertion. True, th- majority in the District is |
j dead against us, but that majority will be greater
■ or less according to our individual and joint es- ,
forts, and as that majority is less or greater, so may
it effect the great result in the State for good or |
: for ill. Let us wake an effort worthy the j
I noble’ objects we ‘ Have in view, and teach the j
| flattered : • o-ite of the 7th District, that the day :
I of his dictatio and dominion over us may end. I
For bin l self, lie could say that he had met and
tried the meli.l I this Damascus blade, and j
though by many, he might be considered as hav- ;
ing beau terribly cut Tip, yet he, himself, did not :
feel very-nervom deranged, and the only le
flection his own lias drawn irom (he in
terview is, that he snojiM ifot hesitate to meet
I, again—and ho was ready to promise that his
opponent should not find one foot of uncontested
! ground ill the District, and he would, if possible,
| nieet him wherever lie heard of him, and if per
! mitted, discuss with him even at any and every
■ i disadvantage, the issues iu the contest, relying
j upon a good cause, and “favoring Providence”
! for the result.
j And what are the issues in this contest? —not,
I as claimed by our opponents, Union and Disunion
j —not whether the State of Georgia will secede
i for past wrongs—for our candidate for Governor
j is pledged to abide by the action of the Georgia
Convention, which has declareu that lor past ol
! fences against our section, Georgia will not go
I out of the Union, and the whole scope and tenor j
| ol the Resolutions of the late Southern Rights j
! Convention contemplates an adherence to the |
j Union, and the Constitution as a means of pro- ,
I tectiog our rights gnd of restoring the adminis- j
tratton of the Government under the Constitu- |
tion as it is, to its ancient purity and virtue. What j
then are the issues in the campaign—and whence
came they. II) would tell the Convention and
the country candidly what he thought they were,
In the month of March last, a member of Con
gress (rom Georgia, who had held the office of
Speaker qf the House of Representatives, an of
fice perhaps the second in the Union for its pa
tronage and influence, ami who had administered
that office perhaps with the approbation of the
whole House, and with particular satisfaction to
the free soilersj so much so that in one instance
at least he has received the approval of their
convention. So successful had he been that he
was looked upon as the most probable succession
to the post in the next Congress. The member
of Congress, invincible jn his own District—with
every probability of being returned and re-elect
ed Speaker—gives it out long in advance of the
expiration of his service, that he will'not return
to Congress. Tq carry his District for the Ad
ministration is not enough tp entitle him to pre
ference. He must carry his State, apd hence the
desperate effort he is making. He comes in to
Georgia from Congress and is greeted by the
Macon regency with a complimentary dinner, is
called out in a speed and the organ of the Re
gency in the same article in which it gives a re
port of the speech in which the member of Con
gress alluded to declared for force to sustain the
compromise, also announces the name of the
member as a candidate, or the probable candidate
for Gov-rnor. Whence this allusion to force?
Georgia had already declared for the Union under
the compromise. What ctfold tl;e allusion have j
been but that Georgia would reward any efforts
I of the General Government to compel a sister j
I State to obedippee which had virtually declared,
| and which many of us now believe will go out
| of the U nion on account of this so-called com
i promise
j This is pqt all- Tlris member of Congress is
the coalition nomin . :>r Governor, and the same
sentiment promulged in ni< Macon speech is re
‘ echoed, by the prime minister of the Central
Government who comes into a Southern State,
! and claiming to speak for the whole cabinet, de
; dares lor force against the secession of a State.
What thep are the issues? In his opinion they
were plainly and simply Federalism against Re
publicanism—Consolidation against State Rights
: —despotism ngaiuat popular rights,—are we pre
! pared to declare, by the election of this ally of
: the federal minister, ’or the power of the central
I Government against that ol a State!
In his opinion, the cries of disunion and of se
cession by Georgia, ag<t ifclse issues. Our candi
j date is pledged to Union,but not a Union ot’Jbree.
No word nor deed of 'nis can be construed fairly
to mean Disunion or Secession by Georgia, and
; however much Mr. L. might feel disposed to
1 entertain a personal respect for the
for the members‘of the coalition,’ he could not
j resist liie ft ;;v|y|ijont lurt the echoes which they
hoped to hear from gpns, oyer the lost
rights ot Georg'aand the bouth, ttay tfftj'P pow
: firing, were federal honors, the tittle which they
are to present to the National Union party for
| its preferment* * ilj be that Georgia, the Empire
State of the South, is in Ute.y train and at their
bidding. He wished to do injustice tp f}o one,
i but his candid convictions lie would express.
These three members, so long the popular fa-
I vorites in their respective yi;tHcts—so often sus
| tailied and .• defeated at the polls?, With tal
j ents so high t t io rank them among the Bret in
I the nation.d councils—have become supercilious,
dictatorial aud insolent in Uiieying that they
have a sort cf chattel interest in the of
their Districts, tyjpchjthey can transfer to this or
that political heresy as may suit their conveni
ence. Mr. Toombs and Stephens hr.') made such
! a failure ip leading the 7th and Bth Districts into
i the support of s Soil Administration,
I that for one, he was vn wii!h®£ to be transferred
to hisaccidency Mr. Fillmore,especially ps the at
tempt to dp it was made without giving us edue
notice.
It might be expected that he shou|d say a word
as to hjs own course if elected: that is so impos
sible, that it looks like desperation to make it
even a siipposabje case. He would say,however,
that if a member of Congress, fee would vote
against any Idil prpviiling money and Copra to
whip in a seceding fctptc, £#4 if such f bm was
passed over his vote,he would surrender his com
mission to those from whom he received it, her i
ing unwilling to remain a functionary in a Gov- ]
ernment which by sue?. »et, would forfeit its |
right to his confidence and affection.
He would vote also for'any measure which '
should be intqpduccd for the protection of slavery s
■LJ-."' _IL ■ .'A .■ ■ iMLLJgJ
in the Territories —either against the Mexican hies
or the action of a mere Territorial Legislature.
Mr. L. said he was unable to protract these re- 4
mark, and would conclude. He knew thql he
had not been nominated with a view to his erec
tion; indeed, to him,personally, that was the least
unpleasant featue connected with the new posi
tion in which he was placed. But believing
that in a representative government like ours, it
was every man's duty to stand forth, when call
ed upon, even at a personal sacrifice, as the', de
fender and representative at the polls and before
the people, of his own principles and the princi
ples of those who agreed with him, he felt txWid,
at the expense of his own wishes and judgtl*'.
to yield to the wish of this intelligent Conten
tion, and enter the canvass. .
And he was prepared to reassure them, thahe
should enter it and go through it with theAaie i
spirit and zeal as if there was every probaljXty
of success. jV* I
"1 he Convention would accept his thaiikwbr
this evidence of their confidence in him; &
It was suggested by Mr. J. B. Trippe of
nam, and acquiesced in by the CanventionjMHat
Col. Lewis be requested to appoint, at hShs
cretion, a time place in each county of j
trict, for the purpose of addressing the peofff on I
i the great questions of the day; and furthe Jfcre, j
that it is the wish of the Southern Rights party j
in the District, to have Mr. Stephens meet fiol. i
Lewis and participate in the discussion at itch j
j of the specified places.
On motion of Mr. Harris of Putnam, the Jed- |
| eral Union was requested to publish the proqped- j
j ingsofthe Convention, and the Constitioiilisl j
; requested to copy. The Convention then <jpd- !
!journed.
WILSON BIRD, Chairmat j
J. H. Nisbet, Secretary.
AUGUSTA, GA.
WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTTiT
JAMES GARDNER, JR., 1 t
and > Editors.!
JAMES M. SMYTHE, ) j
For Governor. ~
CHARLES J. MCDONALD.
—1
For Congress—Eighth District, ,
ROBERT McMILLAN, of Elbert. 1
THE' LARGEST CIRCULATION IN THE STAt£
Constitutionalist & Republf
CAMPAIGN PAPKK. f
TERMS REDUCEdI
As but a few weeks intervene between
j now and the election, our Campaign PaJjer
will be furnished at the following reduced
Single copy, - 25 Its.
10 copies, - - -$2 00 *
25 “ - - - 400
100 “ - - - -15 00
And for any intermediate number, at the
above rates.
Our friends have done well thus far in
circulating this paper. Let them not
weary in well doing. Our cause is onward,
and daily accessions are made to the ranks
of the Southern Rights Party, as lights
poured in on the minds of the people. !
1 Let as continue the good work,and victory
will perch on the Republican Standard of
McDonald and Southern Rights.
j Q7" There will be a Barbacue and Free Sis
| cussion at Dealing, on the Georgia Railroad!, on
. Friday, Sept. .oth. on which occasion Col. Mc
] Millan will address the people. __
Appointments of Col. McMillan.
Col. McMillan will address his fellow-citizens
At Judge Neal's Mills, Warren co., Thursday,
j Sept. 4 th.
Free Soil Boasts since the Passage of the Com
promise.
We introduced a few passages from the Old
! Testament, on Friday, to show that slavery
! was recognized, sustained, and even guarantied
j by that portion of the Hor.v Bible. But. per
haps, when the Son of God came down fjpm
j Heaven, to suffer and to die for sinful man, he
j did away the old law on this subject, and taught
I universal emancipation ! Perhaps he denounced
slavery as sinful in the sight of his heavenly
Father, unjust to a portion of the human race,
and so diabolical as to prejudice the salvatiothof
those who might dare to encourage, sustain, or
in any way participate in it! No such tfypg.
i Slavery existed then in a worse and severer
form than it does at present. . Not one
j denunciation of shivery ever fell frt>m
| Christ or his Aposti.es. The affecting lWj-
I dent of Christ’s healing the servant of the Cen
turion will be remembered by all. He imposed
no conditions upon the master. He did nqt tell
him that his charge for healing him w-ould be the
immediate emancipation of the servant, or his
freedom at some future day. “ J will come and
heal him.” That \yas the simple declaration of
the Saviour. The details of the case any one can
read at leisure for himself.
No, Christ and his Apostles recognized the
legality and morality of slavery. The subject was
not overlooked. They taught kindness to the
master, honor and obedience to the slave. 41 Ser
vants, (says the 4-postle Peter.) be subject to
j your masters with all fear; not only to the good 1
I and gentle, but also to the froward. For this is
1 thankworthy, if a man for conscience towards
| God endure grief supposing wrongfully. For
. irhat glory is it if when ye arc buffeted for your
faults, ye shall take it jmticntly; but if when ye do
well, and suffer for it, ye lake it patiently, this is
acceptable with God.” The system then existing
was not one of hired service, but of personal and
perpetual servitude. Slavery was not sinful in
the eye of Christ or his Apostles, for it is written
'• Masters do the same things to your servants,
forbearing threatening, knowing that volr Mas
ter also is in Heaven, neither is there respect of
persons with him.”
We presume it is admitted by all orthodox
churches that neither masters nor slaves can be
admitted to Paradise, if sinful—that is, if they die
in their sins. But it is clearly declared that both,
with a proper state of preparation, can go there
where God will be no respecter of persons.
In the Epistle to Philemon will be found
the case of Onesimus, who, for fear of punish
ment, ranaway from his master, and was restor
ed to him by the Apostle Paul. Jusus Christ
came to save the world. He established his
church, and sept his Apostles to preach the Gos
pel to every creature. We not only find nothing
against the sinfidness of slavery in the ten com
mandments, or throughout the Old Testament,
but fanaticism, in the keenness of its ingenuity,
can find nothing against it in all the teachings of
the New.
We presume that they declare what was right
and wrong, and that nothing within the range
of moral duty escaped the unerring eye of inspi
ration. Goo, in the person of his Son, exposed
sin and guilt in all its forms and places of con
cealment. Not a word was uttered, nor a line
written in condemnation of the horrid custom of
holding slaves ! Is not this enough ? Do we not
stand justified before the Christian world, taking
the Bible as our rule and guide, in sustaining our
peculiar domestic institution ? The Bible, that
book of consolations, which reveals the charms
of hope and the gardens of Paradise to our en-
raptured visions, is upon the side of the South.
The melpdy of the Israelitish Harp fell in
sweet strains upon the master and the slave, both
cared for by a common Father in Heaven. And
now the slave and the master sing and worship
together in the same sacred temples of the Lord.
Why will unholy bigotry seek to disturb it ?
Why not let alone an institution which existed
in the patriarchal ages, in the day ol the ad
vent of the Saviour, in the morning of the resur
reptipn, and which was instituted of Heaven and
sanctioned by thg teachings of the Sox of God 1
Human servitude has existed, in some form, in
every age and clime. It is best in the form in
yhich it exists in the Southern States of this
Union,
We cannot now enter into a discussion of the
philosophy of the structure of Southern civiliza
tion arid ‘socjetv. We have examined it in all of
its features, and religiously believe that it is the
best that the world can furnish, It ia 3 great
system of regulated labor which bestows prosperi
ty upon the people without the danger of agra
rianism, or the least violation of the moral law
of God. Go to the plantation of the Southern
slaveholder and there you will find, in miniature,
the patriarchal institution ordained by Heaven.
Early in i*ie morn, while yet the gras* is wet
with dew drops, the stave goes to his yvork after
a night of ample refreshment and rest. His task
is far lighter than that of thousands of white la
borers in other sections even of our own country.
The master goes among his servants, au4 studies
their health gnd happiness from the double in
fluence of personal interest and humanity. The j
labors of the day are closed. If is servants retire
to their comfortable houses for rest—his stocks and I
herds aye gathered in their folds—and the whole
scene, by day and by night, is one of domestis
government and regulated labor, blessed by the
same God shat smiled upon •Abraham l ? Isaac
and Jacob of old, with their flocks and herds, and j
men servants and maid servants.
This system is best for the whites, and best j
for the blacks. Let it rest, then, upon its own
merits, and leave it to its fate in the vicissitudes
of the future. If our Nojtherp brethren codld
only think and feel, upon this subject, as the
Bible teaches, and as our rights demand, nothing
recorded in history, or scarcely iu romance, could
equal the happy destiny of these States. The
existence of our Union, we fear, is involved in
it. We us we have, not tor party,
nor for treasonable purposes, but for the fulfill
! ment of the glorious promises of the yiiion. We
! would bring abolitionism, in any and every form,
and in all its degrees, to pause and reflect, for the
protection, the perpetual- existence of
the Union of these States, if we could. Our best
hopes are blended with those who love it and ,
i desire its perpetuity upon principles of good will,- j
| equality and justice. But we would be willing, I
! as much as we love it, to go to another altar to
1 worship, though, in doing so, we should have to
1 look back in pain and sorrow to that once happy
I and common Union, established by our fathers —
we say we would go to that sooner than have
i our people submit to political degradation. We
must keeps our sovereignty and honor as pure
i and bright as the new-fallen and stainless snow i
| upon a mountain top. We have scarcely a ray
j of hope to cheer us in our contemplations of the
future. Justice seems to be dead in the bosoms
of our Northern brethren, and lurid lights ofdan
| ger and war flash in ©ur faces from the dark j
j hills of the North. us, then, stand ready to
I offer the olive branch in the event of justice be
i ing done, or to secede in peace. when the last j
| hope of getting it is' gone. *j‘
“You do not tell the truth about what took
place at Lexington last October. You did not
there state “ to the assembled citizens” that you
were not aware the forged extracts from Mr.
I Toombs’s speeches hud appeared in your paper.
; You did there state with regard to the first ex
tract quoted by me, that you had learned since
IJLts publication,- m it liots. taken j'rouiyvir. .
jx'Oombs’B'speech, but was an extract from a let- 1
i let of his, nridyou then the question to him
j if he had ever written such a letter ? He denied 1
j it, and defied* yoti to produce the letter.—
You then asked if he had ever said so to any one !
He answered no, and defied you to produce the
witness. You were silent "to the assembled
citizens,” concerning the second detract in which
the word [California, was forged. This silence
you maintained, tl»iigh the extracts were de
nounced to your f.#e as falsehoods or forgeries,
by Mr. Toombaf who stood within reach of a
blow. You then and there, in hearing of the
j multitude, pie’ged yourself to hold Mr. Toombs
to a strict personal account for his language, to
which he responded he was ready to answer tor
it publicly or personally, there or any were else,
and repeated the offensive language. You never
called him to account and never attempted to do so,
and you did not intend it when you made the
i pledge.”
I copy the above from the article signed ‘'Doc
tor,'’ which was published in the Chronicle Scn
sinel of Friday morning, only-, because, it has re
ference to an altercation between Mr. Toombs
and myself last fall, at Lexington. The above
statement is not true in several particulars.
Mr. Stephens in addressing the people, said
i something to this effect: That a newspaper was
about the last place to go to get the truth—that
I had misrepresented Mr. Toombs in some par
ticulars, which he proceeded to state. One was
that I had said that Mr. Toombs had used the
following language in one of his speeches: “If
the people of Georgia understood this slavery
question as well as I do, they would not remain
in the Union five minutes."
Another was. that 1 had charged him with ut
tering certain language in his California speech,
I which he did not use in that speech.
1 did state “to the assembled citizens” that
these extracts were published in my paper du
ring my absence, or that 1 was not aware that ,
they had been inserted in it. I cannot now re
collect my precise words, for 1 uttered them un
der a high excitement of feeling. After making
the statement, I referred to the fact generally, of
the publication in the first extract. It was gene
rally attributed to one of Mr. Toombs's speeches.
I was under the impression for sometime that
he had uttered it in a speech; subsequently 1
heard that it was contained in a letter, but final
ly it appears to have been uttered, if uttered at
all, in a conversation with some citizens of this
State. It was announced then, that it was at
tributed to one of his speeches, iu the Augusta
Republic. I did not remember that such was
the tact, and then proceeded to say, that since
its publication, not in the Republic, but iu
- the natters generally,, I had heard if con
tained a in letter, and 1 asked Mr. Toombs if that *
was the fact. He denied it. I then asked him
jf he had ever made such a declaration. He said
that he had not. I then said that if the gentle
man denied it. I should of course take his word
as correct. So much upon this point.
I will take this occasion to add, that The Co
lumbus Times of the 20th inst., a paper which
had previously brought this matter before the
public, states that the above remark was made at
Washington City to two gentlemen of his own
political party, (Wing) who were residents of
Stewart county, Ga.
We quote in this connection as follows from
I that paper.
“ If the people of Georgia understood this slavery
! question as well as I do, they would not remain in
the Union five minutes .” —Toombs.
The Augusta Chronicle Sf Sentinel wants to
know’ of tiie Savannah Georgian in what speech
or letter, Mr. Toombs used this expression. The
Georgian replies that it does not know. We
can tell botli of them. Mr. Toombs made use of
the remark to two gentlemen, then of his own
political party (whig,) in Washington City.—
The gentlemen were from Stewart county, Ga.
Columbus Times.
The W’ord California was not forged. I dis
covered, upon my return to Augusta, that a de
claration of Mr. Toombs w’as simply attributed
to his California speech when it should have been
attributed to another speech.
When Mr. Stephens made the remark about
newspapers, and misrepresentations of Mr.
Toombs, the latter rushed up to the stand and said
yes, and I pronounce those statements false. I im
mediately rose from my seat in a chair upon the
ground, ascended the platform and said : and 1
demand of Messrs. Stephens and Toombs to say
before the assembled citizens of Oglethorpe, ■
whether they intend to say that I had wilfully
published in my paper that w-hich w’as false.—
Mr. Stephens remarked, that he intended only to
say that the statements as published were incor- :
rect. Mr. Toombs immediately left the stand
and remarked as he was going off, that lie in
tended to say that they were false as published.
I then reiterated the assertion that the publication
was made in my absence from the city of Au
gusta, and that I was always ready cheerfully to
j correct any errors which might get into the
columns of my paper.
It is true, I remarked that I should hold Mr.
Toombs responsible for what he might say re
flecting upon my veracity, and it is true that he
si-iJ, that he was ready to respond to me publicly
or personally. But I did not pledge myself, at any j
future time, to hold him responsible for what had
happened; nor did I imagine that my honor de
manded it, or that any one expected it. I said i
that I should defend my personal honor upon any i
and every occasion, which required it, and I say
the same now.
I desire to avoid every appearance of indecor
ousness towards others, and I do not believe
that “ Doctor'’ can get the saction of Mr. Toombs
to his statement, that there was an adjourned
pledge which lias not been redeemed, ll he
could, if Mr. Toombs would say that he did
charge me with wilfully making false statements
and did not qualify it, but reiterated the charge,
and stuck to it to the last, it would not yet be
too late to test his declaration of personal respon
sibilily. I would distinctly remark that I make
this statement not as a challenge, or threat, but
simply as a vindication of myself against the
unfounded imputation of the author of " Doctor.”
It was not my intention to notice this article,
further than to make this explanation. It is
not my purpose to take any further notice of
11 Doctor” in this paper.
JAMES M. SMYTHE.
Mori: Volunteers for Cuba. —A letter in
the Savannah Morning News of Friday, dated
Jacksonville, Florida, Aug. 25, states that five
hundred men composing t)ie Florida Regiment,
were to have embarked for Cuba in a couple of
days from that date. The writer understands
that they are to be commanded by Col. Henry
Titus,who bore a’distinguished part in the Carde I
nas expedition. The Lieut. Col. yyill, most pro- ;
bably, be Col. O'Hara, who commanded the !
Kentucky regiment in the same expedition, and
who was badly yyounded in the battle of Carde- j
nas. Who the other officers are ia nqt mention
ed. _
Correction. —In an article headed “Mr.
Cobb, Mr. Chappfal,” in our last weekly we
quoted a resolution of the latter gentleman, and
referred to Journal 1832, page 133 where it. might
be found. It shot lid have been Journal 1833 in
stead of '32.
Backing Out.
Our readers will remember that, some two
weeks since, we called their attention to a large
j meeting of the Constitutional Union party, held
i in Sandersville, on the Ist ultimo, at which
meeting the following resolution was passed,
and a committee was appointed to ask Mr.
Cobb’s views upon it as well as other resolutions
which they adopted:
“ Resolved , therefore, That we deny to the
General Government the right of making war
upon, or by force preventing any State from
withdrawing from the Union, who, by a consti
tutional majority of her people, determines to do
soi and- if in the minds of any such right exists,
wisaom and policy alike demands its non-ex
ercise.” a
Mr. Cobb replied to the Committee, and refer
red them to his letter to the Macon committee, '*
as containing an exposition of his views upon
the questions about which they were solicitous.
Mr. Cobb's letter has been spread in full be
fore our readers. They have seen that, and now
we submit to them the decision of the Washing
■ ton county committee, as follows:
To the Union Party of Washington 00.
| The undersigned were appointed by the Con
vention of the party held on the Ist Tuesday ol
this month, a committee to transmit to the Hon.
Howell Cobb, of Athens, certain resolutions
passed by the convention and ask his opinion
upon the questions involved, aad to report to ,
you.
i Your committee have preiormed the duty as
signed them, and by due course of mail received
an answer from Mr. C., in which lie refers us to
his letter to the Macon committee, in which his
: views, at length, are given.
Having carefully read the letter referred to,
I we cannot, upon the whole, but regard it, as an
able and correct exposition of the views and sen
timents of the Union party of Georgia, and we
advise every man in Georgia to read it carefully.
The doctrine of secession is one which may
i j«-puzzle older heads and abler minds than ours.
: Though one thing seems perfectly clear to us:
if a State has a sovereign right to secede from
the Union at pleasure, the other sovereignties
have a right to guard themselves from injury
which may be caused by that secession, and
how this is to be done, they alone can determine.
Hence, although secession may be peaceable, we
believe that war is its legitimate consequence^
. 1 Mr/Cobb in forms usth* were a State to
' and a requisition made upon him as the Go"
ernor of Georgia for troops to coerce her, he should
f not hesitate to convene the Legislature of the .
State with a view of having a convention of the
State, before whom he should lay the whole
question and be governed by their decision. This
is as we would have'him do. Should the time
ever come when this glorious confederacy is to
be dissolved, when madly bent on ruin the stars
that make up this bright constellation shall rush
wildly from their orbits, when that hour arrives,
we want no Executive to say what Georgia
shall do, and by inconsiderate, injudicious haste,
endeavor to commit her to a course which she
would not pursue. No, when that hour comes—
and we pray God it may never—then will bo
the time, for deliberate State action. Let a con
vention be assembled and let the voice of the
people be there expressed, and what they de
termine let the Governor execute.
R.W. Flournoy,
E. S. Lanqmadk,
J. R. Smith.
G. E. Boatright,
Silas Floyd,
Committee.
While the views of Mr. Cobb upon the right
of secession,do not go as far as the undersigned,yet
in view of the fact that he would submit the
| whole question to the people of Georgia for their
decision, I am satisfied, and shall support him
with a great deal of pleasure.
R. W. Flournoy.
We look upon this to be an important matter.
There are thousands in the ranks of the Consti-
I tutional Union party, who feel as do the majori
ty of that party in Washington county. We
believe the action df the meeting to which we
have referred, was ; ,'uded upon a just tear that
Mr. Cobb’s views were not orthodox upon the
subject of State rights and secession. They can-
I not be satisfied with the decision of the commit
! tee. The individuals composing it may be satis-
I fled, but that cannot control the judgments of the
great majority of the party in Washington county.
Our object is to show, first, that the Constitu
tional Union party of that county wer e discon
tented with the position occupied by Mr. Cobb.
Secondly, that their views, as expressed in
their resolutions, were in accordance with the
true State Rights doctrines.
Thirdly, that they will back out from and re
pudiate them, if they adopt the doctrines of Mr.
i Cobb, as set forth in his letter to the Macon
committee.
There was, certainly, some reason for the lan
guage of discontent manifested by the Sanders
ville meeting. What did they say ? We quote
as follows:
“ But we assert that no man can be a good
Union man who is not also a State Rights man.
We regret, therefore, to observe a disposition, on the
part ol some Union men, to surrender those cardi
f mil principles which we (-pushier so necessary to
tlie preservation of the IJmion, by Iprotectingilhe |
rights of the States.”
' We recognize, to the fullest extent , the sover
eignty of the States, and look upon that recogni
tion as an established principle in the creed of our
party, and as remaining no longer an open ques
tion.”
“We cannot consent to take the back track
upon the convictions of a life time; we cannot
consent to sacrifice principles we believe essen
tial to the preservation of the Union—principles
without which, it never could have been termed,
and without the preservation of which, it cannot
continue,”
“ We earnestly invoke that this jmsonous chal
ice be not forced to our lips ; we will not drink
its waters of death.”
“ Resolved, That as the political friends of the j
Hon. Howell Cobb, we are anxious to support
him, and will support him, and by all honorable
means aid in his election, if toe can do so without
sanctioning principles which we believe are alike de
structive of the Union of the States and the liberties
of the people .”
“ Resolved, That a committee of five be ap
pointed to address the lion. Howell Cobb a letter,
embracing the principles of the first resolution, j
requesting to know from him, whether he agrees j
or dissents from the principles therein laid
down.”
There is plainly the language of discontent.
Now we assert, without the fear of contradic
tion, that the Washington county meeting held :
That the States are sovereign. That will be dis
tinctly seen in the second of the foregoing ex
tracts.
That meeting held that a State has the right
of peaceable secession from the Union. That is
j plainly shown in the first extract, found near the
commencement of this article, and in the decla
ration in the preamble, that “we never will
agree that this Government has the right to deny
to such State the liberty of doing so,” that is, ol
seceding.
That meeting also held, that the right to secede
is a peaceable right , and that the General Govern
j ment has no right to coerce her by force to remain j
in the Union. This is shown by the first extract ■
contained in this article. Again it is most em- !
phatically shown in the following, which we !
take from the preamble :
“ But no government is republican, anil no State
can be republican, whose people are forced to submit
I to a government against their choice. It would,
therelbre, be a palpable violation of the Constitution
1 to attempt to subdue, by arms, the people of a sover
eign Slate of this Union, thereby forcing such
State to remain in the Union against the clearly
ascertained will of a constitutional majority of
j her people.” •
“ We most solemnly declare that we see no
cause why any State should withdraw from the
| Union, but that is a question alone for the people
,of each State to decide for themselves. But so
; far as the force of public opinion can reach, we
i would have it to discountenance move-
I ment by the people of any State in the Union.
Should any State, 1. n\ ever, in the madness of the
hour, by a constitutional majority of her people,
withdraw from the Union, our doctrine is non
intervention ; we never will agree that this gov
ernment has the right to deny to such State the
liberty of doing so, and of making war upon her
to prevent it. It was not in that spirit this
Union was formed, and it is not in that spirit it
can be kept together, atul we would have this dis
tinctly understood as being the ojiinion of the Union
party of this county. We earnestly invoke that
this poisonous chalice be not forced to our lips ;
j we will not drink its waters of death ; we depre
cate being driven into a false position; we yield
j to none in our love lor the Union; we yield to
none in our devotion to the rights of the States;
loathe the feelings of the people of South Caroli
na, which we believe is hatred to the Union, but
we never will stand by and see that State or any
other subdued by the Federal arms of this govern
ment, and forced to remain a portion of this Union
against the express wislws of her people. We wish
no Union that contains within its limits a con
quered people, ivhose jtosition would be similar to
that of Poland to Russia .”
It is, then, clearly established that the Wash
ington county meeting held that the States are
sovereign—that they have the right of peaceable
secession —and that the General Government has
no right of State coercion.
That, we say, was the platform of the meet
ing. Now we will show that the aforesaid com
mittee have adopted a different platform —one as
wide from that of the meeting as the poles are
asunder.
The committee say that Mr. Cobb’s Macon
letter is “an able and correct exposition of the
views and sentiments of the Union party,” &c.
The committee has evidently got into a quan
dary. They say “the doctrine of secession is one
which may puzzle older heads and abler minds
than ours.” How suddenly this doctrine of se
cession became mystified in the minds of this
committee! It was as clear as sunshine on the
first of August- There was no doubt with them
(Jjeit .' 4 State, then, had the perfect fight
I ", 111 L-_l_LLi. C!!
peaceably to withdraw from the Union. Now*
they dodge behind “ older heads and abler
minds "'ll Whatever advantages this committee
may claim, on account, of their heads being young
er and their minds weaker than some other peo
ple’s, we doubt whether the people generally
will be satisfied with so lame an excuse. Now
for an exhibition of lofty tumbling.
An “abler head,” that is, Mr. Cobb's libad,
said that if a State withdrew, the other States
had a right to decide upon the right of the State to
\do so, an A force her back into the Union. Strait
way, thpcomflnittee say, “the other sovereign
ties have a right to guard themselves from injury
which may be caused by that secession, and how
this is to be done, they alone can determine. Hence
although secession may be peaceable, we believe
that war is its legitimate consequence.”
This committee, with the rest of the meeting,
, declared, on the Ist of August, that it would be
A PALPABLE VIOLATION OF THE CON
STITUTION for the Government to attempt to
subdue such State, and force her to remain in the
Union. They denied to the Government the
right to make war upon a State to prevent seces
sion. But we will presently see their inconsis
tency-in a stronger light.
They express their gratification at Mr. Cobb's
f saying, that if he wore Governor, and the Govern
ment should call upon him for t roops to put down
a seceding State, he would call the Legislature
together, and advise the call of a convention, and
would execute whatever their decision might be.
This committee then add, that the Governor
should execute whatever the convention determin
ed upon.
'Mr. Flournoy appends a separate statement,
in which he frankly admits that Mr. Cobb don’t,
go far enough for him in favor of the right ot se
cession, and specially plants himself upon this
convention scheme. Well, suppose the convention
should decide to send troops to put down South
Carolina, or any other State, these gentlemen
say, let the Governor EXECUTE IT. We would
say, let him resign his seat first. But that is not
vvlait Mr. ColjA would do.t He tvattld Kful the «
trfips, with twe instruments of theiF
hands, to butcher a gallant people struggling
agj&st oppression.
Nqw for the glaring inconsistency of the com
mittee. They say, let the Governor execute the
decision of the convention. On the first of Au
gust, they said it would be a palpable violation of
the Constitution to use force against the seceding
State, and they even went so far as to say, while
they “loathed the course ot South Carolina, they
would never stand by and see that Stale or any oth
er subdued by the Federal arms of this Government,
and forced to remain a portion of this Union,
against the express wishes of her people.” What a
remarkable change in these gentlemen !
Since the appearance of Mr. Cobb's letter,
they seem to have “ observed, discerned, seen
and spied out” “ how, wherefore, and whether,
why, when, and what, whatsoever, whereas and
whereby ” all this State rights and secession
business, instead of being no longer open questions,
are the most uncertain and open questions that now
puzzle old heads or young heads, able minds or weak
minds!! While the committee seem disposed
to begin to establish their principles, de novo, we
trust that the people of Washington county will
have more regard for consistency, and prove truer
friends to the sovereignty and rights of the
States.
Who can have confidence in men whose life
time convictions and devotion to Stale rights, are
so pliantly offered up at the shrine of party, and
that, too, even to the extent of taking to their
lips a poisonous chalice and drinking from it THE
WATERS OF DEATH !
Prospects of the Election—Our Correspondence.
Our opponents heat us in bragging. As Dr.
O. Toole would say, its a part of their system.—
They do it to inspire the flagging confidence of
their friends, and give energy to their canvassers
in the field, who often get dispirited and down
in the mouth.
We care not to follow their example. A cause
that is worth working for is in no need of such
false stimulants. The friends of the Southern
Rights cause,work in the noble and unselfish spirit
of devotion to their principles expressed so forci
bly by Col. David W. Lewis, before the Con
vention which nominated him in opposition to
Mr. A. H. Stephens. Whether in prospect of
defeat or victory, their exertions will be the
same.
“ Tis not for mortals to command success,
But they'll do more: they’ll deserve it.”
We might however publish, columns weekly,
of letters received by us from all sections of the
State, fiicndi aro working both
andfci good spirits. >Thcy aruauiWiV .
heartened by tire brags of the Consolidatiomsts, nor
are they gid/eif by them. The Southern Rights
party know that the pretended calculations of
the Federal press of tun and twelve, and even
fifteen thousand majority lor Cobb, if really
made, are based on the votes last fall for the
Convention, and therefore are absurd. That
election is no criterion for the vote to he
given next month. The election between
Governor Towns and Judge Hill in 1819 i
much nearer a true test. In most of the coun
ties in the State in .which Governor Towns got
majorities, Gov. McDonald will do the same.—
Where he fails to do this, he will probably make
up the loss by gaining in other counties in
which Towns was beaten. There are few, if
any Whig counties in fact, in which Cobh will
get a vote which will he comparatively as good
as that given to Judge Hill, and in many of them
McDonald will beat him.
We have written the above introductory to
extracts from two letters received last Sunday,
and which we have concluded to publish. They
are selected from very many of the same sort
which we have on hand, and which our friends
are welcome to see. We get them almost daily.
The remarks of our Houston correspondent
recalls to mind four lines illustrative of the empty
and nonsensical noise about disunion made by
the Federal press In Georgia in connection with
Governor McDonald.
“ Sound the howgag, strike the tonjon,
Beat the fuzguzzy, wake the gonqnong:
Let the loud hozanna ring,
Bum turn fuzzlegum dingo him.
This supplies alike the place of fact and ar
gument. The opinions of Governor McDonald
are on record in black and white. They are
contained in letters and addresses put forth on
many recent occasions. But these the Federal
press will not publish, because they would refute
their clamorous denunciations.
Houston Countv, Aug. 27th.
Mn. Editor : —Mr. Johnson, the submission
| candidate for this District, addressed the people
of tills county on yesterday. lie is a plain sen
sible man, but not an orator, and cannot clear up
and pile away the brush out of his way, with
the dexterity of his friend Howell, and yet it
appears that he struggles in the same path, and
makes a very awkward imitation of him indeed.
The courtesy was extended to us (vile disunion
ists and disciples of Rhett as we are called.) of
making a reply. We had our speaker (rather a
masked battery to be sure) in waiting. Audi
can assure you our friend Howard, from Craw
ford poured the grape into them pretty hotly
and when they thought it over, there vtas “ a lit
tie more of the grape, Capt. Bragg.’-’ lam proud
that we can sustain ourselves so fully in the ar
gument. The main effort of the submissionists,
and it occupies their time is in apologising for
the North in its pillage of the South. Take
away Rhett, South Carolina, and the cry
of disunion from them, and all their thunder j
would be stolen. I am amused when they touch
upon Rhett. Then they show all their indig
nant fire, stick up their feathers, and redden at
their throats, and fly at him with the enraged
animosity of an old Turkey cock at a red flannel
pittieoat. Poor Rhett, I wonder it he sleeps any ?
In conclusion, Mr. Editor, I am sanguine that
our county will be straight on the day of the
election.
Jonesboro, August 29th, 1851.
Messrs. Gardner and Smythe —
Gentlemen :—I have but little confidence in
communications of this kind, the writers so often
exaggerate and dont give the true history of facts .
but what 1 shall say is true, every word of it.—
Hon. Howell Cobb’s letter to the Macon Com
mittee, dont take well in these diggings; his
Constitutional Union friends say it holds out
two faces, (that is a great many of them)
and they will not have it—neither will they
have him (Cobb,) and that they prefer old
Charley, and intend to vote for him. Last
week I took a two days tour through this
county (Fayette.) and I could find men on
all sides that were coming over to the side of
equality, truth and justice. I was at one house
where there were the old man and five sons, who
toll! me out of their own mouths that they had
just been converted and were heart, soul and body
for old Charles J. I can hear it every day. I dont
like that letter, it wont do—l wont have it, &c.,
&c. Hon. H. A. Harralson addressed a portion of
the sovereigns of this county at Fayetteville last
had, there was a pretty r 16 notice they
without entering into a ta '’' e crowd .
suffice it to say, that lie showed i.' 1 ’ 8 ar S u,,ien * s i
evil doers, and that the cry of a host to
all a humbug, and that it all w«,^ nioil i was
ed and primed in Wasldiigton city u,'? Up '■' oc *‘
the South from behind Boh Toombs'» in
battery. The Honorable
was a noble one, and no mistake, ami p'
done a great deal of good for the cause 01
Southern Rights and McDonald. I had almost
forgot to say that some of the prominent speak
ers of the self-styled Uliion party of this county
have recently come yet, andyure going it for
old Charley.
*■ iSllthjpF AufffW*
It will be seen by tfre *r , T f poi*of the Chairman
i of the Board of Health, that our city, is now free
. from Small Pox. Our country friends need feel
no apprehensions in visiting our city.
Office of tiie Board of Hear.m. (
Augusta, Sept. Ist, 1861. 1
It is with pleasure I announce to the public
that there is not a case of Small Pox in the city,
and hut two cases of Varioloid, and they very
light. The disease is still confined to the lower
part of the city.
Persons need lie under no apprehensions ol
contracting the disease bv visiting Augusta.
WM. E.OEARING,
Chairman Board Health.
Fancy Ball at Cotoosa Springs.
We learn that the Grand Fancy Ball adver
tised to come off' at this fashionable watering
place on Thursday evening last, was a very suc
cessful and brilliant affair. The company was
large and fashionable —the costumes, many of
them, showy and elegant, and con
spired to make thg occasion gay and delightful.
There were in all about hundred perso,u.,
at the that time.
The Alberti Case.
The Chronicle <s• Sentinel of the 31st tilt., con
tains a new llferli Qase. Itk
marks, every wOrd of which v/e copy as follows :
The At.heiut Cask. —We have received from
Andrew J. Miller, Esq., the subjoined authentic
report ofthis celebrated case, which we publish
lor the better information of our readers, as well
as all those persons in Georgia who have been
imposed upon by the report copied from the
Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, which has been
so industriously circulated through the State by
the disunion organs and their allies. We have
already expressed the opinion that the review of
the Richmond Enquirer was not entitled to cre
dit, and the reader will he able to judge how ful
ly that opinion is sustained after reading the fol
lowing report, which is copied from pages •105 to
502 inclusive, of a forthcoming volume of “ Re
ports of Select Law and Equity cases'" decided
in the courts of Philadelphia. This, therefore,
is no newspaper report of the case, made up foi
political effect in the South, hut is an authentic
Law Report, designed to elucidate the principles
of law adjudicated; and like all reports is a fan
and impartial history of the case.
The reader will perceive that “ the abduction
of the child was—without any form of law being
observed for the arrest of the mother or the child, '
and " that there was no legal proof that the wo
man was a slave, or that Mitehcl was tlw owner.
or that Alberti had any power of Attorney or au
thority to arrest and remove the woman.''
Mr. Miller’s friends, Law Book sellers and
i publishers in Philadelphia, who sent him the
■ the pages containing the Report, say of Judge
Parsons,’ that “ He has honesty if not ability
none who know him doubt his uprightness amt
virtue, and few public lifcn eqaal him."
It may not be improper to add that the Review
I of the case published by the disunion organs of
! Georgia is without name or authority, was got up
with a view to obtain a pardon for Alberti and
Price,as we are informed, and was “so grossly
unfair in its narrative, " that the counsel engaged
against Alberti, refused to attest its truth. It 1-
circulated in Georgia as a faithful report, and
attempted to bo introduced into the political can
vass with a view to make party capital
Voters of Georgia, you now have the facts of
this case in an authentic form; read and digest
them,and mete out to those who have thus at
tempted to deceive you,the measure of your just
indignation.
This is like almost every thing from that pa
per, where the North is concerned. It is apolo
gy, apology, apology for the North !
It will be seen that the Chronicle denies that
the first report, as published in the Richmond
Enquirer , is entitled to credit. It says that the
one it published is an authentic law report, and
is a fair and impartia? history of the case. This
| report, it tells us, was sent to Mr. Miller by his
friends, who are law book sellers and publisher.-,
in Philadelphia; and for aught we know, they .
may be rank free soilers and abolitionists. Hoy
| does the Chronicle know that this report is a fan
and impartial history of the case ! It may have
been prepared .under the eye of Judge Parsons,
.who acttjcJ Mfe tyrannical a part in the case. No
1 doilb%\ir, !,<♦.,>run) -in- -..a , .
; desired to covOT over their corruption and judi-
I cial villainy.
The Chronicle quotes that part of this report
which says that the child Joel was lid napped,
| and his mother Betsy was not arrested according
;to the forms of the laws. Now, William Allen,
Esquire, before whom the slave Betsey was
I brought, heard the case, and decided that Betsy
was the slave ol Mr. Mitchell, of Maryland, not
. only by the testimony of several witnesses, but
i the admission of Betsy herself. Mr. Allen was
a citizen of Philadelphia, and after a full hearing,
he delivered up the slave Betsy to Mr. Alberti
the agent of Mr. Mitchell. It is not common lot
. i Northern justices or commissioners to give up
slaves when the claimants are not their owners,
| or authorized agents.
We admit that according to this report, sent to
| Mr. Miller, it would appear that Alberti had
kidnapped the child. But who were the wit
| nesses against him ! Win. Thompson, a free
negro, the husband of Betsy, and Richardson,
who had been twice convicted of larceny and
was pardoned, the day before the trial came on,
that he might be able to testify against the
prisoners. His testimony was received, although
several respectable witnesses testified that they
would not believe him upon oath.
Respectable testimony in favor of Alberti and
Price was rejected, while that of a free negro
and a thief was admitted to swear them into the
Penitentiary. Let it be remembered, too, that
the convidiqn of these unfortunate men was ef
fected mainly by the testimony of this negro and
Penitentiary convict, and the one-sided charge
of J udge Parsons.
The Chronicle does its best toajwlogise for this
judicial tyrant. It quotes from Mr. Miller's
friends account of him, as follows : “lie (Judge
Parsons) has honesty, if not ability: none who
know him doubt his uprightness and virtue, and
few public men equal him."
The man who can apologize for Judge Parsons,
has but one step farther to go to call the celebra
ted Judge Jeffreys a saint. In our honest opin
ion, the acts of this Judge and the jury who con
victed Alberti and Price, cover not only Penn
sylvania with infamy, but stain the nation and
disgrace the age in which we live.
The Chronicle says the first report of the Al
berti case was made without name or authority.
The Richmond Enquirer says “it is from the
pen of one of the fnost distinguished citizens of
Pennsylvania, and is published for the benefit of
the family of Alberti.’’ Unfortunate man—un
fortunate family! They have fallen into the
hands of cruel fanatics, who hate the South, and
wotfid doom to deathjif they had tlw power, the
husband and father who dared to aid one of her * *
citizens to recover his fugitive slave.
The Chronicle says, “the counsel engaged
against Alberti, refused to attest the truth of the
report," which we copied from the Richmond
Enquirer. That is not at all surprising. Peo
ple generally refuse to attest the truth of a reiwrt
of their own villainy !
The Chronicle , in conclusion, calls upon the
people of Georgia to measure out their indigna
tion against those who have published the first
report as true. What does, what can it expect
for itself, at the hands of a people, who hate ty
ranny in every form, and the minions of tyranny,
who hold up and kiss its robes, stained with
crime and the tears of an unhappy family.
The West.—The senior editor of the Missouri
Republican, and Mr. Kendall, of the Picayune,
are on a tour to Santa Fe, See. The editor of
the Republican writes from the Kansas that
mail-stages are running regularly between In
dependence, Santa Fe and the Salt] Lakes. The
mail to Santa Fe weighs usually between 250
and JOO pounds; that to'the Salt Lakes from 150
to ‘JOO pounds. The mail leaves for each point
on the Ist of every month. It is earred in spring
coaches, drawn by six mules, and the trip to
Santa Fe is made in from 25 to 28 days, and to
the Salt ILakes in in from 28 to 30 days. Price
of passaage to either place $125. It takes about
one hundred mules to supply the lines.
A New Cotton Plant.—The editor of the
Orleanian has seen a boll of cotton, that deserve*
the attention of cultivators, on account of its
rapid growth and early [maturity. On the Ist of
June last, a lady planted in her flower garden, a
few cotton seeds presented her by a gentleman.
On the 20th of July a boll was ready for picking;