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uJii mm [gpi 1 m 1111Iii'AHi11UitHi lljU ifillillUDl! \yu ililllJJJltl IlPo BY JAMES GARDNER. Speech of Bon. E. W. Chastian.of Georgia. On the jicyuisation of Cuba, in reply to the Speech of Mr. Boyce , of South Carolina: delivered in thtHouuof Representatives, Feb. 17, 1855. The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union— Mr. Chastain said : Mr. Chairman : Were I to consult my own elings, I would allow the remainder of the session to pass without taking any further pait sn its proceedings than answering to my name, •"wd recording my vote on such questions as may coni'- before the House, convinced, as I have long been, tb*t the greatest obstacle to legisla te action, and, consequently, the most com mon. subject of well-founded complaint, on the /•art of our respective constituencies, is our in veterate pronenesa to oratorical display. It has ever been ray habit to act promptly— .’ay, boldly—when myjudgrneit has been form ed, .tnd my course decided ; to nalt at no stop .ling-places ; to lose no time in useless parade , nor delay my purpose by ostentatious harangues either in laudation of my wisdom or explana tion of my course. Action* sir, is my principle, and I have ever been willing to permit ‘has action to speak.lur,iii»*u. —I «««.—■ -i—; trrmri myself, to my c aisfctu/j.ts, u lue SoUu, and to the country, demand that I should trespass, for a levy moments, ou the patience of the House, whilst I protest, in the most emphatic manner, against the propositions submitted to this House, a lew days since, by the honorable member from Son h Carolina (Mr. Boyce.) in reference to our present and prospective relations with Spain and the Island of Cuba. No gentleman in this House, or out of it, is more willing than 1 am to acknowledge the abilities and the patriotism of the honorable member from South Carolina. That he should labor under what I conceive to l so extraordinary a hallucination —extraordi- nary, because the gentleman represents, in part, a gallant State, that has ever been foremost in defence of southern interests—is to rny mind a political paradox of ominous import It can on ly be accounted for by analyzing the tacts and ‘he data upon which the gentleman’s speech is predicated. If we find that these facts and these data are incorrect, that the honorable gentleman has been misled by the authorities on which he relied, we can easily find a solution of what ’-vouid otherwise appear strange, even inexplica- j b!“. in view of the section of country which the honorable gentleman so ably represents, and the subject which formed the theme of his elo quent remarks. I propose, then, sir, to follow the course of argument adopted by the gentleman from South Carolina. 1 shall e.ideavor to show that national honor, as well as national necessity, imperative ly demand a prompt, definitive, and satisfac tory settlement of the long-standing grievances and multiplied and accumulated outrages which we have experienced at the hands of Spanish officials, and which we have already permitted r *o remain too long unredressed and unpunished, ■'ll caf-wntional honor and our commercial rights ere iepresented by every flag that floats in the tireeze from the mast-head of an American ship, no matter in what sea she may be found, or in what port she may choose to anchor. Insult that flag, and you iusult the whole American people ; you rouse a feeling throughout the length and breadth of the land which nothing can appease short of full, honorable, satisfactory and prompt reparation. But we will come to this point presently. Th . honorable gentleman charges, at the out- j ’* ,ai extern : ->n, -.../tasupport this charge we are Told that the people upon the northern frontier iook with deep feeling to the annexation of' the British provinces of North America. That, sir, .s a question which these provinces must decide for themselves—one with which this country at this time has nothing whatever to do. When tnese provinces present themselves at the doors of Congress, asking for admission into our Con federacy of States, clothed with the attributes of sovereignty, and capable of treating on subjects or such grave fmportar.ee, should I occupy a seat in this House. I shall act, 1 trust, as becomes an -neri"*n legislator, and as a member of the j it,Aat democratic party of this nation. 1 shall j be ready to extend the hand of friendship to every I TO»n who has passed through the liery ordeal of oppression, and may Jdesire to worship at the same altar of liberty with myself. I care not under what sun he may have been born—l shall ask not what tongue he speaks—it his heart throbs for liberty, and he is worthy to enjoy it, i can greet him as a friend, and receive him as a brother. But, sir, it may be owing to my obliquity of j idgment, or to some obtuseness of comprehen sion, but I confess that I am unable to discover tne slightest analogy between the relative posi tions of Canada and Cuba towards the United States. When, sir, I would ask the gentleman from South Carolina, has our Hag been iusulfed with impunity by the authorities ol the North American provinces, our citizens immured in subterranean dungeons ; despoiled ol their pro * perty ; shot down and publicly bu'chered by a brutal and ferocious soldiery,without trial, with- I | out a defence, without a hearing, contrary to every principle of .nternational law, and in the * vary teeth of existing treaty stipulations. Tell _ -\e, sir, that these outrages have been perpetra ted by British officials in North America ; that our commerce ha 9 been crippled and paralyzed by odious exactions and onerous imjiosts, and that the very name of American, the proudest that man ever bore, is with them a by-word of ir.sult and contumely; show me «hen these tilings, and such as these, can be charged by our «L government upon the British authorities in the North American provinces, and I am ready to vote the ln«‘ dollar in the treasury to blockade their ports, take possession ol their territory, and hold it as an indemnification tor the past, and a pledge for their good behavior in the future. Gentlemen may talk of the evils of extension, and preach didactic homilies to this House on the divine aumnites of acquiescence and sub mission under insult and injury ; but our honor as a sovereign and independent nation raises above all such considerations, and demands that neither should be imperilled by cowardly sub mission to wrong, or groundless apprehensions at dangers that have no real existence. The whole argument of the honorable gentle man in reference to the dangers to be appieben ded f;om territorial extension, however sound .. may be on general principles, or however ap plicable under different forms of government from ours, has no relevancy, in rny humble judgment, to our present position with respect to Cuba. I trust, sir, that lam as free from the spirit of liii postering as the gentleman from South Carolina. I am willing and ready to go as far as he who g'-e° farthest in observing faithfully all our treaty stipulations—not only with Spain, but with all nations, if the inhabitants of Cuba are groan ing under the wtlght of oppressive laws, and writhing under the lash of heartless despots, they have, in our own history, an example of what the ‘Tmco.iqueiable will,” the fixed resolve to die as freemen rather than live as slaves, can accomplish, if they shWild strike for freedom and wrest the sceptre from the tyrant’s grasp. Fn such a contest, it is true, they would have all the sympathies of my soul, and I doubt not, that many of our more ardent and patriotic young cour.tymen would be found fighting, side by .side, with the Cuban patriot, willing to share With him all the disasters and the perils the occasion might bring forth. But as a nation we would nave no rigfit to interfere ; we could do no rnoie . than wc did on similar occasions—be the first to ■ « ’ki.o ige tue inder>. ence of their country, i so soon as that independence shall he fairly won. Should such ever be the condition of things in Cuba ; should her patriot sons ever rise in their strength and crush the tyrant power that has so long enslaved them, and then formally apply to be received into our confederacy, the time will have arrived tor the genMeman from South Caro lina, should he occupy a seat on this floor, to ex patiate on the evils of,territorial extension, and calculate, with such mathematical precision, the number ol human beings that can comfortably subsist upon an acre of ground. But, sir, let os suppose that Cuba has throw n off tf.e Spanish yoke, established her indepen dence, and asked to be admitted into the Ameri can Union. The honorable member meets the application with an objection on which he seemed to lay much stress—namely, that the admission of Cuba would paralyze the vast slave interests at the South engaged in raising sugar. This, sir, is a fallacy, and, I regret to add, a some what popular otie. The sugar-growing region of the South, and the slave interest engaged in that pursuit, would be immeasurably benefited by such an acquisition. Such, at least, is the opinion of those who have examined this sub ject carefully and practically: whose opportu*»i 4ftwe-sjijTftpg correct im'ormilTrc.V.Tiave been ample, and whose interests, and feelings, and sympathies are all idenified with the sugar-grow ing* interests of Louisiana. I will quote from an article on this subject which appeared in De Bow’s Review for July. 1854, from the pen ol one of the most accomplished and patriotic of Louisiana’s sons; “The establishment of a free government in Cuba could not produce any immediate prejudice to the sugar-planting interests of Louisiana, for it would not dißturb in any way the fiscal protection which the present tariff extends to it. It is the subsequent admission of that island as one of the States of this Union which is supposed to nurture disaster and ruin for the sugar planters of Louisiana.” * * * “But Ido not entertain the belief that this event is pregnant with ruin, or even with injury to the sugar-planting interests of this State; and to such as suppose that such a result would follow the ad mission of Cuba into the Uniorl, I would suggest the following reflections; “The product of sugar to the acre in Cuba dis fors very slightly from that in Louisiana, while the difference in the amount produced per hand is even less than the difference of product to the aore, and is probably in tavor of the Louisiana planter, from | his improved system of culture, and better care and feeding of his hands. j “The great elements of the loss cost of produc ! tion of sugar in Cuba than in this country consist i in the raperior cheapness of labor and the lower i value of land there. The average value of field hands in Cuba is SSOO, while in Louisiana their value is $1,200; and the mean value ot land is well known to be far less than here. In these great items consist almost the entire advantage which the planter of Cuba possesses over him of Louisiana. In other respects ho labors under disadvantages; for instance, the cost of his supplies, which is greater from his greater distance from their place of production. “The first great result of the establishment of a freo government in Cuba, or of its admission to this confederacy, would be the immediate cessation of the A rican slave trade, and the appreciation in value of tbo slaves there, consequent upon the cut ting off of this source ot cheap supply Next in the scale of economic results attending the admission of Cuba to the Union would be the equalization of : the value of slaves. They could not remain at an j average vaiuo of SSOO there, while they bore that i »f $1,200 in Louisiana, and freedom o; intercourse | between the two countries existed. Such i.n equalization in the value of labor In this country ' and in Cuba would contribute in a, greet degree to Louisian-.*, in the /tact proportion *T its effect’ upon the vaiuo of labor respectively. * * * * “The increase in the cost of production of this staple in Cuba would afford a far more permanent and efticient protection to the sugar-planter of Lou’siana than the present fiscal impost upon sugar; while, so long as Cuba is enabled to produce it at less cost than Louisiana, and the desire in the North to obtain cheap sugar exists, the danger to the sugar planting interest in this country will not only remain, but continue to incroase. , ’ Such, Mr. Chairman, are the well-digested views of a citizen of Louisiana, long a resident ol Cuba, familiar with the subject in all its bear i ings; and, one should suppose, as keenly alive to j all that can affect the prosperity and interests of | his native State as the gentleman from South j Carolina. Bu% sir, so far from paralyzing, or even in juriously affecting, the sugar-growing interests of Louisiana, f think I can demonstrate that the admission o! Cuba into our Union will prove the best, and, perhaps, the only measure that will conier stability upon the culture of the sugar- . cane in that State, and promote the permanent t welfare of its planting interests. We have had official information that tbe Spanish government, instigated, beyond all ra tional doubt, by British diplomacy, have, during the past few years, been devising every imagi nable scheme to increase the supply of labor in the Island of Cuba at every hazard. European, j Indian, and Asiatic laborers have, from time to j time, been introduced to that end, and the an j thorities ol the Island have even officially de clared that if the planters of the Island will sus- I tain them in the measure, they will introduce in ' one year one hundred thousand negroes, who shall be apprenticed out, as the wants of the planters may require, for a series of years, and jat prices merely nominal. In the mean time ; every encouragement is given to the slave trade, and here I would take occasion to thank the honorable gentleman for his admission that, not withstanding the treaty of 1817 between En gland anJ Spain, Africans in vast numbers have been imported into Cuba. Yes,sir, they have been ; imported into Cuba; they are at this day im j )Knted, and they will continue to be imported— j for it is the secret and settled policy of Spain to i cheapen labor in Cuba as much as possible— until that Providence which watches over the destinies of men, and of nations, shall interpose the stars and stripes of our Union to put a stop to this nefarious traffic. But to return. Let us suppose this policy to be successful, and the cost of labor to be reduced by it to S2OO per hand, (and this is the ultima ; turn fixed upon by the Spanish officials in Cuba.) what protection will thirty per cent, the present duty on sugar, under the tariff actol 1546, afford i the Louisiana planter against the almost costless j sugar of Cuba? The writer, whose able reflec : tions on this subject I have cited, justly and j truly remarks that, under such a condition of things, “ffve years of such competition would j suffice to ruin every sugar-planter in the State of Louisiana.” ‘They would,” he continues, , “follow the coffee-planters of Cuba in poverty j to the grave.” The gentleman from South , Carolina may, therefore, dismiss all fears as * >s- I pects the sugar-planting interests of Louisian-. If he has at heart, as I am sure he has, the true j welfare and interest ol that State, he will never j have abetter opportunity than now to convince i the woi Id of that fact. Let him lend his power j tul influence and exert his superior talents in i facilitating, in every honorable way, the ac • quisition of Cuba, and annexing it to thisUnian, j and be wiil contribute in making his country ! the great sugar market of the world: Louisiana a* Cuba, as neighboring and sister States, en i couraging and stimulation" each other in tbe j arts of commerce and industrial progress, and ' both fulfilling their high destiny as two of the i b: isghtest stars in our galaxy of States. There was one portion of the speech of the j : gentleman from South Carolina, to which, I must confess, I listened with mingled emotions j of surprise and regret. I cannot beii ve that the I j gentleman designed to reflect upon cur govern ment because it has been compelled, in «rd;- i defence, to adopt a retaliatory policy with re- . AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 28, 1855. spect to Spanish vessels entering the ports of the United States. But tbe language used by the honorable gentleman admits, in rny humble opinion, of no other construction. I quote from the speech, as printed in the Globe, of this city. In referring to the onerous and discriminating regulations which prevail in Cuba against the commerce of the United States, tbe gentleman holds the following language : “Under the influence of our acts of 1832 and 1834, the imports into Cuba, in Spanish vessels, from the United States, amounted, in 1849, to on ly SII,OOO, whereas the imports from England for tbe same period, iD Spanish vessels, amounted to $4,345,300. That this striking difference is mainly attributable to our own regulations is obvious from the fact that England stands on no more fa vored footing in reference to the commercial regu lations of Cuba thaD the United States, except her freedom from our own enactments.” Here it is distinctly charged that the.discrimi‘-J nations and restrictions with which ou/com merce has so long been lettered in Cuban ports j are attributable to our own reg**l*‘ions. Sure- ! ly, ii this assertion can be borne ou* by facts, j our government must have been Strangely in- j fatuatc-d, if not culpably reckless, in stl-.-bnp.a ■ . *t-i —of noTicy so dijnstrous t» ti e Mii-Xt.Jki interests ol the “ hole couutry, and particularly of the South. But let us examine this question. What, I would ask the gentleman from South Carolina, was toe condition of our commercial relations Spain and her colonies prior to 1832? Were not our vessels virtually driven from their ports by unjust and prohibitory discriminating duties? It the gentleman from South Carolina will take the trouble to examine tbe documents now on file in this House, he will find that such was the case; and 1 would esrecially refer him to House document No. 163, Twenty-seven*h Congress, second session. This document will inform him that our own regulations, so far from being aggressive, were forced upon our govern ment as a measure of self-defence, and proved to be the means of compelling Spain to abolish her prohibitory policy as respects the United States. On page 19 of this document tbe gen tleman will find that there is a wide difference of opinion between himself and the Department of State from which that document emanated, with respect both to the policy and effect of these | regulations. If the gentleman should not be able ; to put his hands on this document, I will quote a lew lines from it for his espeeial benefit: “ The tonnage duties upon vessels of the United States, formerly enormous, were, in 1832. under the action of countervailing duties, reduced to five cents per ton—the same which Spanish vessels pay in ports of the United States.” And on page 20 he will find another illustra \ tion of this policy, if not a justification eben of rrieasu es more rigorous than those adopted by our government in 1832 and 1834 i “ One important restriction is imposed on ves sels of the United States, to which English,French, and Banish vessels are not subject, viz: Maste.s of United States vessels are not permitted to make post-entries on their manifests, should the cargo actually on board excerd. from any chance, the amount expressed. This is not only derogatory to the United States in a national sense, but is inju rious to the interest of the merchant, any excess in the cargo over the manifest, from whatever eause arising, being liable to confiscation.” If, under such circumstances as these—and I have adverted to but few of the restrictions placed upon our commerce by the Spanish gov ernment—Congress should have deemed it to be its duty to devise some means for the protection insult, the motives *V that body sh.wid at It-Tr i be understood '<efore its action is so severely , criticised. Would the gentleman submit to such unequal terms in his own individual dealings with his lellow-man, in whom he recognised no title ol superiority, and no claim to his submis sion ? But I can best illustrate the necessity which dictated the acts of 1832 and 1834, by relerring to an actual case ot shipment of merchandise from New Orleans to Havana, under the restric tive policy, which, to this day, with scarcely any diminution of its hardships upon our merchants, characterizes the government ot Cuba with re spect to our commerce. In the month ot No vember, 1841. a vessel ot the United States, re gistered one hundred and forty tons, entered the port of Havana with the following man:lest o! cargo, shipped at New Orleans : 650 barrels ot flour, 28,292, pounds of lard. 8,400 pounds of hams, and 1 sola. Estimated cost of cargo in New Orleans • 65 i barrels of Hoar, at $0 per barrel, : $3,900 09 1 25.292 pounds lard, at 6 cts. per pound, 1,697 52 8.400 pounds hams, at 6 cts. per pound, 504 00 1 sola, : : : ; : : 20 00 Total : ; : ; 6,121 52 Value of cargo in Havana; 650 barrels of flour, at sls per barrel, : $9,750 00 ' 28,292 lbs of lard, at 12 cents per lb. 3,396 00 8.400 lbs of hams, at sl4 per 10U lbs. : 1,170 00 1 sofa, ::::::: 35 00 Total : : : : 14,357 00 Import duties paid: 650 barrel of flour, at $lO 10 per bbl. $6 565 00 28,292 lbs of lard, at $4.19 per 100 lbs. 1,185 77 8,400 lbs ofharns, at $3 14 per 100 lbs. 263 76 1 sofa : : : : : : : 14 40 Tonnage dues $1 50 per ton 210 00 Dredging machine duty 211 cts per ton 30 62 Wharf dues for 10 days, at $1.55 per diem 16 50 Total : : : : : 82_88_05 From value of cargo in Havana 14,357 00 Subtract duties and port charges 8,286 05 Net :::::: 6,070 95 From original cost :' : ; 6,121 52 Substracr. net in Havana : 6,070 95 Balance against the cargo 50 57 In reference to the state of things which this case exhibits, the Department or State very curt ly observes, “ tbe restriction imposed on the commerce of tte United States particularly, is a sagacious policy on the part of those having the control of Ihe, commercial relations cf those islands.” A sentence, sir, pregnant with mean ing. Sir, if our government, or any government, should submit to this state of things without an effort, at least, at retaliation, it would betray a degree of forbearance or pusillanimity equally unworthy a people capable ot appreciating their ' rights. But, sir, let us see what are these regulations I to which the gentleman from South Carolina as j cribes our failure to establish reciprocity of com ! merce with the island of Cuba. In the United i Sta U-o Statutes at Large, vol. iv, j. 579, we find the act ol 1332, to which the gentleman refer red. I will read it: “Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That no other or greater duty <»f tonnage be levied in the ports of the United l States on vessels owned wholly by subjects of Spain coming from a port in Spain, than shall, by the | Sectetary of the Treasury, be ascertained to have | been paid on American vessels in the ports cf Spain | previous to the 20th of October, 1817. “Sec. 2. Spanish colonial vessels to pay the | same tonnage duty as American vessels in Spanish ! j colonial ports. j “Si c. 3. Provision in case any foreign nation j .kculd abolish its discriminating duties on Auieri- ! ! aan vessels.” An lon page 741 of the same volume, we 1 . nave the act ol 1834. This I will also read : j “Sec. 1. Spanish vessels from Cuba or Porto Rico tc a tonnage duty equal to disorimina • uaty on American bottoms. “Sec. 5, Resolved, ifc, That whenever the * resident of the United States shall be satisfied that the discriminating duties in. favor of Spanish bottoms,levied upon the cargocsof American vessels in the ports et Cuba and Porto Rico,have been abol ished, or whenever, in his opinion, a satisfactory ar rangement upon the subject of said duties shall been made between the United States and Spam, the President is hereby authorized to de clare tho r.mn by proclamation; and thereupon this act vt,cease to have any further foroe or cf f«t.” S;f. botti these acts vindicate themselves, and 'he sound policy which dictated them. They need 16 explanation or comment at my hands.— d/lether they are obnoxious to the criticism of , gentleman from South Carolina, or whether ; t-HsySeiio'd have been designed to produce the es- IBlbtJrnputed to them, I leave to this House and . t! J country to decide. i bed uded to show that the gentleman j trs alf xT by tbe authorities which he con j-- ‘wtf,; other errors; but as I have already ! /‘tie committee longer than it is my ha ‘ -veA "ill content myself by selecting ore '•< _tbos c errors as an iiivbtra'ion oftne rest. The gentleman in referring to the excess of inupor ifims from England into Cuba overtbose from :'V- United States, says, that “England stands ou no more lavored looting in reference to tbe commercial regulations of Cuba than the United Sihtes, except her freedom from our own enactments.” It is my misfortune to dif fer from th» honorable gentleman in his conclu sion* on thi* subject. I deny that such is the cate at tbit time, or that such hs>s ever been the case, unless, indeed, during a time of war be tween Spain and England. France and Eng land, and «vwy country that has a merchant ma rine, enjoy commercial privileges which are de nied to the United States, and are exempt from restrictions which are imposed upon us. Jfjbjsy#.4»relully examined official documents giving the amount of imports and exports to and from (.’aba and the United States lor a num ber of yrais past, and a rigid analysis of the several articles of merchandise which have con stituted the totals of the trade between the two countries, and the duties to which our exports to Cuba are subject, gives as a result the aver age amount of duties paid by England and the United States, respectively, on their chief pro- ; ducts exported to that island. These calculations, which I have carefully examined, give ■ as a result an average duty of forty eight and a half per cent, on the chief prodiiots of the United States exported to Cuba, against twelve per cent, charged upon the prodnrt* of England. But, as the documents which I have consulted may not be accessible to tbe honorable gentleman. I will again trespass on die |>atieiice o! the committee by referring to th» tables from which I have derived my con clusion : Dutitsin Cuba on articles supplied by the United States. . | Duty. Beefier barrel, valued at. .. I $6 00 $3 14 Pork. do j 8 00 4 89 Cod *u, jjcr 101 i pounds....! 2 37$ 90 Ustni, do. dc t 9 00 S 14 Lard, do. do I 7 00 4 19 Butter, do. do 20 00 4 90 Candles, tallow 11 00 4 2u Candle-, sperm 35 00 8 96 Flcor, per barrel, 6 00 10 00 Oil Se- gos j 40 161 :r ■r i<llas, T eacb 10 00 7 00 .rT and pitch, per barrel.... 1 75 84 Ccachos, each 400 00 260 00 Gigs, each 150 00 150 00 Lumber, per 1.000 feet 10 00 5 60 Hoops, per thousand 25 00 8 39 Shooks A heads for hhds.,each 1 00 28 Ale and cider, per doz. bottles 176 j 1 19 Chairs, eane bottom, per do* 12 00 i 10 82 Chairs, wooden, d 0...,! 600 i 700 Nails, per pounds..! 600 \ 29C Beans, do 1 175 ! 104 Load, in sheets-, do 575 ! IC9 Salt, do j 50 | 125 Castile soap do . 14 75 3 79 Indian corn, per barrel 220 I 126 Indian meal, do 33a I 147 Making a total value of $766 34, and of duty in Cuba $517, and giving an average duty of forty eight and one-half per cent. We will now institute a similar analysis of the articles usually supplied by England, directly I or indirectly, and of the duties thereon in Cuba : Articles. ; (Duty Broadcloth^,superfine,one and-a-halfj yards wide, first and second class, i per yard .<ss 00 ]SO 70 Oce-and-a-half yard wide, third class,) per yard... j 3 00 49 Ordinary do , per yard | 1 25 26 Silk cloth, per yard | 75 14 Muslin, wide or narrow, plain or fig'd por yard ( 1 75 17 Table knives and forks, with pearl,) ivory, tortoise-shell,’or plated ban I dies, per doien 10 00 84 Do-, common, per dozen ...j 3 00 37 Making a total vaTtie in England of 824 75, and $2 97 of duties in Cuba, and giving an av erage duty of twelve per cent, nearly. These articles are given at the market prices when the report from which I have taken them was pre pared, and exhibited, in the opinion of tie State Department, a lair statement of the average rates of duty on all similar articles. But perhaps the gentleman from South Caro lina may contend that the restrictions of 1842 have yielded to a more liberal policy in 1855 Quite the contrary, sir. Instead of any relax ation of these onerous and insulting discrimina tions in favor of England, and against the United States, the present imposts on our com rr.e^ss-ire even more unjust and oppressive, and the existing fiscal regulations in the different ports of Cuba more stiingent and prohibitory. This proposition I can demonstrate in a few words. The average of imports to Cuba for three years, 1848, 1849, and 1850, was : flour, 234,264 barrels; lard, 10,168,595 pounds ; olive oil, 8,451,900 gallons ; beef, dry and wet, 502,- 825 pounds; pork, dry and wet, 1,434,778 pounds ; jerked beef, 30,556,950 pounds; hams, 2,047.406 pounds; butter, 685,349 pounds. Let us now see whence the above articles were imported, and at what rate of duty : From United States. Duty. Flour, 5 642 barrels $lO 81 per barrel. Lard, 10.193,370 pounds 4 30 pr 101 j lb. Olivo oil 2 87 do Beef, 359,161 pounds ] 75 do Pork, 1,322,655 pounds 2 86 do Jerked beef 1 96 do Hams, 1,228,441 pounds 3 58 do Butter, 619,107 pounds 4 77 do From other places. Duty. Flour, 223.002 barrls $2 52 per barrel. Lard, 721,225 pounds 4 30 pr 101 J lb. Olive oil, 8 451,9000 pounds.... 57 do Beef, 143.664 pounds 1 75 do Pork, 112,123 pounds 2 16 do Jorkod beef, 30,566,990 pounds. 1 17 do Hams, 818 963 pounds 3 58 do Butter, 66,252 pounds 4 77 do I am indebted to the same distinguished au thority referred to at the commencement of re marks, for these tables ; anil so unanswerable ) are the views which the writer takes of this : whole subject, and so diametrically opposed are they to those of the honorable gentleman from | South Carolina, that I cannot forbear quoting another passage from the able article already ad verted to. , 'V Here we find that unequal fiscal iaipcsition , chaugu the natural current of trade; and that VOL. 34- NEW SERIES—VOL.—IO—NO. 6 flour, instead of being brought from the cheapest market in the world, is sought on the other side of the Atlantic; that olive oil cf the most inferior quality is enabled to compete largely with lard for domestic purposes; and that of 34,681,959 pounds of meats consumed, only 2,890,259 pounds, or a fraction over eight per cent, is imported from the United States. Butter and pork, being subject to an equality of fiscal exactions, arc imported to the extent of more than ninety per cent, from this oountry.” And in the face of such facts and figures as these, the honorable gentleman gravely tells this committee and the country, that we are on “an equal footing” with England in our commercial intercourse with the island of Cuba. I fear but few will think as he does on this subject; I am sure my constituents will not. If, however, the honorable gentleman should still continue to be skeptical on this point, I would commend to his careful perusal a most interesting document, which emanated from tbe Spanish court at Ma drid, in the year 1839, and dignified with the high-sounding title of a royal decree. The mor ceau of diplomatic civility towards the United States bears date 19th January, 1839, and a very briel will suffice to portray the spirit of the wi, Be . “It is particularly recommended to the gover nors of the American colonies (to be by them com municated to the subordinate authorities) to treat the subjects of the English and French nations with all the consideration which maybe compati ble with national decorum, procuring, before pro ceeding against one of the subjects of those nation’, convincing proof of their guilt, and the degree thereof; always avoiding measures which may call for [indemnity of damages; for needing in the pre sent critical state of aflairstho powerful aid of both these nations, it is just to accord them every con sideration. The authorities are held strictly re sponsible for the fulfilment of this order.” Will the gentleman from South Carolina point to any incident, any expression of good will, similar to this, in the entire history of our re lations with Spain ? Think you, sir, if the gal lant Crittenden, and his brave compatriots, could have relerred the Butcher Concha to such »a document in favor of the United States, that their blood would have deluged the streets of Havana, and their bodies have been mutilated and mangled by a brutal and ferocious soldiery ? No, sir; the miscreants who acted as Concha’s executioners on that revolting occasion would never have satiated their demoniac thirst lor the blood ot American citizens—‘ the authorities would see to the fulfillment of the order.'” There are many other points in the gentle man’s speech which I would desire to notice, did time permit. I will leave them to others, who, no doubt, will do them ample justice. My main object in taking the floor is accomplished. I desired only to afford the gentleman from South Carolina an opportunity of revising his facts, and of procuring some more reliable au thorities than those from which he derived im pressions so manifestly at war with the realities of the past twenty-five years. At the opening of my remarks, I said that the acquisition of Cuba by the United States was demanded alike by our national honor and our national safety. I need not, at this day. reca pitulate the grievances and the acts of official tyranny to which our citizens visiting Havana have been so long and so repeatedly subjected. I have been informed that the documents setting foiih these outrages, now on file in the appro priate department of onr government, would, of themselves, make up a volume. No reparation has yet been made, no apology offered, no in gover,. .ien- proposes to a.font, inView o t this state of things. Should our lain minister to Madrid, now on his return home, inform the country, as he doubtless wiii, that Spain obsti nately refuses to accord any satisfactory repara tion lor the wrongs inflicted on our commerce, and the indignities offered to our flag by Spanish minions in Cuba; that the cabinet at Madrid hurls defiance at our government, and haughtily plants itself upon the declaration of Lord Claren don, that the recent treaty between England and France looked beyond the Eastern conti nent; what, it may be asked, under such cir cumstances, will be the course of the govern ment of the United States? I, sir, have too much confidence in the zealous and patriotic so licitude of President Pierce, in everything that can affect our honor abroad or our interest at home, to entertain, much less express, any doubts on this subject. There is only oie fear that gives me uneasiness; and that is, that our ardent and patriotic young men of the South— animated by those noble and chivalrous impul ses which ever lead them to succor the oppress ed, and justified by the unredressed insults which vve have so long borne with a degree of forbearance almost amounting to dishonor—may not longer brook the tardiness of diplomatic torms, but, seizing upon the first, favorable mo ment, anticipate what, sooner or later, must in evitably be the course—the only course—which our government can adopt. We cannot, as a nation, if we desire to command the respect of the world, submit much longer to Cuban inso' lence. It is needless fer gentlemen to say that Eng land has no motive or desire to interfere in our diplomatic relations with the government of Spain. She has every motive that national sel fishness and commercial rivalry can inspire. She looks forward to the day when that island, under the policy which she has long been dictating to the Spanish court, Ehall become thoroughly Africanized; and well she knows how disastrous, how fatal to the interests and institutions of the South, such a condition of things would inevitably prove to he. She knows, also, the value, commercially, of such an acquisition to our southern territory. She is not ignorant of its importance to us in a milita ry point of view, and hence her fears, and her jealousies, and her ha!(-concealed hostility to the American Union, and tier underground diploma cy with the cabinet of Spain. England knows what nature, and nature’s God, has done for that western Eden. Rich in all the varied prodnc- I tions which spring forth sp»ntaneously from her soil—salubrious in climate—exhaustless in her natural resources—she needs but the influence of American institutions, and the progressive spirit of American enterprise, to raise her to a condition that would challenge the admiration of the world. Under herpiesent rotten and despotic system of government—her industry paralyzed, her spirit galled and broken, her sons enslaved, and her soil neglected—it is almost in ciedible that she could retain even a brea’h of commercial vitality. And yet her commerce, j restricted and fettered as it is, exhibits annual j rehirns perfectly astounding. In 1851 her imports amounted to $32,311,430, and her exports to s3l 341.683 In 1802 her imports reached the sum of $29,780 242, and her j exports $27,453 936; and in 1853 she imported j merchandise to the amount of $27,789 SOO. j while her exports reached as high as $31,210,- 405. Os this latter sum the products of the island covered $30,328 320. The remaining $882,084 was the amount of foreign products exported during that year. Figures would fail to calculate the commercial greatness of that island, if she could only take her rank in this j great confederacy of States. Nature has stamp- i ed upon her soil her long neglected claim to this i proud distinction, and the hour is hastening 1 when that claim must be recognised. The per- i fid vof her rulers, the duplicity of their advisers, ( and in the patriotic and eloquent language cf 1 President Pierce, in his inaugural address, when ; ' restoring to this subject, “the preservation of the j n - -its of commerce and the peace of the world” I ( demand that no more time ;aa!i Le lost in use- 1 1 less diplomacy, or in fruitless efforts to vindicate our rights. . Sir, I am opposed to any further half-way measures. Tb" repeal of the neutrality laws would, in my judgment, belong to such a cate gory. The effect of such a measure would be to stimulate and legalize the spirit of filibuster ism, and bring, perhaps, merited rebuke upon our government. Our true course—indeed, the only course we can adopt consistently with our professions, and creditably to our government, is to send a sufficient naval force to the island of Cuba, blockade her ports, take possession of her territory in the name of justice, and hold on to it in the name of freedom. Providence will do the rest. I am willing to trust to its wise and beneficent dispensations. Then, sir, will Cuba become what God designed she should be—ty ranny, oppression, the lash, the dungeon, and the horrible garrote will disappear, and peace, prosperity, tbe arts of civilized life, education, public virtue, and universal happiness, shall smile and reign throughout that Heaven-favored isle. In the language of one of her own gifted and patriotic sous, “ Cuba will then find peace and consolation, strength acfl protection, justice and freedom, and. resting upon these solid foun dations, will, a short time, exhibit to the vvorld the portenTions spectacle of a people risieg from the most profaned degradation, and pass ing, with the rapidity of the lightning’s flash, lo the highest point of greatness. From the Savannah Georgian, Extra. Destructive Conflagration. We are indebted to the attention of onr friend P. C. Pendleton, Esq., Editor of the Central Georgian, for the following letter giving the particulars of a destructive conflagration which occurred in Sandersville, Washington county, yesterday, (Saturday,) afternoon. Ali the buildings in the vicinity of the public square, including the Court House, the Hotel and the County Jail, the Masonic and Odd Fellows Hall, Knights of Jericho, all csnsumed. County records were burned. The Post Office, which was kept in the Court House building, is not mentioned. In addition to the insurance mentioned by- Mr. Pendleton, we learn that the Messrs. Z. & J. Brantley were insured. Correspondence of' the Savannah Georgian. Sandersvii.le, half past five, P. M. ,24th. My Dear Punch: —We have just been visited by an awful conflagration. At aboutjone o’clock to-day, a fire broke out in the wood-shop ol Mr. Renfroe, in the Western edge of the town. A high wind prevailing from the West. It thence communicated with the house and caniage-shop of Mr. Renfroe, thence to the dwellings of Mrs. Skrene, Maj. Brookins, Mr. Cartel, the store of Lazar.on & Newman, the dwelling of General Warthen, the store of Haines & Bro.,the store of Brown and Webster, ol Z. Brantly, of J. T. Youngblood & Co., and the dwelling of Dr. Haines, on that side of the street. It crossed the stieet near the commencement of the fire, burning the dwellings of Mrs. Ains worth and Capt. Long. The Court House was also consunged, together with the County Re cords, save .part of those of the Ordinary and In ferior CoufjL. Major Brookins, notwithslanding his house was on tire, saved the greater part of the Ordinary’s papers and recoi ls. I endeavored to save the Records in the Cfeik’s office of the Inferior Court, removing them to one printing office, thinking that that, might es capeJsut it was with all ojr ptinVmg wmm> Urn* tlM#*..—**>.».. 4>u: uincy w** ill in*3 L'UiJJjHg OWUtM kp, tn Ptv*? orde,.», Masons, Odd Fellows arid Knights of Jericho. Not a vestage of their records saved. The fire then communicated to the dwellings o. Newman, Mr. Z. Brantley, and Mr. T. A. Wick er, consuming everything. On the other side o; the square, the Jail, the Hotel owned by Mr. J. Brantley, the store of Ainsworth, A. Sieger, Drug store of Mr. Kinchley, all consumed. On the east side of the square the store 01 Mr. Gray, of Harris & Wicker, of Mr. Noithington, the dwelling of Mr. Pournell, all consumed. Not one dwelling left upon the square. On the stieet leaving the town on the north side, the dwellings of Messrs. Harris, Gen Jernigan and his son, and the dwelling sos major Bangs, all consumed, together with all the out houses.— Very few goods were saved. Corn, Bacon, and provisions to a large amount were burnt. Many families, who were possessed of a competence, have lost all. Ruin, direful and sudden, has failed upon'he town. I have often remembered with pleasure, the ready promptness of thecilizcnsof our town, in responding to a liberal amount to your city in her hour of need. It is impossible to form any estimate of the losses at this time. The sufferers have not them selves as yet realised the extent ot their own losses. Many must suffer, and suffer seriously, until some relief is had, other than they them selves command. Many are left with but little else than the clothes they wear. We have not a store of any description left within the place. It will be sometime, if at all belore we can issue the “Georgian” again. I hope our exchange will continue their favors for a time at least. ■Some insurance on the goods of Sargaron & Newman Brown & Webster. J. T. Youngblood & Co, and upon the dwelling of J. A, Wicker, and some others perhaps, though I do not know particulars. And all I believe in onr office.— Tbe Insurance Company at Athens—precise name not recollected. Our schools will proba bly be broken up for a time at least. Our Aca damies will be needed to house the homeless.— Such ruin, distress, loss, I have never witnessed. The whole was consumed in about two hours, I believe no lives were lost, though some were in imminent peril. The house of Dr. Turner was saved by great exertion, chiefly by tbe daring and unceasing efforts ot Mr. Tebean and Mr. Brady. The houses of Major Brantley, Dr. Williamson, Ma jor Hedges and Mr. Mill sescaped very narrowly. Yours in haste, I‘. C.,Pendleton. This deplorable calamity will fall heavily up on the people of Sandersville. The best portion of one of most pleasant, beautiful, and thriving villages in the State has been reduced to ashes. We cannot doubt that the people of Savannah, ever prompt as they are to reciprocate acts ot generosity, will take immediate measures to ex tend to the sufferers of Sandersville a helping hand. | We deeply sympathise with our cotemporary jof the Central Georgian, in the misfortune j which has temporarily interrupted the publico- I tion of his excellent paper. Our Last Consular Difficulty in Cubi. !—A correspondent writing from Havana, gives the following aecountof otir last difficulty with the Cuban authorities, referred to in our tele graphic dispatch, a few day ago : The day before yesterday, Mr. Thompson the United States commercial agent at Sagua I.a Grande, was biought to this city a prisoner, he having refused to take down the arms of the United States from his office when directed to do so. He came to the United States Consulate, and went, accompanied by the action United States Consul, before the Captain-General, who set him a s liberty upon parole, to appear when called upon to be examined belore some of the tribunals in this city. The United States arms were, I understand, taken down from Mr. Thompson’s office by the authouties at Sagua.— Comment from me upon these atrocities cannot he requisite.