Weekly Georgia constitutionalist and republic. (Augusta, Ga.) 1851-185?, March 28, 1855, Image 1
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BY JAMES GARDNER.
Speech of Bon. E. W. Chastian.of Georgia.
On the jicyuisation of Cuba, in reply to the Speech
of Mr. Boyce , of South Carolina: delivered in
thtHouuof Representatives, Feb. 17, 1855.
The House being in Committee of the Whole
on the state of the Union—
Mr. Chastain said :
Mr. Chairman : Were I to consult my own
elings, I would allow the remainder of the
session to pass without taking any further pait
sn its proceedings than answering to my name,
•"wd recording my vote on such questions as may
coni'- before the House, convinced, as I have
long been, tb*t the greatest obstacle to legisla
te action, and, consequently, the most com
mon. subject of well-founded complaint, on the
/•art of our respective constituencies, is our in
veterate pronenesa to oratorical display.
It has ever been ray habit to act promptly—
.’ay, boldly—when myjudgrneit has been form
ed, .tnd my course decided ; to nalt at no stop
.ling-places ; to lose no time in useless parade
, nor delay my purpose by ostentatious harangues
either in laudation of my wisdom or explana
tion of my course. Action* sir, is my principle,
and I have ever been willing to permit ‘has
action to speak.lur,iii»*u. —I «««.—■ -i—; trrmri
myself, to my c aisfctu/j.ts, u lue SoUu, and to
the country, demand that I should trespass, for a
levy moments, ou the patience of the House,
whilst I protest, in the most emphatic manner,
against the propositions submitted to this House,
a lew days since, by the honorable member from
Son h Carolina (Mr. Boyce.) in reference to our
present and prospective relations with Spain and
the Island of Cuba. No gentleman in this
House, or out of it, is more willing than 1 am to
acknowledge the abilities and the patriotism of
the honorable member from South Carolina.
That he should labor under what I conceive to
l so extraordinary a hallucination —extraordi-
nary, because the gentleman represents, in part,
a gallant State, that has ever been foremost in
defence of southern interests—is to rny mind a
political paradox of ominous import It can on
ly be accounted for by analyzing the tacts and
‘he data upon which the gentleman’s speech is
predicated. If we find that these facts and these
data are incorrect, that the honorable gentleman
has been misled by the authorities on which he
relied, we can easily find a solution of what
’-vouid otherwise appear strange, even inexplica- j
b!“. in view of the section of country which
the honorable gentleman so ably represents, and
the subject which formed the theme of his elo
quent remarks.
I propose, then, sir, to follow the course of
argument adopted by the gentleman from South
Carolina. 1 shall e.ideavor to show that national
honor, as well as national necessity, imperative
ly demand a prompt, definitive, and satisfac
tory settlement of the long-standing grievances
and multiplied and accumulated outrages which
we have experienced at the hands of Spanish
officials, and which we have already permitted
r *o remain too long unredressed and unpunished,
■'ll caf-wntional honor and our commercial rights
ere iepresented by every flag that floats in the
tireeze from the mast-head of an American ship,
no matter in what sea she may be found, or in
what port she may choose to anchor. Insult
that flag, and you iusult the whole American
people ; you rouse a feeling throughout the
length and breadth of the land which nothing
can appease short of full, honorable, satisfactory
and prompt reparation. But we will come to
this point presently.
Th . honorable gentleman charges, at the out- j
’* ,ai extern : ->n, -.../tasupport this charge we are
Told that the people upon the northern frontier
iook with deep feeling to the annexation of' the
British provinces of North America. That, sir,
.s a question which these provinces must decide
for themselves—one with which this country
at this time has nothing whatever to do. When
tnese provinces present themselves at the doors
of Congress, asking for admission into our Con
federacy of States, clothed with the attributes of
sovereignty, and capable of treating on subjects
or such grave fmportar.ee, should I occupy a seat
in this House. I shall act, 1 trust, as becomes an
-neri"*n legislator, and as a member of the j
it,Aat democratic party of this nation. 1 shall j
be ready to extend the hand of friendship to every I
TO»n who has passed through the liery ordeal of
oppression, and may Jdesire to worship at the
same altar of liberty with myself. I care not
under what sun he may have been born—l shall
ask not what tongue he speaks—it his heart
throbs for liberty, and he is worthy to enjoy it,
i can greet him as a friend, and receive him as a
brother.
But, sir, it may be owing to my obliquity of
j idgment, or to some obtuseness of comprehen
sion, but I confess that I am unable to discover
tne slightest analogy between the relative posi
tions of Canada and Cuba towards the United
States. When, sir, I would ask the gentleman
from South Carolina, has our Hag been iusulfed
with impunity by the authorities ol the North
American provinces, our citizens immured in
subterranean dungeons ; despoiled ol their pro
* perty ; shot down and publicly bu'chered by a
brutal and ferocious soldiery,without trial, with-
I | out a defence, without a hearing, contrary to
every principle of .nternational law, and in the
* vary teeth of existing treaty stipulations. Tell
_ -\e, sir, that these outrages have been perpetra
ted by British officials in North America ; that
our commerce ha 9 been crippled and paralyzed
by odious exactions and onerous imjiosts, and
that the very name of American, the proudest
that man ever bore, is with them a by-word of
ir.sult and contumely; show me «hen these
tilings, and such as these, can be charged by our
«L government upon the British authorities in the
North American provinces, and I am ready to
vote the ln«‘ dollar in the treasury to blockade
their ports, take possession ol their territory, and
hold it as an indemnification tor the past, and a
pledge for their good behavior in the future.
Gentlemen may talk of the evils of extension,
and preach didactic homilies to this House on
the divine aumnites of acquiescence and sub
mission under insult and injury ; but our honor
as a sovereign and independent nation raises
above all such considerations, and demands that
neither should be imperilled by cowardly sub
mission to wrong, or groundless apprehensions
at dangers that have no real existence.
The whole argument of the honorable gentle
man in reference to the dangers to be appieben
ded f;om territorial extension, however sound
.. may be on general principles, or however ap
plicable under different forms of government from
ours, has no relevancy, in rny humble judgment,
to our present position with respect to Cuba. I
trust, sir, that lam as free from the spirit of liii
postering as the gentleman from South Carolina.
I am willing and ready to go as far as he who
g'-e° farthest in observing faithfully all our treaty
stipulations—not only with Spain, but with all
nations, if the inhabitants of Cuba are groan
ing under the wtlght of oppressive laws, and
writhing under the lash of heartless despots,
they have, in our own history, an example of
what the ‘Tmco.iqueiable will,” the fixed resolve
to die as freemen rather than live as slaves, can
accomplish, if they shWild strike for freedom
and wrest the sceptre from the tyrant’s grasp.
Fn such a contest, it is true, they would have all
the sympathies of my soul, and I doubt not, that
many of our more ardent and patriotic young
cour.tymen would be found fighting, side by .side,
with the Cuban patriot, willing to share With
him all the disasters and the perils the occasion
might bring forth. But as a nation we would
nave no rigfit to interfere ; we could do no rnoie .
than wc did on similar occasions—be the first to ■
« ’ki.o ige tue inder>. ence of their country, i
so soon as that independence shall he fairly won.
Should such ever be the condition of things in
Cuba ; should her patriot sons ever rise in their
strength and crush the tyrant power that has so
long enslaved them, and then formally apply to
be received into our confederacy, the time will
have arrived tor the genMeman from South Caro
lina, should he occupy a seat on this floor, to ex
patiate on the evils of,territorial extension, and
calculate, with such mathematical precision, the
number ol human beings that can comfortably
subsist upon an acre of ground.
But, sir, let os suppose that Cuba has throw n
off tf.e Spanish yoke, established her indepen
dence, and asked to be admitted into the Ameri
can Union. The honorable member meets the
application with an objection on which he
seemed to lay much stress—namely, that the
admission of Cuba would paralyze the vast slave
interests at the South engaged in raising sugar.
This, sir, is a fallacy, and, I regret to add, a some
what popular otie. The sugar-growing region
of the South, and the slave interest engaged in
that pursuit, would be immeasurably benefited
by such an acquisition. Such, at least, is the
opinion of those who have examined this sub
ject carefully and practically: whose opportu*»i
4ftwe-sjijTftpg correct im'ormilTrc.V.Tiave been
ample, and whose interests, and feelings, and
sympathies are all idenified with the sugar-grow
ing* interests of Louisiana. I will quote from
an article on this subject which appeared in De
Bow’s Review for July. 1854, from the pen ol
one of the most accomplished and patriotic of
Louisiana’s sons;
“The establishment of a free government in Cuba
could not produce any immediate prejudice to the
sugar-planting interests of Louisiana, for it would
not dißturb in any way the fiscal protection which
the present tariff extends to it. It is the subsequent
admission of that island as one of the States of this
Union which is supposed to nurture disaster and
ruin for the sugar planters of Louisiana.” * * *
“But Ido not entertain the belief that this event
is pregnant with ruin, or even with injury to the
sugar-planting interests of this State; and to such
as suppose that such a result would follow the ad
mission of Cuba into the Uniorl, I would suggest
the following reflections;
“The product of sugar to the acre in Cuba dis
fors very slightly from that in Louisiana, while the
difference in the amount produced per hand is even
less than the difference of product to the aore, and
is probably in tavor of the Louisiana planter, from
| his improved system of culture, and better care
and feeding of his hands.
j “The great elements of the loss cost of produc
! tion of sugar in Cuba than in this country consist
i in the raperior cheapness of labor and the lower
i value of land there. The average value of field
hands in Cuba is SSOO, while in Louisiana their
value is $1,200; and the mean value ot land is well
known to be far less than here. In these great items
consist almost the entire advantage which the
planter of Cuba possesses over him of Louisiana.
In other respects ho labors under disadvantages;
for instance, the cost of his supplies, which is
greater from his greater distance from their place
of production.
“The first great result of the establishment of a
freo government in Cuba, or of its admission to this
confederacy, would be the immediate cessation of
the A rican slave trade, and the appreciation in
value of tbo slaves there, consequent upon the cut
ting off of this source ot cheap supply Next in the
scale of economic results attending the admission
of Cuba to the Union would be the equalization of
: the value of slaves. They could not remain at an
j average vaiuo of SSOO there, while they bore that
i »f $1,200 in Louisiana, and freedom o; intercourse
| between the two countries existed. Such i.n
equalization in the value of labor In this country
' and in Cuba would contribute in a, greet degree to
Louisian-.*, in the /tact proportion *T its effect’
upon the vaiuo of labor respectively. * * * *
“The increase in the cost of production of this
staple in Cuba would afford a far more permanent
and efticient protection to the sugar-planter of
Lou’siana than the present fiscal impost upon sugar;
while, so long as Cuba is enabled to produce it at
less cost than Louisiana, and the desire in the
North to obtain cheap sugar exists, the danger to
the sugar planting interest in this country will not
only remain, but continue to incroase. , ’
Such, Mr. Chairman, are the well-digested
views of a citizen of Louisiana, long a resident
ol Cuba, familiar with the subject in all its bear
i ings; and, one should suppose, as keenly alive to
j all that can affect the prosperity and interests of
| his native State as the gentleman from South
j Carolina.
Bu% sir, so far from paralyzing, or even in
juriously affecting, the sugar-growing interests
of Louisiana, f think I can demonstrate that the
admission o! Cuba into our Union will prove the
best, and, perhaps, the only measure that will
conier stability upon the culture of the sugar- .
cane in that State, and promote the permanent t
welfare of its planting interests.
We have had official information that tbe
Spanish government, instigated, beyond all ra
tional doubt, by British diplomacy, have, during
the past few years, been devising every imagi
nable scheme to increase the supply of labor in
the Island of Cuba at every hazard. European,
j Indian, and Asiatic laborers have, from time to
j time, been introduced to that end, and the an
j thorities ol the Island have even officially de
clared that if the planters of the Island will sus-
I tain them in the measure, they will introduce in
' one year one hundred thousand negroes, who
shall be apprenticed out, as the wants of the
planters may require, for a series of years, and
jat prices merely nominal. In the mean time
; every encouragement is given to the slave trade,
and here I would take occasion to thank the
honorable gentleman for his admission that, not
withstanding the treaty of 1817 between En
gland anJ Spain, Africans in vast numbers have
been imported into Cuba. Yes,sir, they have been
; imported into Cuba; they are at this day im
j )Knted, and they will continue to be imported—
j for it is the secret and settled policy of Spain to
i cheapen labor in Cuba as much as possible—
until that Providence which watches over the
destinies of men, and of nations, shall interpose
the stars and stripes of our Union to put a stop
to this nefarious traffic.
But to return. Let us suppose this policy to
be successful, and the cost of labor to be reduced
by it to S2OO per hand, (and this is the ultima
; turn fixed upon by the Spanish officials in Cuba.)
what protection will thirty per cent, the present
duty on sugar, under the tariff actol 1546, afford
i the Louisiana planter against the almost costless
j sugar of Cuba? The writer, whose able reflec
: tions on this subject I have cited, justly and
j truly remarks that, under such a condition of
things, “ffve years of such competition would
j suffice to ruin every sugar-planter in the State
of Louisiana.” ‘They would,” he continues,
, “follow the coffee-planters of Cuba in poverty j
to the grave.” The gentleman from South ,
Carolina may, therefore, dismiss all fears as * >s- I
pects the sugar-planting interests of Louisian-.
If he has at heart, as I am sure he has, the true j
welfare and interest ol that State, he will never j
have abetter opportunity than now to convince
i the woi Id of that fact. Let him lend his power
j tul influence and exert his superior talents in
i facilitating, in every honorable way, the ac
• quisition of Cuba, and annexing it to thisUnian,
j and be wiil contribute in making his country
! the great sugar market of the world: Louisiana
a* Cuba, as neighboring and sister States, en
i couraging and stimulation" each other in tbe j
arts of commerce and industrial progress, and '
both fulfilling their high destiny as two of the i
b: isghtest stars in our galaxy of States.
There was one portion of the speech of the j
: gentleman from South Carolina, to which, I
must confess, I listened with mingled emotions j
of surprise and regret. I cannot beii ve that the I
j gentleman designed to reflect upon cur govern
ment because it has been compelled, in «rd;-
i defence, to adopt a retaliatory policy with re- .
AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 28, 1855.
spect to Spanish vessels entering the ports of
the United States. But tbe language used by
the honorable gentleman admits, in rny humble
opinion, of no other construction. I quote from
the speech, as printed in the Globe, of this city.
In referring to the onerous and discriminating
regulations which prevail in Cuba against the
commerce of the United States, tbe gentleman
holds the following language :
“Under the influence of our acts of 1832 and
1834, the imports into Cuba, in Spanish vessels,
from the United States, amounted, in 1849, to on
ly SII,OOO, whereas the imports from England for
tbe same period, iD Spanish vessels, amounted to
$4,345,300. That this striking difference is mainly
attributable to our own regulations is obvious
from the fact that England stands on no more fa
vored footing in reference to the commercial regu
lations of Cuba thaD the United States, except her
freedom from our own enactments.”
Here it is distinctly charged that the.discrimi‘-J
nations and restrictions with which ou/com
merce has so long been lettered in Cuban ports j
are attributable to our own reg**l*‘ions. Sure- !
ly, ii this assertion can be borne ou* by facts, j
our government must have been Strangely in- j
fatuatc-d, if not culpably reckless, in stl-.-bnp.a ■
. *t-i —of noTicy so dijnstrous t» ti e Mii-Xt.Jki
interests ol the “ hole couutry, and particularly
of the South.
But let us examine this question. What, I
would ask the gentleman from South Carolina,
was toe condition of our commercial relations
Spain and her colonies prior to 1832?
Were not our vessels virtually driven from their
ports by unjust and prohibitory discriminating
duties? It the gentleman from South Carolina
will take the trouble to examine tbe documents
now on file in this House, he will find that such
was the case; and 1 would esrecially refer him
to House document No. 163, Twenty-seven*h
Congress, second session. This document will
inform him that our own regulations, so far from
being aggressive, were forced upon our govern
ment as a measure of self-defence, and proved
to be the means of compelling Spain to abolish
her prohibitory policy as respects the United
States. On page 19 of this document tbe gen
tleman will find that there is a wide difference
of opinion between himself and the Department
of State from which that document emanated,
with respect both to the policy and effect of these
| regulations. If the gentleman should not be able
; to put his hands on this document, I will quote
a lew lines from it for his espeeial benefit:
“ The tonnage duties upon vessels of the United
States, formerly enormous, were, in 1832. under
the action of countervailing duties, reduced to five
cents per ton—the same which Spanish vessels
pay in ports of the United States.”
And on page 20 he will find another illustra
\ tion of this policy, if not a justification eben of
rrieasu es more rigorous than those adopted by
our government in 1832 and 1834 i
“ One important restriction is imposed on ves
sels of the United States, to which English,French,
and Banish vessels are not subject, viz: Maste.s
of United States vessels are not permitted to make
post-entries on their manifests, should the cargo
actually on board excerd. from any chance, the
amount expressed. This is not only derogatory to
the United States in a national sense, but is inju
rious to the interest of the merchant, any excess in
the cargo over the manifest, from whatever eause
arising, being liable to confiscation.”
If, under such circumstances as these—and I
have adverted to but few of the restrictions
placed upon our commerce by the Spanish gov
ernment—Congress should have deemed it to be
its duty to devise some means for the protection
insult, the motives *V that body sh.wid at It-Tr i
be understood '<efore its action is so severely ,
criticised. Would the gentleman submit to such
unequal terms in his own individual dealings
with his lellow-man, in whom he recognised no
title ol superiority, and no claim to his submis
sion ?
But I can best illustrate the necessity which
dictated the acts of 1832 and 1834, by relerring
to an actual case ot shipment of merchandise
from New Orleans to Havana, under the restric
tive policy, which, to this day, with scarcely any
diminution of its hardships upon our merchants,
characterizes the government ot Cuba with re
spect to our commerce. In the month ot No
vember, 1841. a vessel ot the United States, re
gistered one hundred and forty tons, entered the
port of Havana with the following man:lest o!
cargo, shipped at New Orleans : 650 barrels ot
flour, 28,292, pounds of lard. 8,400 pounds of
hams, and 1 sola.
Estimated cost of cargo in New Orleans •
65 i barrels of Hoar, at $0 per barrel, : $3,900 09
1 25.292 pounds lard, at 6 cts. per pound, 1,697 52
8.400 pounds hams, at 6 cts. per pound, 504 00
1 sola, : : : ; : : 20 00
Total : ; : ; 6,121 52
Value of cargo in Havana;
650 barrels of flour, at sls per barrel, : $9,750 00
' 28,292 lbs of lard, at 12 cents per lb. 3,396 00
8.400 lbs of hams, at sl4 per 10U lbs. : 1,170 00
1 sofa, ::::::: 35 00
Total : : : : 14,357 00
Import duties paid:
650 barrel of flour, at $lO 10 per bbl. $6 565 00
28,292 lbs of lard, at $4.19 per 100 lbs. 1,185 77
8,400 lbs ofharns, at $3 14 per 100 lbs. 263 76
1 sofa : : : : : : : 14 40
Tonnage dues $1 50 per ton 210 00
Dredging machine duty 211 cts per ton 30 62
Wharf dues for 10 days, at $1.55 per diem 16 50
Total : : : : : 82_88_05
From value of cargo in Havana 14,357 00
Subtract duties and port charges 8,286 05
Net :::::: 6,070 95
From original cost :' : ; 6,121 52
Substracr. net in Havana : 6,070 95
Balance against the cargo 50 57
In reference to the state of things which this
case exhibits, the Department or State very curt
ly observes, “ tbe restriction imposed on the
commerce of tte United States particularly, is a
sagacious policy on the part of those having the
control of Ihe, commercial relations cf those
islands.” A sentence, sir, pregnant with mean
ing.
Sir, if our government, or any government,
should submit to this state of things without an
effort, at least, at retaliation, it would betray a
degree of forbearance or pusillanimity equally
unworthy a people capable ot appreciating their
' rights.
But, sir, let us see what are these regulations
I to which the gentleman from South Carolina as
j cribes our failure to establish reciprocity of com
! merce with the island of Cuba. In the United
i Sta U-o Statutes at Large, vol. iv, j. 579, we find
the act ol 1332, to which the gentleman refer
red. I will read it:
“Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of America in
Congress assembled, That no other or greater duty
<»f tonnage be levied in the ports of the United
l States on vessels owned wholly by subjects of Spain
coming from a port in Spain, than shall, by the
| Sectetary of the Treasury, be ascertained to have
| been paid on American vessels in the ports cf Spain
| previous to the 20th of October, 1817.
“Sec. 2. Spanish colonial vessels to pay the
| same tonnage duty as American vessels in Spanish !
j colonial ports.
j “Si c. 3. Provision in case any foreign nation j
.kculd abolish its discriminating duties on Auieri- !
! aan vessels.”
An lon page 741 of the same volume, we 1
. nave the act ol 1834. This I will also read : j
“Sec. 1. Spanish vessels from Cuba or Porto
Rico tc a tonnage duty equal to disorimina
• uaty on American bottoms.
“Sec. 5, Resolved, ifc, That whenever the
* resident of the United States shall be satisfied
that the discriminating duties in. favor of Spanish
bottoms,levied upon the cargocsof American vessels
in the ports et Cuba and Porto Rico,have been abol
ished, or whenever, in his opinion, a satisfactory ar
rangement upon the subject of said duties shall
been made between the United States and
Spam, the President is hereby authorized to de
clare tho r.mn by proclamation; and thereupon
this act vt,cease to have any further foroe or cf
f«t.”
S;f. botti these acts vindicate themselves, and
'he sound policy which dictated them. They
need 16 explanation or comment at my hands.—
d/lether they are obnoxious to the criticism of
, gentleman from South Carolina, or whether
; t-HsySeiio'd have been designed to produce the es-
IBlbtJrnputed to them, I leave to this House and
. t! J country to decide.
i bed uded to show that the gentleman
j trs alf xT by tbe authorities which he con
j-- ‘wtf,; other errors; but as I have already
! /‘tie committee longer than it is my ha
‘ -veA "ill content myself by selecting ore
'•< _tbos c errors as an iiivbtra'ion oftne rest.
The gentleman in referring to the excess of
inupor ifims from England into Cuba overtbose
from :'V- United States, says, that “England
stands ou no more lavored looting in reference
to tbe commercial regulations of Cuba than the
United Sihtes, except her freedom from our
own enactments.” It is my misfortune to dif
fer from th» honorable gentleman in his conclu
sion* on thi* subject. I deny that such is the
cate at tbit time, or that such hs>s ever been the
case, unless, indeed, during a time of war be
tween Spain and England. France and Eng
land, and «vwy country that has a merchant ma
rine, enjoy commercial privileges which are de
nied to the United States, and are exempt from
restrictions which are imposed upon us.
Jfjbjsy#.4»relully examined official documents
giving the amount of imports and exports to
and from (.’aba and the United States lor a num
ber of yrais past, and a rigid analysis of the
several articles of merchandise which have con
stituted the totals of the trade between the two
countries, and the duties to which our exports
to Cuba are subject, gives as a result the aver
age amount of duties paid by England and the
United States, respectively, on their chief pro- ;
ducts exported to that island. These calculations,
which I have carefully examined, give
■ as a result an average duty of forty
eight and a half per cent, on the chief
prodiiots of the United States exported to
Cuba, against twelve per cent, charged upon the
prodnrt* of England. But, as the documents
which I have consulted may not be accessible to
tbe honorable gentleman. I will again trespass
on die |>atieiice o! the committee by referring
to th» tables from which I have derived my con
clusion :
Dutitsin Cuba on articles supplied by the United
States.
. | Duty.
Beefier barrel, valued at. .. I $6 00 $3 14
Pork. do j 8 00 4 89
Cod *u, jjcr 101 i pounds....! 2 37$ 90
Ustni, do. dc t 9 00 S 14
Lard, do. do I 7 00 4 19
Butter, do. do 20 00 4 90
Candles, tallow 11 00 4 2u
Candle-, sperm 35 00 8 96
Flcor, per barrel, 6 00 10 00
Oil Se- gos j 40 161
:r
■r i<llas, T eacb 10 00 7 00
.rT and pitch, per barrel.... 1 75 84
Ccachos, each 400 00 260 00
Gigs, each 150 00 150 00
Lumber, per 1.000 feet 10 00 5 60
Hoops, per thousand 25 00 8 39
Shooks A heads for hhds.,each 1 00 28
Ale and cider, per doz. bottles 176 j 1 19
Chairs, eane bottom, per do* 12 00 i 10 82
Chairs, wooden, d 0...,! 600 i 700
Nails, per pounds..! 600 \ 29C
Beans, do 1 175 ! 104
Load, in sheets-, do 575 ! IC9
Salt, do j 50 | 125
Castile soap do . 14 75 3 79
Indian corn, per barrel 220 I 126
Indian meal, do 33a I 147
Making a total value of $766 34, and of duty in
Cuba $517, and giving an average duty of forty
eight and one-half per cent.
We will now institute a similar analysis of
the articles usually supplied by England, directly
I or indirectly, and of the duties thereon in Cuba :
Articles. ; (Duty
Broadcloth^,superfine,one and-a-halfj
yards wide, first and second class, i
per yard .<ss 00 ]SO 70
Oce-and-a-half yard wide, third class,)
per yard... j 3 00 49
Ordinary do , per yard | 1 25 26
Silk cloth, per yard | 75 14
Muslin, wide or narrow, plain or fig'd
por yard ( 1 75 17
Table knives and forks, with pearl,)
ivory, tortoise-shell,’or plated ban I
dies, per doien 10 00 84
Do-, common, per dozen ...j 3 00 37
Making a total vaTtie in England of 824 75,
and $2 97 of duties in Cuba, and giving an av
erage duty of twelve per cent, nearly. These
articles are given at the market prices when the
report from which I have taken them was pre
pared, and exhibited, in the opinion of tie State
Department, a lair statement of the average rates
of duty on all similar articles.
But perhaps the gentleman from South Caro
lina may contend that the restrictions of 1842
have yielded to a more liberal policy in 1855
Quite the contrary, sir. Instead of any relax
ation of these onerous and insulting discrimina
tions in favor of England, and against the
United States, the present imposts on our com
rr.e^ss-ire even more unjust and oppressive, and
the existing fiscal regulations in the different
ports of Cuba more stiingent and prohibitory.
This proposition I can demonstrate in a few
words. The average of imports to Cuba for
three years, 1848, 1849, and 1850, was : flour,
234,264 barrels; lard, 10,168,595 pounds ; olive
oil, 8,451,900 gallons ; beef, dry and wet, 502,-
825 pounds; pork, dry and wet, 1,434,778
pounds ; jerked beef, 30,556,950 pounds; hams,
2,047.406 pounds; butter, 685,349 pounds.
Let us now see whence the above articles
were imported, and at what rate of duty :
From United States. Duty.
Flour, 5 642 barrels $lO 81 per barrel.
Lard, 10.193,370 pounds 4 30 pr 101 j lb.
Olivo oil 2 87 do
Beef, 359,161 pounds ] 75 do
Pork, 1,322,655 pounds 2 86 do
Jerked beef 1 96 do
Hams, 1,228,441 pounds 3 58 do
Butter, 619,107 pounds 4 77 do
From other places. Duty.
Flour, 223.002 barrls $2 52 per barrel.
Lard, 721,225 pounds 4 30 pr 101 J lb.
Olive oil, 8 451,9000 pounds.... 57 do
Beef, 143.664 pounds 1 75 do
Pork, 112,123 pounds 2 16 do
Jorkod beef, 30,566,990 pounds. 1 17 do
Hams, 818 963 pounds 3 58 do
Butter, 66,252 pounds 4 77 do
I am indebted to the same distinguished au
thority referred to at the commencement of re
marks, for these tables ; anil so unanswerable
) are the views which the writer takes of this
: whole subject, and so diametrically opposed are
they to those of the honorable gentleman from
| South Carolina, that I cannot forbear quoting
another passage from the able article already ad
verted to.
, 'V Here we find that unequal fiscal iaipcsition
, chaugu the natural current of trade; and that
VOL. 34- NEW SERIES—VOL.—IO—NO. 6
flour, instead of being brought from the cheapest
market in the world, is sought on the other side of
the Atlantic; that olive oil cf the most inferior
quality is enabled to compete largely with lard for
domestic purposes; and that of 34,681,959 pounds
of meats consumed, only 2,890,259 pounds, or a
fraction over eight per cent, is imported from the
United States. Butter and pork, being subject to
an equality of fiscal exactions, arc imported to the
extent of more than ninety per cent, from this
oountry.”
And in the face of such facts and figures as
these, the honorable gentleman gravely tells this
committee and the country, that we are on “an
equal footing” with England in our commercial
intercourse with the island of Cuba. I fear but
few will think as he does on this subject; I am
sure my constituents will not. If, however, the
honorable gentleman should still continue to be
skeptical on this point, I would commend to his
careful perusal a most interesting document,
which emanated from tbe Spanish court at Ma
drid, in the year 1839, and dignified with the
high-sounding title of a royal decree. The mor
ceau of diplomatic civility towards the United
States bears date 19th January, 1839, and a very
briel will suffice to portray the spirit of
the wi, Be .
“It is particularly recommended to the gover
nors of the American colonies (to be by them com
municated to the subordinate authorities) to treat
the subjects of the English and French nations
with all the consideration which maybe compati
ble with national decorum, procuring, before pro
ceeding against one of the subjects of those nation’,
convincing proof of their guilt, and the degree
thereof; always avoiding measures which may call
for [indemnity of damages; for needing in the pre
sent critical state of aflairstho powerful aid of both
these nations, it is just to accord them every con
sideration. The authorities are held strictly re
sponsible for the fulfilment of this order.”
Will the gentleman from South Carolina point
to any incident, any expression of good will,
similar to this, in the entire history of our re
lations with Spain ? Think you, sir, if the gal
lant Crittenden, and his brave compatriots,
could have relerred the Butcher Concha to such
»a document in favor of the United States, that
their blood would have deluged the streets of
Havana, and their bodies have been mutilated
and mangled by a brutal and ferocious soldiery ?
No, sir; the miscreants who acted as Concha’s
executioners on that revolting occasion would
never have satiated their demoniac thirst lor
the blood ot American citizens—‘ the authorities
would see to the fulfillment of the order.'”
There are many other points in the gentle
man’s speech which I would desire to notice,
did time permit. I will leave them to others,
who, no doubt, will do them ample justice. My
main object in taking the floor is accomplished.
I desired only to afford the gentleman from
South Carolina an opportunity of revising his
facts, and of procuring some more reliable au
thorities than those from which he derived im
pressions so manifestly at war with the realities
of the past twenty-five years.
At the opening of my remarks, I said that the
acquisition of Cuba by the United States was
demanded alike by our national honor and our
national safety. I need not, at this day. reca
pitulate the grievances and the acts of official
tyranny to which our citizens visiting Havana
have been so long and so repeatedly subjected.
I have been informed that the documents setting
foiih these outrages, now on file in the appro
priate department of onr government, would, of
themselves, make up a volume. No reparation
has yet been made, no apology offered, no in
gover,. .ien- proposes to a.font, inView o t this
state of things. Should our lain minister to
Madrid, now on his return home, inform the
country, as he doubtless wiii, that Spain obsti
nately refuses to accord any satisfactory repara
tion lor the wrongs inflicted on our commerce,
and the indignities offered to our flag by Spanish
minions in Cuba; that the cabinet at Madrid
hurls defiance at our government, and haughtily
plants itself upon the declaration of Lord Claren
don, that the recent treaty between England
and France looked beyond the Eastern conti
nent; what, it may be asked, under such cir
cumstances, will be the course of the govern
ment of the United States? I, sir, have too
much confidence in the zealous and patriotic so
licitude of President Pierce, in everything that
can affect our honor abroad or our interest at
home, to entertain, much less express, any
doubts on this subject. There is only oie fear
that gives me uneasiness; and that is, that our
ardent and patriotic young men of the South—
animated by those noble and chivalrous impul
ses which ever lead them to succor the oppress
ed, and justified by the unredressed insults
which vve have so long borne with a degree of
forbearance almost amounting to dishonor—may
not longer brook the tardiness of diplomatic
torms, but, seizing upon the first, favorable mo
ment, anticipate what, sooner or later, must in
evitably be the course—the only course—which
our government can adopt. We cannot, as a
nation, if we desire to command the respect of
the world, submit much longer to Cuban inso'
lence.
It is needless fer gentlemen to say that Eng
land has no motive or desire to interfere in our
diplomatic relations with the government of
Spain. She has every motive that national sel
fishness and commercial rivalry can inspire.
She looks forward to the day when that island,
under the policy which she has long been
dictating to the Spanish court, Ehall become
thoroughly Africanized; and well she knows
how disastrous, how fatal to the interests and
institutions of the South, such a condition of
things would inevitably prove to he. She
knows, also, the value, commercially, of such
an acquisition to our southern territory. She is
not ignorant of its importance to us in a milita
ry point of view, and hence her fears, and her
jealousies, and her ha!(-concealed hostility to the
American Union, and tier underground diploma
cy with the cabinet of Spain. England knows
what nature, and nature’s God, has done for that
western Eden. Rich in all the varied prodnc- I
tions which spring forth sp»ntaneously from her
soil—salubrious in climate—exhaustless in her
natural resources—she needs but the influence
of American institutions, and the progressive
spirit of American enterprise, to raise her to a
condition that would challenge the admiration
of the world. Under herpiesent rotten and
despotic system of government—her industry
paralyzed, her spirit galled and broken, her sons
enslaved, and her soil neglected—it is almost in
ciedible that she could retain even a brea’h of
commercial vitality. And yet her commerce, j
restricted and fettered as it is, exhibits annual j
rehirns perfectly astounding.
In 1851 her imports amounted to $32,311,430,
and her exports to s3l 341.683 In 1802 her
imports reached the sum of $29,780 242, and her j
exports $27,453 936; and in 1853 she imported j
merchandise to the amount of $27,789 SOO. j
while her exports reached as high as $31,210,-
405. Os this latter sum the products of the
island covered $30,328 320. The remaining
$882,084 was the amount of foreign products
exported during that year. Figures would fail
to calculate the commercial greatness of that
island, if she could only take her rank in this j
great confederacy of States. Nature has stamp- i
ed upon her soil her long neglected claim to this i
proud distinction, and the hour is hastening 1
when that claim must be recognised. The per- i
fid vof her rulers, the duplicity of their advisers, (
and in the patriotic and eloquent language cf 1
President Pierce, in his inaugural address, when ; '
restoring to this subject, “the preservation of the j
n - -its of commerce and the peace of the world” I (
demand that no more time ;aa!i Le lost in use- 1 1
less diplomacy, or in fruitless efforts to vindicate
our rights. .
Sir, I am opposed to any further half-way
measures. Tb" repeal of the neutrality laws
would, in my judgment, belong to such a cate
gory. The effect of such a measure would be
to stimulate and legalize the spirit of filibuster
ism, and bring, perhaps, merited rebuke upon
our government. Our true course—indeed, the
only course we can adopt consistently with our
professions, and creditably to our government, is
to send a sufficient naval force to the island of
Cuba, blockade her ports, take possession of her
territory in the name of justice, and hold on to
it in the name of freedom. Providence will do
the rest. I am willing to trust to its wise and
beneficent dispensations. Then, sir, will Cuba
become what God designed she should be—ty
ranny, oppression, the lash, the dungeon, and
the horrible garrote will disappear, and peace,
prosperity, tbe arts of civilized life, education,
public virtue, and universal happiness, shall
smile and reign throughout that Heaven-favored
isle. In the language of one of her own gifted
and patriotic sous, “ Cuba will then find peace
and consolation, strength acfl protection, justice
and freedom, and. resting upon these solid foun
dations, will, a short time, exhibit to the
vvorld the portenTions spectacle of a people risieg
from the most profaned degradation, and pass
ing, with the rapidity of the lightning’s flash, lo
the highest point of greatness.
From the Savannah Georgian, Extra.
Destructive Conflagration.
We are indebted to the attention of onr friend
P. C. Pendleton, Esq., Editor of the Central
Georgian, for the following letter giving the
particulars of a destructive conflagration which
occurred in Sandersville, Washington county,
yesterday, (Saturday,) afternoon.
Ali the buildings in the vicinity of the public
square, including the Court House, the Hotel and
the County Jail, the Masonic and Odd Fellows
Hall, Knights of Jericho, all csnsumed. County
records were burned. The Post Office, which
was kept in the Court House building, is not
mentioned.
In addition to the insurance mentioned by-
Mr. Pendleton, we learn that the Messrs. Z. &
J. Brantley were insured.
Correspondence of' the Savannah Georgian.
Sandersvii.le, half past five, P. M. ,24th.
My Dear Punch: —We have just been visited
by an awful conflagration. At aboutjone o’clock
to-day, a fire broke out in the wood-shop ol Mr.
Renfroe, in the Western edge of the town. A
high wind prevailing from the West. It thence
communicated with the house and caniage-shop
of Mr. Renfroe, thence to the dwellings of Mrs.
Skrene, Maj. Brookins, Mr. Cartel, the store of
Lazar.on & Newman, the dwelling of General
Warthen, the store of Haines & Bro.,the store
of Brown and Webster, ol Z. Brantly, of J. T.
Youngblood & Co., and the dwelling of Dr.
Haines, on that side of the street.
It crossed the stieet near the commencement
of the fire, burning the dwellings of Mrs. Ains
worth and Capt. Long. The Court House was
also consunged, together with the County Re
cords, save .part of those of the Ordinary and In
ferior CoufjL. Major Brookins, notwithslanding
his house was on tire, saved the greater part of
the Ordinary’s papers and recoi ls.
I endeavored to save the Records in the Cfeik’s
office of the Inferior Court, removing them to
one printing office, thinking that that, might es
capeJsut it was with all ojr ptinVmg
wmm> Urn* tlM#*..—**>.».. 4>u:
uincy w** ill in*3 L'UiJJjHg OWUtM kp, tn Ptv*?
orde,.», Masons, Odd Fellows arid Knights of
Jericho. Not a vestage of their records saved.
The fire then communicated to the dwellings o.
Newman, Mr. Z. Brantley, and Mr. T. A. Wick
er, consuming everything. On the other side o;
the square, the Jail, the Hotel owned by Mr. J.
Brantley, the store of Ainsworth, A. Sieger,
Drug store of Mr. Kinchley, all consumed. On
the east side of the square the store 01 Mr. Gray,
of Harris & Wicker, of Mr. Noithington, the
dwelling of Mr. Pournell, all consumed. Not
one dwelling left upon the square. On the
stieet leaving the town on the north side, the
dwellings of Messrs. Harris, Gen Jernigan and
his son, and the dwelling sos major Bangs, all
consumed, together with all the out houses.—
Very few goods were saved. Corn, Bacon, and
provisions to a large amount were burnt. Many
families, who were possessed of a competence,
have lost all.
Ruin, direful and sudden, has failed upon'he
town. I have often remembered with pleasure,
the ready promptness of thecilizcnsof our town,
in responding to a liberal amount to your city in
her hour of need.
It is impossible to form any estimate of the
losses at this time. The sufferers have not them
selves as yet realised the extent ot their own
losses. Many must suffer, and suffer seriously,
until some relief is had, other than they them
selves command. Many are left with but little
else than the clothes they wear. We have not
a store of any description left within the place.
It will be sometime, if at all belore we can issue
the “Georgian” again. I hope our exchange
will continue their favors for a time at least.
■Some insurance on the goods of Sargaron &
Newman Brown & Webster. J. T. Youngblood
& Co, and upon the dwelling of J. A, Wicker,
and some others perhaps, though I do not know
particulars. And all I believe in onr office.—
Tbe Insurance Company at Athens—precise
name not recollected. Our schools will proba
bly be broken up for a time at least. Our Aca
damies will be needed to house the homeless.—
Such ruin, distress, loss, I have never witnessed.
The whole was consumed in about two hours,
I believe no lives were lost, though some were
in imminent peril.
The house of Dr. Turner was saved by great
exertion, chiefly by tbe daring and unceasing
efforts ot Mr. Tebean and Mr. Brady. The
houses of Major Brantley, Dr. Williamson, Ma
jor Hedges and Mr. Mill sescaped very narrowly.
Yours in haste,
I‘. C.,Pendleton.
This deplorable calamity will fall heavily up
on the people of Sandersville. The best portion
of one of most pleasant, beautiful, and thriving
villages in the State has been reduced to ashes.
We cannot doubt that the people of Savannah,
ever prompt as they are to reciprocate acts ot
generosity, will take immediate measures to ex
tend to the sufferers of Sandersville a helping
hand.
| We deeply sympathise with our cotemporary
jof the Central Georgian, in the misfortune
j which has temporarily interrupted the publico-
I tion of his excellent paper.
Our Last Consular Difficulty in Cubi.
!—A correspondent writing from Havana, gives
the following aecountof otir last difficulty with
the Cuban authorities, referred to in our tele
graphic dispatch, a few day ago :
The day before yesterday, Mr. Thompson the
United States commercial agent at Sagua I.a
Grande, was biought to this city a prisoner, he
having refused to take down the arms of the
United States from his office when directed to
do so. He came to the United States Consulate,
and went, accompanied by the action United
States Consul, before the Captain-General, who
set him a s liberty upon parole, to appear when
called upon to be examined belore some of the
tribunals in this city. The United States arms
were, I understand, taken down from Mr.
Thompson’s office by the authouties at Sagua.—
Comment from me upon these atrocities cannot
he requisite.