Newspaper Page Text
AUGUSTA, GA.
HATIKDA Y, M vKCIi M.
Report of the Committee oa Finance.
We resume our extracts from this Report to
show the condition of the different public insti
tutions which it devolved ou the committee to
exanrne.
TQS PENITENTIARY.
The exhibit of this institution is abou f as fa
vorable. financially, and its management as ju
dicious as has beeu the case at any time previ
oos. But a radical re-organization of the system,
the erection of an entire new set of buildings,
and in a different locality, are recommended.
Also, some other recommendations are made,
as will be found in the following extracts, which
must meet with the favor of the just and hu
mane :
*• We assume ns a fact, that which the experi
ence of this institution will establish, that it has
•vor since its establishment at Milledgeville, been
osomtant charge upon the State Treasury.
“It never has at any period supported itself;
sustained hitherto by legislative appropriations,
we see no termination to this state of things, un
til there it a radical re-or "animation of the system,
" Such a change cannot be accomplished by the
nse of tho present buildings or with any to be
iwooted within its walls. It necessarily involves
directly as essential to any desired suocess, the
selection ot a new and more eligibio site for tho
erection of buildings of proper construction and
whose materials shall bo exclusively r> ck and iron,
excluding the possibility of destruction by fire
from within, all to be enclosed with walls of such
height and thickness and strength as to crush all
hopes of escape.
“ That such a ohange will require a large expen
diture of money is l'reoly admitted.
“ Many, many years must elapco after the erec
tion of such buildings and walls as recommended,
, before th<re can be any proper coll for repairs.
“ At this time there are m >re than one hundred
" and sixty convicts ; the number is annually increa
sing. Provision was not made for anything like
such a number; it should be made now for at least
double this numbor, looking to the increase of
erime with tho increase of our population.
' " Can a question of greater publio interest claim
the attention of legislators, than that involved in
the means employed to prevent crimo, if possible,
and to punish it if demanded by the well boing of
society, with a view to prevention ?
“Who does not feel tho necessity for thesepara
Hon of the fomale eonviot from the male, the boy
from the man, the corrigible from the incorrigible !
Why should not tho person who, in heat of blood
and from pride of churactor, has committed man
slaughter, an offeneo which does not degrade a man
and put an enduring stamp of infamy on him thro’
hfe, be separated from forgers and felons ?
‘‘Whyßhould ho be stripped of tho citizen’s
garb and clad in the stripes, and with the badges of
the most abondoned rascals ?
“ Considerations of morality, and a regard to
the principles upon which tho right to punish rests
demand aiiko a thorough reform by rc-organir.a
tion.
“ A system whioh makes no prevision or ctrc
for the reformation of an offender, and only con
cerns itself in locking him up for a low years, aud
thus ridding society only for a time from tho an
noyance ho may give, restoring him at, length a
much worse arid moro dangerous man than the
Rock found him, cannot but bo denounced ns vi
tlotw and immoral, and discreditable to our State.”
THE LUNATIC ASYLUM.
The remarks appropriated to this institution,
we insert in full, fully approving of the sugges
tions they contain:—
“On visiting this noble public charity our first feel,
ingswere those ofr gret that the benovolent purpose
W tho last Legislature to provide moro amply for
our unfortunate insane, had not been put success
, la',ty on the way. Near twelve months have elaps
ed since a munificent appropriation was made to
plaoe this first of charities on a footing worthy of
Georgia, and the first step only has been taken.
Why this is so, your committee think may bo pro
perly traced to the impolitic footing on whieh the
■aw places tho contemplated improvements. That
five commissioners, a mujnrity of whom rcsido re
lootefrom Millodgeviile, ana actively engaged in
profesional pursuits, should control ai d superin
tend a woids of such magnitude, wilt be soarcely
realized. ViH» intend no reflection upon the com
uiiMqca —w« Snow thorn to bo philanuhropie and
r Highly quah+syd for fcnu dotdas required oi them,
hut from their professional engagements, and dis
tance ihom scene of improvement, und judging of
tho future by tho past, we cannot expect the work
to advance speedily. We therefore suggest to
your Excellency tho propriety of engaging tho ser
vices of a competent resident architect, if thesamo
ean be done for a reason ale compensation • trust
ing to tho justice and liberality of the next Leg
„ Mature to sanction the act. It will not be for
gotten by your Excellency, that tho State has now
only provided for the care of lets than one half of
pauper lunatics—some fifty applications for
admission into the Asylum arc now on hand, whilst
tho wealthy Lunatics of our own and neighboring
•tatoa aro from necessity taken to institutions
North of ns. This state of things should not ex
in Georgia, and we hope will not much longer I
exist. Tho financial affairs k of tne Institution
have been managed during the past year, with the
same skill and ability that has marked tho admin
istration of Dr. Green at all times. The Institu
tion owes nothing, end has a surplus on hand.”
ASYLUM FOR THE DEAF AND DUMB.
Tho condition of this institution is such as to
need the further fostering care of tne State. I'he
beddings require enlargement, and a proper
adaptation to the health and comfort of the pu
pils. Mr. Fannin, the head of the Asylum is
highly complimented for bis efficiency.
ACADEMY FOR THE BLIND
lu reference to this Institution the committee
speak:—
“ A a sister charity for the Blind has
Neerf&itJHMhed at, Macon. Originating in private
it has at length commanded the no
kcJsf'Jlto Legislature and been a small recipient
xe nsDounty. Tho appropriation made by the
•Stole has boon mostly absorbed in the purchase of
tho building occupied by it.
“ Under the supervision of those highly intelli
gent gentlemen, Mr. N. Munroc, I)r. das- Green,
and Robert Smith, Esq., whose disinterested devo
tion to this ygnhavpy chss of oar people, com
mands our waturest admiration; the build,ng oc
cupied vvas jSKhased, doubtless, under the con
viction that tho appropriation was but the com
mencement of the State's parental care of this por
tion of tier children. Like tho Asylum at Cave
Spring, this requires much enlargement- The rea
son? ia the one oaso aro the same fur the other.
“ Wo cannot withhold tho expressions of our
earnest wishes, that theso institutions may com
mand. as h * - Lunatic Asylum, the cordial and
unfiiuehii'.g . port of every lriend of suffering hu
manity.
<■ We are not insensible to the repugnance of the
Representatives of tho people in increasing the
burdens of their constituents by additional taxa
tiouTand in a great degree share with them that
feeling. But vvhon we petcoivo the moans of sus
taining creditably, and as becomes the pride o' our
people, and the position of our State, these hu
rnaiie Institution?, without imposing an additional
dollar by taxation to that now paid, we teol con
strained bv a sense of publio duty to indicate the
means as they have developed tbomsolves to us in
the oourse of our examination as a Financial Com
mittee.’’
CLERKtj OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The committee cali attention to a great and
unnecessary expenditure of money fer this
branch of the public service, as follows :
“ By recurring to the Presidents and Speakers
warrants of tile in the Treasury, dating back as far
as lE3-1 and ’lls —and up to tho proscat time—it
will bo perceived that tho payment for the services
of Clerks in both branches ol the General Assem
bly, has been a largo item, and tho number and
pay aiiko increasing year by year, until at length,
looking to tho last ton years ot cur history we fiud
this source of expenditulo has reached a sum va
rying front twenty to thirty thousand dollars. W e
do not refer to this subject with a view to denounce
it as an abuse, for that may not probably tall
within our province, if it did it will be found an
examination to have been tolerated by, or partici
patad in by nil parties, and should therefore secure
their joint action in arresting it; but it is to it as
a t-d>jcet of expenditure which tuny bo largely re
trenched by direct ana unambiguoas legislation,
fixing by law the number and pay of tho Olortr
From a pretty considerable f.iowicdgo of this
lyanph oi the public service ??•: are peri: Haded i&ej.
tho sum of fivo thousand dollars would be a liber
al allowance for Clerk hiro of both branches of
the General Assembly per Session. In ti is sug
gested retrenchment may be found means to the
extent of $25,000 to be applied by legislative wis
dom to ends honorable to tho human heart.”
PUBLISHING THE LAWS.
A large saving in this item is also suggested
in the following brief par aph devoted to the
subject:—
“Another sonroe of supply might be found in
retrenching the usoless expense now incurred in
printing an unnecessary number of the Journals
of the Legislature and such a multitude of private
lawß. We have been assured by a gentleman,
once an editor and pnbl’ghor of a leading newspa
per of the State, and at one time the printer of
the Laws and Journals, that a saving of ten thou
sand dollars might be made by attention to this
subjeet, without, in any degree, withholding from
the people a knowledge of their laws, or of the
aots of their representatives.”
In addition to the remarks of the Committee on
the subject of expense in publishing the Laws,
we take occasion to attach the following, which
appeared some weeks ago in the Savannah
Morning News. What was then said is still true.
“We believe that the laws of the session of 1854
have not yet been delivered to the people.” Some
of these laws were enacted in November and
December 1853. Yet they are known to the
people only by a rumor of their existence. They
have never yet seen them in print.
Publishing the Laws.— The Harrisburg
Herald is down on the Legislature for rejecting a
resolution to inquire into the expediency of pub
lishing in one paper in each o mnty the laws en
acted each session of the Legislature. It says the
legal maxim that ignorance of the law cxeuseth no
man, is an absurdity when no pains are taken by
the Legislature to let the people know what laws
have been enacted. There, says the Philadelphia
Ledger, is some foree in this reasoning, but unless
tbe Legislature also make it obligatory to have the
laws published in the newspaper having tho largest
circulation in the oounty. a great expose would be
incurred with very little profit to the publio.
The method of advertising for pnblic informa
tion, as it is practised at present, is in most cases a
fraud upon the publio, the advertising being given
generally, as rewards of pa than service, to news
papers without regard to their circulation, and in
many cases to those whieh have the least, because
they most need such kind ot aid.
We approve both the suggestion of the Herald
and the comments ot the Ledger, and we would in
vite the attention of our cotemporaries throughout
the Stato to tho subject. There is no means by
whioh the laws oan be so promptly, thoroughly and
cheaply disseminated among tne people os by their
publication in the newspapers. We venture to as
sort that the publication of the enactments of our
legislature, in one paper in each county in which a
newspaper is published, would give them ten times
greater publicity than is given by means of their
pamphlet publication. For years past there has
icon just cause of complaint of the manner in
which the laws of oar State have beer, published.
Many months have been allowed to elapso before
the State Printer has i>aued the pamphlets contain
ing them, and then muchtimo has been consumed,
and heavy expense incurred in giving them only a
partial distribution. We believe that tho laws of
tho session of 1854 havo not yet bean delivered to
the people. If tho contract for publishing the
laws and journals in book form must be reserved
by our politicians as party capital, to be dispen od
for the support of partizan presses, the people have
at least aright to require that tho laws should have
some other lorm of publication, in order that they
may acquaint themselves with the provisions of
the statutes to whieh they aro required to conform.
For this jurposeno better plan could bo adopted
than the one proposed above, and the press of the
State owes it to itßelf and to tho people to bring tho
matter to the attention of the legislature.
The Georgia Know-Nothings—What are
their Principles ?
We approach this inquiry in all sincerity, de
siring information, seeking honestly for the
truth, and in a spirit o! candor. Who will
meet the inquiry and answer it in the same spi
rit ?
It is claimed that there ate a large number of
Know-Nothing Lodges in Georgia—that the
members of the Order are numbered by thou
sands and teu& of tiiauunds, embneias >o4is*’ri
minately mein'oeis of both political pat-tie*, De
mocrats as well as Whigs, and among them men
distinguished for intellect, for high character and
patriotism—men whose fidelity arid devotion to
the best interests of tbe State can admit of no
dispute.
That all this is measurably true, we canr.ot
deny, and do not propose to question. That
this secret order is very extensive in our State,
we have reason to believe; and that it does
number among its membets, men of the highest
intelligence aud respectability, we have as lit tie
doubt. It is important then to the public—to
the whole people of Georgia—to know what are
the principles of this secret Order, what their
aims and objects, political, religious and social.
We go Luther, and maintain that it is the right
of the people to know these things, and that it
is alike contrary to sound policy and the well
being ol society that such organizations should
be tolerated,while concealing their purposes. We
do not deny the right of secret assemblages
for consultation and action ot a polit
ical party, whose principles, aims and
purposes are boldly and honestly made
known to their fellow-citizens. Every party
has a right to jtid;.e for itself as to its own best
tactics and tbe management ot its internal af
fairs. It may “operate privately” by secret com
mittees, and hold secret councils, and meet in
convention with closed doors, if it choose to do
so. These things have been not unknown hi
therto, in Georgia, in the practice of the two
recognized political parties, the Democrats and
Whigs. But no political party ha# hitherto ex
isted in Georgia whose v».ry principles were hid
from the people, and whose purposes are kept
in the dark, tbe subject of blind conjecture and
vague apprehension.
The precedent is a bad one, and should be
condemned as wrong in itself and unsafe in ten
dency. We do not charge, nor do we suspect,
among the Know-Nothiugs a deefgu to plot
treason against the State, or the established or
der of society. This is doubtless a movement of
politicians for power,and their secret organization
a new experiment for success. The principles
they advocate, and the measures they would in
augurate, if successful, are such as doubtless
meet the approval of all their fellow members,
and we have no idea they are treasonable or
wicked. Not knowing, however, what they
are, we can offer no opinion as to their sound
ness and propriety.
In our happy country we have not
much to fear, in ordinary tiroes, from secret
plottings and conspiracies. But exigencies may
arise again, as have in p3st times existed, when
this mode of procedure may cover up the direst
treason, or the most shameful demoralization.—
It was this mode which gave to the Hartford
Convention not only an additional share of in.
famy, but an additional efficacy for mischief.—
Had the purposes and principles of that danger
ous party been boldly made kuown, and declared
from the house-tops, its secret meetings, coun
cils and conventions could have effected but lit
tle. They would have dwindled into insignifi
cance, because public discussion would have dis
armed treachery of its power for evil.
For these reasons we call nr: the Georg a
Know Nothings to come out “oa the
-
anil detine their principles—make known their*
purposes and indicate their policy. What mea
sures, gentlemen, do you desire to enact—what
u>e will you make of your power, if successful?
What legislation will you carry out, if you obtain
a majority in the legislature ? What measures
would you have the Governor elect! to recom
mend if elected by your votes ? What alteration*
do you detire in the State Constitution ? On what
grounds of national policy will you meet your
fellow Know-Nothings of other States? What
is your national platform, and who in the North
ern States stand with you on it ? Who are your
allies there; and what their views of national
policy ? What alterations do you and they desire
to make in the Federal Constitution ?
These inquiries are pertinent and proper, and
it is but right and honest that they should be
answered. Until they are answered,outsiders are
unprepared to say whether they are with the
Know-Nothings, or against them.
When they are authoritatively announced one
radical and uncompromizing objection to the
Know-Nothings ceases—the objection that it is
a party without a platform and without princi
ples, or having them, that they are concealed
from the public eye.
In the absence of an authoritative disclosure
from the Know-Nothings of Georgia, where shall
we go for information? In some states there are
open avowels of what the Know-Nothings pro
fess and what they contend for. But they differ
from each other. Some of the propositions laid
down meet our cordial concurrence—others our
decided hostility—some call for the stern repro
bation of every honest man and loyal citrsen-*-
some are an insult and a declaration of war upon
the South.
We may then well ask here in Georgia, what
is Know-Notbingisrn ?
In the State of Maine, Know-Nothingism is as
follows:
“ Native-Americanism, Anti-Slavery, and Tem
perature.
“Bangor, Feb. 1 1855—Council No. 6.
“ Whereas recent developments in the political
action of this order indicate a disposition in some
places to ignore the subjects of slavery and tem
peranco, considering them as side issues, having no
political connexion with our organization, this
council, wishing to express its disapprobation of
suuh sentiments in tho most unqualified m inner, do
unanimously adopt tho following res'lutions, viz:
“1. Resolved , That the new party to whioh we
owe allegiance is not 1 ased on one idea alone, bu 1
comprehends, and should always act in reference
to, c\eiy principle that will promote the moral and
political welfare of a free people.
“2. Resolved, That the Declaration of Indepen
dence, the tono and tcn«.r of tho constitution, the
ordinance of 1787, the words and deeds of tho foun
ders of this republic all indicate that our forefathers
intended that slavery should be sectional, not na
tional—temporary, not permanent.
‘‘3. Resolved, That nativc-Ainericanism, anti
slavery, and temperance are the foundation-stones
of our otder, equally deserving onr consideration;
and that, before giving our political support to any
man for any office, we will imperatively demand
his entire committal in favor of those great and car
dinal principles.
“4. Resolved, That we solemnly protest against
tho repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the passage
of tho Nebraska Kansas bill, and the fugitive-slave
law, as violations of the rights of the free States,
and tending to the destruction of the free institu
tions of our country.
“5. Resolved, That we pledge ourselvos to use
our utmost exertions to freo our national territories
from tho curso of slavery, and that wo will never
consent, under any circumstances, to the admission
of another slave State to this Union.
“6. Resolved, That any attempt to commit our
order in the free States to the advancement of the
interests of slavery—to ignore it as apolitical ques
tion—to stamp it as a side issue—or to erjo<n si
lence upon us in respect to its evils and encroach
ments—deserves, and receives, our sternest aisap.
probation and dissent.
“Published by order of the council.
We will Itaie, dimply quotivihe signify*-’a
UngllftSfl of blow Ve.l. O'. in rcOctCMCG
to these very resolutions :
“ We commend this to tho.-e who pretond that
the order is everywhere neutral on the subject of
slavery, and that agitation will bo suppressed by
it.”
In conformity with the sentiments of the
Maine have seen Northern
States, one after the wherever the Know-
Nothirigs hail power,or held the balance of t ow
er, electing Abolition and Free-Soil Governers
and United States Senators, over the heads of
national Democrats as sound as Gen. Pierce on
the slavery question—himseif eminently sound
among the soundest —and building up anti-ela
vtry strong, overwhelming and irresistible in
the North, far beyond any prior display of its
power. These are the first offerings of North
ern Know-Nothingism upon the altar of national
patriotism. Its fruits so tar, are all of the bit
terest. They are anti-slavery to the core.
What are the very latest fruits of Northern
Know-Nothingism ?
We quote from the New York Evening Post ,
the very incarnation of intense hostility to the
slave power of the South—and to the Nebraska
and Fugitive Slave laws :
‘ The New Hampshire Elections.—The
result of yesterday’s election in Now Ilumpshiro
should not be allowed to pass without remark.
This now party of Know-Nothings havecarried the
state against both the friends of the administration
and tho wbigs. Indeed, the only serious resistance
whioh they met was from tho democratic organiza
tion, large numbors of the whigs having deserted
to the Know-Nothings and the freesoilcrs having
been almost entirely absorbed into the majority by
which the elections have been carried.
Tho aisappearanco of the freosoilers as a distinct
partv in this election i 3 a proof that the successful
candidates wore regarded by them as perfectly or
thodox on tho slavery question C-f:h : democratic
candidates for Congress, two had voted against the
Nebraska bill, but it was umlvrstood that they
woro disposed to acquiesce in that measure, and
were prepared, if re-elected, to resist its repeal.
This was enough to make them unpopular in Now
Hampshire, ar.d.the freesoilers accordingly voted
against thorn. There were but two tickets beforo
tho people in the choice of moinbsrs of CoD&ress,
that of the democrats, to which the ot the
administration gave their support, and which was
unpopular for that very reason, and that of the
Know-Nothings, for which the free Boilers and the
whigs voted. Both branches of the legislature are
in tho hands of the Know-Nothings, vvho will send
to tho United States Senate two anti-administra
tion members. Mr. Halo who has been making
love to tho Know-Nothings, undoubtedly oxpects
to be one ot th .m, a result which docs net strike us
as the most desirable that could be imagined, for
Mr. Halo is no Cato, and if right on the slavery
queston, is one of those politicians who contrive to
bo regularly wrong on almost every other.”
Can Southern men, can Georgians affilliate
with such principles, and such men ? Can they
sympathize with such Know-Nothingism as this,
and rejoice over such triumphs ? Os course not.
That is impossible.
Then, is it not time that Georgia Know-
Nothings should draw the line of demarcation ?
is it not time that they should define their posi
tion and let the people know what Georgia
Know-Nothing sra is—what its policy, its aims
and principles.
We have before us a paper published in Ath
ens, Ga., the Southern Watchman, which in its
issue of the 15th inst., sets lortb a series of pro
positions, twelve in number, under the following
caption.
“ What are their principles I This question is
daily propounded by persons who afiect to be
lieve that the “ American Paity” dare not lay
>tion. Here are their principles—we throw
tha banner to the breeze, that these prin
ciples may be “known and read of all men.” j
The Know Nothings sometimes call them
selves “The American Party,” and we there
fore ’nfer that the Editor ol the Southern Watch
men professes to set forth the principles ol the
Know Nothings of Georgia ? By whose au
thority does he speak ? What Lodge or Council
in Georgia has adopted them, and by order of
which of them are they published? Until this
appears they must go as the individual opinions
ot the Editor of the Watchman, and as such we
do not propose to discuss them. Though we are
not a Know Nothing, we subscribe heartily to
rnost of them, as doubtless will every citizen of
the State. Some ot them we object to and op
pose. But they do not contain enough, as sta
ted, to divide about, or create a party upon. It
is not only too meagre in specification, but a
total exclusion of nearly all the great questions
which really divide public opinion in this coun
try.
There is a set of Know Nothing principles
put forth “by authority,” recently in New York
city, bg the twelfth Council of Know Nothings
in the fifteenth ward. The Exposition and Re
solutions would occupy several columns, and we
cannot insert them here. They will probably
be adopted, it is said, by all the Know Nothing
ff*odges of the Empire State of the North. Will
they be adopted by the Lodges of the Empire
State of the South ? If they are, we will then
know what Georgia Know Nothingism is, and
contetfiable our readers, outside of the order to
an opinion on the subject, and have one for
our own guidance. Be this as it may, the people
and the press ot Georgia should have a public
anti-authoritative exposition from the Know
Nothings ot Georgia. We could then know
how fur Know Nothingism is prepared to go in
reference to two leading objects ot its action,
the foreign population, and the Catholic Church
in this country, and could then judge how far
that action might be legitimate, and at what
point it would become impolitic and wrong. On
all other topics embraced we could likewise form
an opinion and take a position. Whereever in
other States it is authoritatively set forth it
embraces openly, or covertly, anti-slavery and
abolitionism,in spirit—proscriptive and a warfare
of sects in religion,—and Whiggery in politics.
Has Georgia Know Nothingism no better fruit
to offer us ? No Democrat can adopt that plat
form without abandoning former opinions and
making war upon his principles. No Southern
man can rejoice over the Know Nothing victo
ries of the North without being false to his own
section—to his State—to his home and fireside.
The Origin and Aims of Know-Nothingism.
We are indebted to the Chronicle §■ Sentinel
ot yesterday morning for an article, which we
copy entire, furnishing what purports to be the
origin and purposes ot the Know-Nothing or
ganization in this country, which appeared, it
states, originally in the New-York Courier Sf
Erguirer, “ and was written, it is said, original
ly, by authority, for a London newspaper.”
The theory therein set forth is a handsome
and attractive one, its objects, in a great meas
ure, patriotic and praiseworthy, and the facts, if
set forth truly, such as to show the propriety
and necessity of such an organization. But,
unfortunately for it, the facts themselves cannot,
in all particulars, be substantiated, and the move
ments of the Know-Nothings, thus far, flatly
, r iC -ni 2 -y r% ‘ ■— — t- -1.---J « el.v rrt .i-
ptes proiesseii.
That the flood of immigration of ignorantand
rowdy foreigners, paupers and convicts which
have been emptied on our northern shores, and
afflict our northern cities, has proved a vast evil
and a curse to that section of the Union is un
questionably true, and we should not feel sur
prised or aggrieved that the patriotic and con
servative citizens of the North should desire to
see an adequate remedy applied. But the rem
edy is in a great measure in the hands of the
citizens of those States so aggrieved, and could
be applied by Slate and municipal action and
legislation. The lederal government could only
act legitimately to a limited extent to abate the
nuisance, and to that extent Southern men
should not be unwilling to lend their co opera
tion through Congre-sional action. An exten
sion es the period of naturalization would be
unobjectionable and we believe desirable; also
stringent regulations for excluding the landing
of foreign paupers and convicts in our ports.—
But it belongs chiefly to the several States to
regulate the right of voting, aud unless this
power is exercised Congress alone is inadequate
to protect the States and cities so afflicted ircra
the grievance of foreign influence at their baliot
boxes. The evils complained of are in a great
measure local in their practical workings. The
South has but a secondary interest in the matter,
for we have but little foreign immigration with
in our borders. What foreign population we
have among us is chiefly of a peaceable and in
dustrious class, and compose a valuable portion
of our citizens. This exemption from the
evil of a turbulent and vicious foreign popula
tion ?s owing to the institution ot slavery.
But what thus tar has Know-Nothingism at
the North achieved which is entitled to the
sympathies of Southern rnen ? What has it
done to propitiate our good will? What ha 3 it
'done to prove itself national and patriotic in its
aims? We will not r-;bear*e its Abolition tri
umphs in State after State at the North, by
which national men, devoted to the Constitution
of their country, and anxious to quell the unho
ly fanaticism which threatens us with all the
evils of sectional strife and final disunion, have
been cloven down, and Abolitionists elevated to
seats in the United States Senate once occupied
by such men as Webster, Everett and Silas
Wright, and which soon will send Abolitionists
to fill the seats once occupied by Levi Woodbury
and Franklin Pierce as Senators from New-
Hampshire which have placed in the Ex
ecutive Chairs ol most of the Northern
States Governors who believe in a higher
law than the Constitution, and are pos
sesied of but one grand and leading passion, a
desire tc make war on Southern Rights. We
take from this exposition the picture it draws of
Wm. H. Seward—a demagogue, an intriguer, a
bargainer with Jesuila, an abolitionist and a
conspirator against the peace of the Union. He,
it is pretended, was marked down as peculiarly
the object of Know-Nothing hostility and pro
scription. Behold him now re-elected United
States Senator by Know-Nothing votes. It was
in the power of the Know-Nothings to defeat
him. They only’ could defeat him. Had but
twenty-three Know-Nothings in the New-York _
LegUlaturo voted against him be would have •
been defeated. But so far from this he was
elected by twenty-two majority. During the
whole debate in the New-York L-gislature on
j the Senatorial question the Know-Nothings
who opposed his election had not one word to
say against him, on account of bis anti-Slavery
opinions. Their whole opposition was based
upon his want of sympathy with their anti-
Catbolic and anti-foreign movement. But their
sympathy with his anti-Slavery opinions proved
stronger even than their attachment to Native
Americanism.
The Catholic priesthood are assailed with the
charge of using their ecclesiastical power to in
fluence the votes of the Catholic population, for
eign and native, in political matters, and this is
alleged as one ground of the Know-Nothing
movement. It is alleged that a Catholic hier
archy is aimed at in our country, and that the
American Protestants must combine to defeat it.
Il this be true, we do not find fault with the
American movement. If this be true, the de
feat of such a design would justify any meas
ure however stringent and proscriptive. But
we have yet to see the first authentic evidence
of any such purpose. On the contrary, it is an
unquestionable fact that the Catholic Church
has sedulously abstained trom those intemperate
political excitements that have disgraced the
Protestant Churches of the North—especially of
New-England. We hear of no political ser
mons preached at the North, or elsewhere, Irom
Catholic pulpits. We have no Henry Ward
Beechers and Theodore Parkers in the
Catholic clergy. To the petition of the
three thousand New - England clergymen
was presented to Congress, claiming that they
were by the very nature of their divine mission
and authority, authorized to speak to Congress,
and to advise with it as to its proper policy on |
the slavery question, not the name of one single 1
Catholic priest was appended. Nor have J
the Catholic priesthood ever sought thus imper
tinently to interfere with Southern Rights, or
take part in any way, so far as we are informed, '
in the political affairs of the country.
Just here we will correct one misapprehen
sion that exists in the minds of many honest
Know-Nothings as to the relations between the
members of the Catholic Church and the Pope
o( Rome. It is that they acknowledge a paia
mount allegiance to him in temporal affairs, and
owe to him political tealty. Were this true, we
should be a Know-Nothing, so far as Catholics
are concerned, and would oppose a member ol ;
that denomination bolding office “to the bitter
end.” But such paramount allegiance has been
uoiloimly denied both priest and laity of
that Church, and no evidence to the contraJy
can be adduced.
We quote on this point the following language
of the Rev. Dr. Ryder, in his recent oration on
St. Patrick’s Day, in Charleston, before the
Irish Volunteers and Emmet Guards:
“In all the wars of this country, both offensivo
and defensive, the Irish, to a man. havo been true
to the cause of their adopted country. In tho days
of the revolution, many distinguished Irishmen in
Parliament defended with their eloquence, the
cause of the Colonios, in the forum of the very na
tion that wa9 at war with her. Catholic Prance
volunteered to fight the battles of America, and
mingled her Gallio blood with tho sons of tho coil
upon many a well fought field. In every recorded
instance where an opportunity was offered, tho
Irish Catholics have been fast friends of American
liberty. They havo left hon e and friends and tho
graves of their sires to come and water with their
blood the infant tree of freedom in the western
wilds of America. And what is likely to bo their
reward for all this sacrifice of blood and country
and friends 7
true to himself and his religion, should bo untrue
to his country, wherever ar.d whatever that coun
try may be. lie exhorted his Catholic brethren to
watch and study well the courso of things now, for
the same aspirations for the overthrow of them and
their religion which existed in Europe, is now gain
ing foot hold in this country.
“ Tho popular and much talked of idea, that our
allegiance to the Pope is paramount to that which
wo owe to oar country, is false. The Pope cannot,
and would not, compel a Catholio to fight against
his country. He cannot command us to violato
onrduty to our God or our country; if he were to
do so, such command would not be recognized by
any good Catholic, and would bo nugatory and of
no effect. The spiritual authority of the Catholic
Church has never attempted to supersede or con
trol the civil authority. Ar.d how comes it now, in
the glorious light of the 19th century, and among
a people of its advantages in learning civilization,
and national pride and power, that it has been sud
denly discovered that Irish Catholics aro danger
ous to the pro perity and welfare i f tho Govern
ment ?”
We are no admirers of the Catholic religion
any more than we are of Nevv-England bigotry
intolerance and persecution, which disgraced the
early Puritans. Both Protestants and Catholics
have sins enough to answer for in this respect,
for both have planted the stake and lighted the
faggot around the martyrs of their opposing
creeds. Happily the Inquisition, the rack and
the faggot no longer claim their victims. Hap
pily such things can never be in our free coun
try while the Federal Constitution stands intact.
Having said thus much in justice to a denom
ination charged with political designs and offen
ces which w»e have seen no evidence to sustain,
we adopt a3 our own the language of the Hon.
Sam. A. Smith, of Tennessee, in a late speech in
Congress:
“ I do not come as tho advocate of the Catholic
religion, or the apologist of the Catholic faith;
bolieving, as I.always have, in tho religious doc
trines of my ancestors, I at an early day imbibed
a prejudice against the terets of the Catholio
Church, and theso early impressions have never
been removed. I dissent from its doctrines, discard
its here ies, and denounce its persecution. In re
ligion I oppose Catholics, as in politics I do Whigs,
believing the masses of both to bo honest in their
motives and sincere in their intentions, but wrong
in their doctrines.”
The Black Warrior Case Settled.
This is the caption to a long editorial in the
Washington Union, of the 21st, from which we
make the following extract:
“ We have reliable information as to the change
in the determination of her Catholic Majesty in
regard to the Black Warrior affair, and have rea
son to know that the following extract of a letter
on the subject jrom Madrid, which appears in
Galignani's Messenger of February 26, 1655, is
correct: “It appears (says the lettor) that tho
Span sh government has decided on proclaiming
that the authorities ofCuba exceeded their powers
in tho affair of the Black Warrior as regards the
two principal points of it—the description of tho
car-ro and tho time allowed for tho production of
the ships manifest. In conßcqucnoo, it is disposod
to accord a just indemnity” Assuming this infor
mation to be truo, it is gratifying to know tbatjMr.
Maicy’s argument has had the effect of securing
an adjustment of this affair, which will bo consu
mated upon taking the necessary proof as to tho
amount of the damages.”
Perhaps we should say like a loyal and peace
able citizen, ‘'Glad to hear it,” and congratulate
the country upon the pacific adjustment of that
outrage on the American flag. But. we are in
no mood to indulge in congratulations on this
tardy show of respect to our flag and country.
Ic is extorted from an unwilling and insolent foe
who dallied as long as he dared, and yields grudg
ingly what there was no longer a shadow of
! pretext to refute, fia far from it* haviog any ol
the giace ot a willing courtesy accompanying 'a
spirit of justice, has been delayed in a
manner to ado insult ,to injury and make the
wrong more pointed and conspicuous. Scarce is
one difficulty of this kind settled, after a vexa
tious negotiation, than a fresh insult is offered
our flag, ns in the late case of the El Dorado.
Thus are we to be perpetually badgered and an
noyed by Spanish insolence, presuming upon
our forbarauce, or perhaps mistaking it for want
of national spirit.
We trust that Spain will he very sorn unde
ceived on this point, and that she will be given
effectually to understand that this last insult is
not to be shuffled out of view or staved off by
the arts of diplomacy, for twelve months longer.
Had Congress in 1854 granted to the Presi
dent the contingent fund of ten millions asked
for by his friends, Spanish diplomacy would
have been quickened in apprehension, and that
Government would have arrived long since at
its present settle the Black War
rior affair. In addition, this El Dorado affair
would never have happened We would have
had since, and now, little reason to complain of
a want of Spanish deference to our national
flag. A stern lesson we hope is yet in store for
Spain. The final settlement can only be by tak
ing Cuba from her. Till that is done there enr;
be no real peace between the two countries.
No Moke Yellow Fever.—The correspondent,
of Hamburg, (Germany) publishoa in its number
of February 3d, a letter from Moxico, which con
tains the tollowing:
“A Gorman pbysioinn, Dr. H , aged, thirty
six, and residing in Mexico for somo years past,
hasnjade the di-covery of a serpent whose poison,
wUonlMPfcl#ted in man, has the virtue of preserv
ing bint from Yellow Fever and black vomit.
“ Inoculation with this virus is effected as with
the vaccina virus; it causes a fover which has in a
very mild form, all th« symptoms of yellow fever. I
This operation has no effect on those porsors who
have nlready been attached with yellow fevor or
black vomit, a circumstance which would soem to
militate in favor cf the invention.
“ A number of high functionaries and five bun
dred soldiers have been inoculated in Mexico by
Dr. H., whose now invention, if it be really a pre
servative against the two epidemics above mention
ed. would prove a real blessing, for the many popu
lations who are subject to them.”
Wo notice in La Cronica, a Spanish journal pub
lished in Now York, that Dr. William L. Hum
boldt has discovered a means to prevent yellow fo
ver, by inoculation. Tho government of Cuba, as
La Cronica is informed, has dir»ctcd tho inocula
tion of tho mnjorpart—amounting to one thousand
—of tho newly arrived troops, which has resulted in
i the greates* success, since none havo been attacked
| by the terrible disease, which goncally decimates
; the foreign population shortly after their arrival. —
The operation is similar to vaooination, by insert
ing tho virus discovered by Dr. Humboldt, general
ly in both arms. A few hours after this trifling
operation, tho symptoms of a miniature yollow lo
ver commence, nr.d all the pathological const
quences follow rapidly and slightly, rarely exceed
ing forty-eight hours in duration, and v, l*h nothing
rnoro than a slight feverish action.
Revolution in Australia—Disastrous Ship
wrecks.
Tho Africa reached Boston early Saturday morn
ing. but too lato for the 7 o’clock mail train. Wo
may expect her mails this morning, however. The
following additional particulars of her news will
bo found interesting :
The London Morning IJcrald, of tho Ist March,
had the following dispatch from Trieste :
“ Dispatches from Coylon, of the Ist February,
announce that the people of Australia havo riseD
and declared their independence. Some troops
were sent to put down tho insurrection, and san
guinary engagements had boon fought. Melbourne
was in *. State of siege.”
This news has, of course, arrived by the over
land Mail, and no doubt refers to the disturbances
at the diggings. The Australian dates are not giv
en, and tho dispatch was evidently cooked lor con
tinental circulation.
ovSerrmasoSoJ rnw'k*-
mored about Paris. Tho frigate lost in iu.
of Bonifacio is tho Somilanto, which recontly left
Toulon with 400 soldiers on board The vessel
struck on one of the reefs in that passago and im
mediately filled. Tho crew and passengers, ma
king together 700 men, all perished. No other do
tftils have yet boon received of this catastroi he.—
Tho loss has croated the most painful sensation iD
Paris; 700 men have perished, together with a vast
quantity of cannon, mortars, sir- 11s, gunpowdor and
idiot. Nothing was saved—not a shred. Ail that
has boon washed ashoro, as far ft' is known to the
government, arc two pair of trousers. The Semi
lante was going to the east.
The India mail has been received. Tho barque
W. T. Snyward, from San Franci co for Sbanghac
with one thousand barrels of flour and one hun
dred and sixty-four thousand dollars in specie,
sprung a leak December Ist, off tlie Ladrono Is.
lands, and was abandoned December 2iet, near
Napakinng with seven feet *f water in the hold
The United States ship Vincennes tried to savo the
specie, but was unsuccessful. The crew wore trans
ferred to tho ship Nightingale, which was to carry
them to Sbanghoe.
C. G. Baylor, Esq., it is said, has gone as e
special agent to Europe, to obtain in detail all
necessary information in relation to the Cotton
interests, and the remedies ‘"for the present ruin
ous Liverpool monopoly,” by means of direct
rade.
Tefik Pasha, the son-iu-law of Omer Pasha,
has died of (ever at Eupatoria.
We call the attention of the Postmaster here,
and the Route Agents on the Georgia and State
Roads, to the following extiart from a letter
dated—
Valley Stork, Chattooga, County, Ga., 1
March 16th, 1855.)
Mr. James Gardner : —Sir, you w.ll confer a
favor on me and others of your subscribers on
this route, from Gaylesville, Ala., to Lafayette,
Ga., as we only have a mail passing once per
week, if you will call the attention of the Post
master at Augueta, and the travelling Postmas
ters on the Georgia and State Railroads, to this
request of the Postmasters ol Duck Creek,Valley
Store, Teloga Springs and Alpine, all in Georgia.
They jeqoest that the mail for all the above offi
ces to be sent via Ringgold, instead of via Rome,
Ga., so that we can get our papers from Augusta
on Saturday of the same week they aie publish
ed. Wedo not now, by the present arrange
ment, receive them until Saturday ol the next
week after they are published, and we do not
therefore, feel the interest in taking papers from
Augusta that we would if we received them
earlier. And l think it is your interest as well
as ours, to endeavor to have the mail from
A.ugusta to the above offices, sent via Ringgold,
as I have no doubt but that you would receive
more subscribers to your paper on this route
through Broomtown Valley, if that arrangement
can be affected. By that arrangement, if you
sent papers off on Wednesday evening, they
will arrive at Ringgold on Thursday, on Friday
will arrive at Lafayette, Waiker county, Ga.,
and on Saturday we receive them at our offices
on this route. But by the present arrangement,
they come to Rome on Thursday,to Summerville
on Fiiday, on Friday evening go to Tryor Fac
tory five miles from this place, and lay over till
Monday ; then go to Lafayette and lay in the
office until the next Saturday, so that we do not
get them for more than a week after they are
received and read by our neighbors in Chattooga
Valley. You can therefore see at a glance, the
necessity of making the alteration proposed. I
had thought at the end of the time for which I
had paid my subscription, I would discontinue
my paper, for the reason that it w as published so
long before [ could get it, but if the foregoing
arrangement can be made,Y wi'l be pleased to
continue taking your valuable paper, as I am
well pleased with it.
Very resp ect fully yours.
F J. Ckooa.n.