Georgia journal and messenger. (Macon, Ga.) 1847-1869, December 25, 1861, Image 1
l\ S. HOSE & CO.
.. (iiMi.gia Journal A,
■ I•• -rj WoliM-aJay nomiat! *1 (1 .'■* ixrtiikuo
!• 1 ‘ . j..i it tht rritiutr rbarße tnl*< dh Iktut
i ~* Hr.tkitii> wutMuß lc*>, for ibett/Muuvr*
, , . CtM- l>f €a(fc )U i-n|U(iil liuerttuu. All
, ?I** ■* i ii ■ i M l*i uni**, will be
‘ ( | till • ur<f.l A l>tHsri <tt, nun'.
, , t . uk- *t> . 4*crti*e bj lue j-ar.
. tl S >iicka il ■•> ui l< UkW, will l* chaa>
nil jtr* of cau'iiiitin for office, to ho jx.J for at
, t . rite*. alien iMWIiI.
tu/r-.w.it i ma t** will, .-ouoty oAitfi, Drug-,
v , Htfcluall, til l Other*, who iuj., wi*b to
by |‘\co4lrt, Unialtlrihri
Itao*. ar rwwiret bjr law to Ik in *
-i -tte, forty Jay- f-r. >: os t-. tiir .!%> of smUr.
’ , t ||,net r,, ; h. 11 outlie Lr*i f .oJay in the wtulh.
,ii ho ir* of ho in the forenoon au-t three in ih*
,1, kl the Court hou.4< u the ruuiity in which tie
1 . .► rwoumi. P lortKTf muni Iwailicrkiwil in like
r i'*n >lO no OcchiTiuie of an Kitate ihti-u l>r
. f, it will be maJr to Uie Ordinary for
..•Il hin t and moatbe |niMihe<l weekly lor
* ~ for Letter* of A-luaiul ilratinn*. thirty days; fur
>a fro to Aituiinittrat'.on, rnuU.iy, su ikoutlo; foi
tu from ltmnli*n>likp, edly, forty <l*y*
‘ i. •> K >kio"OMM or M oiutiit. loouilily, for
; for e-uahhhin * lost yiixti, lor lh- full rimee f
oonth* : for rftu>|--tliiitc title* front eaecut* t* or i l
irtlwi where abort ha* been riven by the deceased
, full space of three m mth*
Letiera ahlrt-*e,l to 8 R’ SC A CD.
I'rulf’vtidiial itfttl l{fi'im , >> tlft-U.
mi cm it ittvi C*af>- will be Inserted under
, , Tnreelmew, per annum * 5 *w
i-vni lines, do I* M
o 1 o line* ’ do i t* Ot
.. IW* lines, do KiM
s ~!rerti-to*w*a of this class will *>e adh.ifte.l, unS
li j., „!. anew, nor f>r a le.e. lernt than twelve utonth*
’ ~ r utv of over twelve lines will Iteeharfed rao kTi.
r t , ;u- wot pai.l for in anvanee will be rlitinnl al
t;l ;• . i ;. \K \IISKI’IN< 18
n y v - SS, KMUUT TKMI'I.AK>, ODD FEL
i i\V< AN f> SONS OK TEMPER VNt’E,
HKLI* IS IIIK CUT UT MattO*.
MASONS.
. j j t >f tie irgi* for itetoher Slit.
’ i -ue. *j. 5, rirrt and th.r.t Monday night* tn each
S.I I, set >n.l >1 ndy niyht in each
, „ Oourn'il, No ft, fourth Monday night in each
f ,|.nl. UmgM* Templar, No. i, Meetings
. . t Toevlay it rut iu i-acu month.
ODD FELLOWS.
I j,cijfe, first TTi ilnrsday in June.
f j i t. •vup.nent, TWesdiy prevtuos.
1 i 1. 1 ire. No. i, et cry Thursday erenlog.
■ ft...liters. No. ft, every Toeiday evening.
Kucampm-.nt, So. i, second and hturth Mnn
l*y eteniouv in each month.
SON3 OF TEMPERANCE.
.11). ion. fourth Vlednesduy iu 0-. Tiber, * usually.
I 1 ) A t L i* b,
t*a*i> iV < \n.\y**Ss
ATTORNEYS AT LAW f
FOUM i 11, -A.
It ’ li t. tct.c .a’ in ‘.he couutiesof >l..nroe, Bihb, Up- j
it ‘i. Tike, Stpaidtng, Menry and ilutta.
...e t.r .luota'id cur.jlant aitcntion to the coileeti',n aud 1
i _ir:n;t oi itebti and claims.
, ri.l-PL.KJi, OEO. A. CABANIS3.
formerly of Athens, tta. i
.1. It it i VII A R, Jr.
ATTOSHEY AT LAW,
ti It ON, <• A.
, mi |CK on Cotton Avenue over the baptist ds
\ I ti.re, room formerly occupied by Ur. tireen.
ft. Ki t ook,
ATTORNEY AT LAWV,
M ICON, CBOK3IA
i t FFlft’E With ~pecr A Uuuter, over Bost’ k‘a Store.
* * y e t,. latil —y
LA.B lit COBU,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
M WON, liKOBt-O,
)FFlt li on M Jtite. ry street, over the Store of A. M.
u a L-li-. ir i C<i., in Uviit'iiuuih ltlocK.
Vv .11 pra.-i.ee iu B.hb, Crawford, thiolj, Houston, lUmr, 1
1 ’ H't IVorth, and auutter. M> T*-y 1
LAW C Aii I>.
MESSRS. COOK, RODIN SON Ai MONTFOIiT,
tirihb practice Law in the counties of Taylor, Macon,
V T il >a,t HI, ii .oly, Sumler, Marion, Bchley, ainl in such
,itiler counties iu Hie “ttate a* their l.usisiess will auitntrise.
atT Oi l it F itl OjjleiltoryM*.
PHi LIP COOK,
VV. H. HO 111 N SON.
juae Ai-’6d—tf T. W. MON TROUT.
LAIVIKM Sk IKDGIIMIRy
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
,i VCO.N, ft.A.
I > : VCTIOK iu the Conn ies of the Macon Circuit, and in
I ,c t’tuntic* of Sumter, Jfonroe and Jones; also in the
tern Court*at Savannah. £.„*! ■-!„
t I l,t i Kllhl nF. A ASSUtVs
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
KNOXYILI.R A N l> I'OHT VAI.I.KY. 11 A.
O. P. CCI.YKRHOUSR, F A. ANSI.RY,
Kriovvillc, (la. Fort Valley, (la.
00*31 -’fttt-ly
f,. *. wihttm:.
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
J (AWN, Gb'OKlrlA.
rriCK n<xt to CONCERT HALL, over Pijm’b Hr** Wore
)*t. 6, [U-ljr.]
TBMUi K. CABAIVISt,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
ktteail promptly to all basinv** vutrustrd to hU
ts earn ia iheCoant:r'>f llil.l*, BmHi, CrtvfoN,
nr*, Pike, Spaliltug ami Upson. iny *2
JOEL U. GIUKFIN,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
MACON, GEORGIA.
\ITU<I* prartk-e in the Counties of And the a.I
----t f j.tainC Circuit*. A is# in the iiowtlc* ol the West ahti
? /uth-iVest Georgia, accessible by Kail Read.
J#~ Particular personal • !**• Riven to collecting.
,V“ o.fi e with o A. I.ochraue, Dauiour’s HuiMirijr, 2d
i’tffrrt. f**t> yf-'6U - 4*-if
KKTIOVAIo
I) illM, h* remove-1 hi* La* Office to Cherry street
>. uj, , , r, of bail iio* next 1e1.,w It A W i“e’ lurnish
in< t ,rc. H • will c’.teiel the Coarts as heretofore.
Martin, Oct. 1, IT*,t. oct 9 Af
l*. X'MIALD A V A \ GIEMCA,
DENTISTS,
•lißre in U'asliiuictaii lilm k, *1 roi, Ca„
ELECTRICITY USED IN EXTRACTING TEKTII.
\ 5.11*N Tooth Paste always
ob Kami au>l for sale. Dentist* can in
•lie.t with the finest style of TEETH, alsoifJTe
G Ut fail, tiot-.i au.l Silver Plate ami Wire, U-’
e fivtatw, I*., vise riit any timl of instruiocnts nr
it>-ria i on short notice. will
Spring it ml Sitiiiuitr Fashion* for
1 8 <> 1 .
Direct Imports titma from France via New Orleans
Mks. F. DESSAU
\\fOILU respectfully announce to the
V f |;„t,-s that she has iu*t returned trom A ,'jfc'b,
Si <>r>ans, where he has pnrthased for
1 i full assortment of Willi <-rj, Lace,
s* Ur. -.i wl-.0l the latest <l.red inj.or- Jk§2%rU?
’ an I >.*ur! her B.nneon 1 hors
*” Marcli *> Mrs. l>ets*u confident tttPjJoi ,’J
: v ■ In, lies will be pleased with th-styks V £ 5 t~W
“m!i: e*. as they are ru|Hrti>r to any V* J ;S
■l't heretofore to this j.lace. * i F
l-d* ‘ißioerf wippiiel a* wholesale W'.ih *
Bonnrti an A Millinery Itoods. l ,r ’
A Card.
hit. J. B. GOF.VtN bavin* extensively used l iTTUtV
Viitsirccs take* pleasure in savin* it is the most val
'*••l remedy to cure Atl lirn of ttnufr be ever anew. A
daiUrhottle quite tufCn m* for 2T> .-aaes.
<1 i evinr tli t in re cliiidren are lost from *he effects <>
‘’ ■* ’ than from all other canjes 1 recommend it lully to
*•<•, *l>,..ty. [ n using,nothin*BWel necessary lint todoar
! "= tiUiren sprin< and fall. Besides the ifreatcouvenlencr
•ueb racli rines, 1 never before fonnd a more safe, oi on
: re -ert ilnly to to* relied upon than Dr. W’. G. Lillie*
’ -t.uifupe.
f i ~Kton, Ga., Feb. 2,ts<r>.
{••'He’s Ano.lvne Cnuab Drops per bottle f” *5
L tlr's Terraifit.>;•, in larye bottles I 0
L ttie's Yernth|e. in villa ttfi
*• ttk's Hin* arid Tetter Worm Ointment 1 (VI
-Atle’s French Mixture 1 50
marSrW—
piiOun.
k URLS, superfine and Family Flour to arrive
‘* ’ “f ICJK.U pound* Choice Family Flour, (sacks) In
r’ , and to- sale be
E> BGWMUE * AHDWUuci.
Georgia lontnai anil itkssaigcr.
THE YEAR SIXTY-ONF.
We copy this Ueautilul articlo IromtKe Nashville
(riurilt. The editor remit Its that il tft “from the
pelt of a pilled young lady.” We regret that a
tew hues ot it were obliterated in our cop?, which
we have to omit;
IU UR3. KMILIK C. S. CHILTON.
No* the Tear i-t old and tiling,
The once young mprry year
Is >ld and cold and irettibliiig,
And hastening to his bier.
Hi* oice once rude and stoimy,
In his M treh’s early days
Is to a and s-td and broken.
And iiioitriitid are his lavs ;
And : one there are to smile on him,
Not breathe a word of praise.
He was so bright and smiling,
Eleven months ego—
Ho till, and with h<>(- and promise,
I’aressed and tlvttercd so,
lie grew a very tyrant
In his fretiul, wilful ways,
And romped and stonued us ruefully
In tiis rule mid waywrard pUvs,
And we coldcd and caressed him more,
And bi lined him but to praise.
lie won our hearts completely,
\V e and < anted ot seasons bright,
Pa'S warm and filled with fragrance
From dawning antil night;
And said, “ tins year wilt bless us
. When lie has older grown.
He will fullill our every hope.
No fears need we have known,
Os all the year* the most of faith
We have iu this our own.”
Alas! the very grass that grows
Must wither in the lit Id,
The siroiiHe.t towers our fancies build
To iiyie’s decrees must yieUl.
We Idle thought when and diving with
The yotithlui petted year,
lhal hope was vain and ranker still
Would grow each troubled fear— ,
That days we pictured blight and fair,
Would darken n.l be drear.
Yet mother earth so loved her boy,
This merry romping child.
And yi- lded up so plenteous)?.
Her fruits both tame and wild,
And opened wiJe the grauurv doors,
And scattered btoad cast o’er
This land, to plea*e her growing son
‘1 he riches oi her store.
Wi sigh to think time has left
Is so much to deplore,
For sistv-onc has walked the earth,
And left his tracks iu blood.
He has tiroughf swords and (laming brand*,
When we had hoped for good.
He brought a harvest togiioi Death,
A harvest full and red,
And where they once so proudly marched,
Is many a soldier's bed,
And lliO'C who on the young year smiled,
Now tremble at his tread.
Now- the year is old and flying,
His peaceful w ork is done,
His Isles are of the bloody field
Os victories lost and won.
He sees to day the greatest wreck
Upon the shores of Time;
His name will be lepeated
With the tales of work he’s done,
In every laud, in every clone,
That lies beneath the sun,
Angi Is will dale their heavenly birth
From bloody sixty-one.
Tht; year is old and dying.
And mother eaith is sail.
And weehlv vit Ids her treasure*
In lobes of mourning clad,
She g /. s up in dreaming mood,
Where tall trees slowlv wave,
Like mourners swayed in agony,
Above a loved one’s grave.
For silent Nature sorrows for
The lives she cannot save.
The year is old and dying;
We view bis coining end,
With heat la in tullness throbbing,
He has not been a triefid,
* Amt what will his successor lie?
Wiili straining eyes we look
To see the opening ot the seal
Thai bind* the Future's bock.
To catch a glimpse of the weal or woe
In the Future’s hidden book.
CcllkoK a, Tetin., Dec. t, 1861.
ft.ov. UriiU t*rt<‘vl i nsl tli>
Mate Dt lt-itee Kill.
Executive Department, )
MiPedgeville, (ia., Dec. 1861. )
: Tn th> (h nerot A
The correspondence between the Secretary
of War and myself which has been laid be
f.re you, shows that 1 did all in my power
to induce the Government of tlie Confeder
ate States to increase the force of our coast
and to make the necessary preparation for
our defence, prior to tlie organization by me
of the military forces now in the service of
the State, in making this statement, 1 do
not wish to be understood that 1 reflect up
on that Government, for a wilful neglect of
duty. 1 believe it is the wish aud intention
of those in authority, to u<e the forces and
means at their command, in such niauuer,
aud at such places as will best promote the
general good. Hut viewing the field lreiu
the st-jud jMiint which they occupy, they have
been of opinion, as their action has shown,
that there wa< greater necessity for the
troops, aud the resources at their command,
at other points. Hence, they failed to make
the necessary preparation for our defence.
Appreciating the difficulties with which
the t ‘onfederute Government had to contend,
and hoping that they might make the neces
sary preparations for the defence of the
State, I delayed action on State account as
long as 1 could possibly do so, consistently
with the public safety. Almost every news
taper received from the North in the months
of August and September, contained state
rn iits of the strength of the floet which was
being fitted out by the enemy, and of the
intention to send it with an invading force
against our coast as soon as the season would
! permit.
In the formation of the Constitution of
| the Confederate States, each State reserved
! to itself the sovereign right to en tjaye in
1 War when “actually invaded, or in such ini
mincQt danger as will not admit of delay.”
The statute of our own State authorized me
to accept the services of teu thousand vol
uii teen l , of different arms, in such propor
tions as the exigencies of the service may
refjutre. The people of the coast continual
ly called on tuc for protection. The general
voice of the people of the State was, that
they were entitled to it, and that the safety
of the while State, detrended in a great de
gree, upon the successful defence of the
coast. The Constitution gave me the right,
aud the statute made it my duty to act. 1
did so; hut not until the latest day, when 1
could have time to organize and prepare the
troops for service, before the invasion.
The organization has been conducted in
strict conformity to the requirements of the
statute, and the Generali have been appoint
ed to command the troops, by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate now in
session. Suppose 1 had made a calculation,
and dcteituiued that, it Would coftt too l|Uch,
MACON, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 25, 1861.
for the State to assist in her own defence,
and had refused to call out the tioops, and
had met the General Assembly, aud in
formed you that 1 had made no preparation
fu - the defence of the State, for the reason
that it must coat a large sum of money;
and that I had again and a gam asked the
Secretary of War to defend us, and that I
relied on the three or four thousand Confed
erate trivips then on our coa?t, to protect the
city of Savannah, ami the whole coast
igainst the powerful force sent for our sub
jugation; what would have been the verdict
passed upon mv conduct by the General
Assembly, and every intelligent patriot in
Georgia? Would it not have been one of
universal and just condemnation.
Results have shown that I was not mis
taken when I decided that the danger was
imminent, and commenced active prepara
tion to meet it.
The invader’s troops are on our soil, and
his flag now waves over our territory, aud
insults the dignity and sovereignty of our
State.
Thus menaced with subjugation and de
gradation, is it possible that we, as the rep
resentatives of the people, and as co-ordi
nate branches of the government, can spend
our time in discussions about the cost of our
defence; or whether the State or Confeder
ate Government shall for the present, as
sume the burden, and make the expenditure;
or that our action can l*e influenced by par
ty considerations, or by personal haired, or
personal favoritism ; or that we cannot stop
to consider whether our action will tend to
sustain, or to advance the political fortunes
of one man, or to injure those of another.
Surely we have graver duties thou these to
perform, and mightier responsibilities to
meet.
\Ye have now been over four weeks in
session. Our troops in the field have been
in need of supplies, and we have made an
appropriation of only one hundred thousand
dollars. This is not more than half the ne
cessary expense of our military operations,
since the commencement of the session, and
is Imt little over double the sum necessary
to pay the expense which the General As
sembly lias cost the State for the same length
of time.
I mention these things in no spirit of
fault finding, hut iu the hope that dissen
sions and jealousies, if they exist, may be
banished from our midst, and that we may
unite as one man, and promptly provide the
necessary means to defend the State, and
drive the invader from her soil.
The organization of the State troops is
becoming a very efficient one, which will
soon make them terrible to the invader.
At this important period, in the face of the
enemy; when organization and harmony are
of the utmost importance, a proposition is
made that we pause and count the cost es
our defence, and that we transfer our army
to the Confederacy, by regiments, battalions
or companies, and if they are not, received,
that we disband the troops and thus get rid
of the expense.
Lot us examine this question of expense
for a moment. Suppose we dismiss from
our breasts every feeling of patriotism, and
every generous impulse, with every desire
for liberty or independence, and consider
the question as one of sordid gain, of mere
dollars and cents. What reasonable man,
having an estate of seven hundred millions
of dollars, and finding it in litigation, and
the title in a precarious condition, would
hesitate a moment to give able counsel five
millions to defend and secure this title.’' —
The property of the people of Georgia is
worth seven hundred millions of dollars —
the State is now invaded, and every dollar
of it hangs upon the result. If we are con
quered, all is lost. Is it possible iu this
state of the case, that we can refuse to give
five millions for the support of our gallant
troops who arc now in the field, ready to
spill the last drop of their blood, to defend
and secure our title? Strong as the case
tliu* presented may he, this is a narrow con
tracted view of the subject. All the prop
erty and all the money in the State is as
nutliing compared with the principles in
volved, aud the consequences to us and our
posterity.
Hut dn we get rid of the expense by the
proposed transfer? I maintain that it does
not in any view of the question save to the
State one dollar. Ts the troops are trans
ferred, the Confederacy will pay their ex
penses, ami Georgia, as a member of the
Confederacy, will have to meet her part of
it. If she retains them, at the end of the
war the Confederacy will assume the ex
pense ot the Georgia troops as well as of the
troops of the other States, ami Georgia will
only have to pay her part. If the Confede
racy does not receive the troops, and they
are disbanded, the city of Savannah, and the
whole seaeoast, and the southern part, of the
State, must fall into the hands of the ene
my, and the destruction of property will
cost us ten times as much as the highest ap
propriation any one would ask to support
the troops There is not, therefore, one
dollar of economy or of saving to the State
in the proposition.
Virginia, Tennessee, North and South
I Carolina, Louisiana, and probably Other
j States, arc calling, and have called into the
(field, large numbers of State troops, to repel
j the invasion and prefect their property. At
j;he end of the war, the expense incurred by
each of these States will be assumed by the
Confederacy, and Georgia Will have to pay
her part of it. If, while they defend them
selves, she permits her coast to fall into the
hands cf the enemy, and her citizens to be
plundered, rather than iucur the expense
necessary to the protection of her peoplo f
the other States of the Confederacy may he
saved their part of the expend which was
necessary to net J.-fence. lut instead of
saving expense, is she not the loser?
Tennessee expended live millions of dol
lars in less than six months, and no com
plaint is heard from Legislators or her peo
ple, that theyeannot afford to incur the ex
pense of self-defence.
Two other grave questions in this connec
tion demand our careful consideration.—
Have we the power to transfer the troops to
the Confederacy, without, their consent?—
Aud has the President the power to accept
them even with their consent ? Neither is
true.
First, as to our power to transfer them;
the troops in response to the call of the Ex
ecutive of the State, have volunteered to
serve the State as Staff troojm; and have
been mustered into the service of the State,
and not into the service of the Confederacy.
It was co part of the contract between the
|troo|iH and the State, that they should be
[transferred tlyj *mie the tWede**-
•y; and the State has no right to make tht
ransfer without their consent. They are no
•attle to be bought aud sold in the market.
They are brave, generous, hightmed free
nen, who have left their homes at the call
>f their State, and are now undergoing all
he fatigues and hardships of camp life foi
icr defence. While they are brave enough
o defend their rights, they are intelligent
•nottgh to understand then!; and we are
treatly mistaken if we suppose they will
•übiuit to a change of their present orguni
tation, or to an act of injustice to those who
lave their confidence, and who have been
egt/lly appointed to command them. They
ire, as our statute which was passed to meet
his very emergency, required, organized mto
■ompnnies, battalions, regiments, brigades,
md a Division. If we disband the division
ind turn over the brigades, we are, in my
•pinion, guilty of gross injustice to the gal
;aut and chivalrous son of Georgia, whom
we have just called from an honorable com
mand in Virginia, where he has rendered
listinguished service, and have invited to
•he command of the troops ot his native
State, fit response to the call made upon
him by the Governor with the advice and
•onsent <>f the Senate, he has resigned his
‘onimand in the Confederate service, and is
• m his way to Georgia; and it is now pro
posed w hen he reaches the State, to inform
him that lie has been deceived ; that we have
changed our policy, and that his services are
•lot needed.
If we disband the brigades, we do injus
tice to the Brigadier Generals, who have
been called from important pursuits, and in
vited by the highest appointing power in the I
State to the com mauds which they now hold.
Among this number is the gallant Walker,
whose glorious deeds have shed lustre upon
the character of the State, while his blood
has stained almost every battle-field where
his country’s rights have been vindicated for
the last quaitcr of a century.
If we disband the regiments, we do injus
tice to the Colonels, who have been legally
elected to command them; and if we dis
band the battalions and tender the troops by
companies, we do like injustice to the Lieu
tenant-Colonels and Majors. In any, or
either of these cases, we must expect thatj
the gallant men under their command, will j
make the cause of their officers common j
cause, and refuse to submit to such injustice.
We have not, thereto e, the power to tians
fertile troops without their consent; and I
feel quite sure they will never give their
consent unless the whole organization is
transferred in its totality , retaining every
officer from the Major-General down to the
lowest grade in his position, with his rank
and command.
Second, as to the power of the President to
accept the troops —the law passed by Con
gress authorizes the President to accept them
by companies, battalions, or regiments, but
gives him no authority to accept a brigade or
division. The law also defines the number
of which a company shall consist, and gives
him no power to accept a company with less
than sixty-four nor more than one hundred
privates. It will he borne in mind that the
statute uses the term j/rivates. Add to
these the four commissioned and eight non
commissioned officers, and two musicians,
and the nii)iinium number of a company
which the law authorizes tlie President to
accept is seventy-eight, while the wa rimum
number is one hundred and fourteen. The
President has no more right under the sta
tute to accept a company with less than six
ty-four privates, and a a proper number of
officers, than lie has to accept a brigade or
division. If the one is illegtl the other is
equally so.
The statute of our own State declares that
a company of infantry shall consist of not
less than fifty, nor more than eighty hank
and file. This term includes uon-commis
sioned officers and musicians as well as pri
vates. Add the four commissioned officers,
and our minimum number is fifty-four, and
maximum number eighty-four. A compa
ny must, therefore, approximate very near
our largest number before it reaches the
smallest number with which it can be re
ceived into the Confederate*service. If I
had had plenty of arms with which to aim
the State troops, I might have refused to
accept companies with less than the smallest
Confederate or largest. State number. Hut
I was compelled to appeal to the companies
to bring good country arms with them, and
as the number of these arms which could be
made ellieieiit within the reach of a compa
ny was generally limited, 1 was frequently
obliged to accept, companies with little more
than the smallest number allowed by t':e
statute, or to reject them and permit them
to disband. While, therefore, each and ev
ery company is organized in conformity to
our own statute, and has a legal number,
probably each one of two-thirds of the com
panies has less than the smallest, number
authorized by the Confederate statute, and
could not he accepted by the President or
mustered into the service of the Confedera
cy. If we could be supposed to be capable
of the injustice to the Generals, Colonels,
Lieutenant-Colonels and Majors which would
result from a disbanding of the State organ
ization, and should tender the troops by com
panies, it is very clear that over two-thirds
of them could not be accepted, and must,
therefore, be disbanded and sent home. No
one who carefully investigates this question
can fail to see that an appropriation of mon
ey for the support of the troops, which has
a condition annexed to it,, making the appro
priation dependent upon the tender ol the
troops to, and their acceptance by the Con
federacy is equivalent to a refusal to vote
supplies for their support, and au order to
disband them in the face of the enemy.—
Hut it may be. Miid that Congress could pass
lu- authorizing the President, in this par
ticular ease, to rccrithe companies with
their present organization consisting of less
than sixty-four privates. This is true, and
it is equally true that Congress c<.uld pass a
law authorizing the President to accept them
as organized by divisions and brigades.
‘The troops might consent, to the transfer
on the latter supposition, as this would do
justice to their officers and maintain their
organization as it was formed by the State;
but it is very certain, in my opinion, that
they would not consent to the transfer upon
any other terms. If we disband these
troops because we fail to stand by our State
organization, and protect their rights, or be
cause we refuse to make the necessary ap
priatiou to maintain them in the held, wc
disband au organization of as noble Geor
gians as ever assembled, with arm ß in their
hands, ready and willing if they can do so
with honor, to defeud their Sta-c, and if need
he to *a*jrihee tkeir n xvUu*4
upon her altar: 1)> this, and what encout
agementdo weoffev toothers to step forwan
and take their places?
I deny that such action would be just E
our brave Generals on the- one hand, or t
the companies in the condition above do
scribed, on the other; or indeed to any com
pany, which at the call of the State, has or
ganized iu conformity to her laws, and beet
accepted into her service for her defence.
I deny that it is just to the city of Savan
nah, or to tho seaeoast, by this extraordinary
legislation to drive from the field nearly ten
thousand of Georgia’s most gallant sons, and
leave these exposed points at the mercy of
the enemy. And I deny that such legisla
tion would reflect the will of the noble con
stituency who sent us here, and committed
to our keeping their honor and their safety
They will never consent to see Georgia’s
prom! escutcheon tarnished, or her flag trail
ing in the dust before her enemies because
it must cost her a few dollars fu maintain
her noble sons in the field for her defence.
The adoption <>f any policy looking to a
transfer of the State troops, which may re
sult in their disorganization, at a time when
their services are so much needed by the
State, would be, iu my opinion, not only
unwise, but suicidal, and must result in the
most disastrous - consequences to the State.
If this fatal policy should be determined
upon by the General Assembly, I will he re
sponsible for none of the consequences grow
ing out of it; and in the name of the people
of Georgia, I now, in advance, enter my
solemn protest against it. If the State
troops are disbanded, or the appropriations
to maintain them are made upon the condi
tion that they lie transferred or disbanded,
which is equivalent to an order to disband
them, it will become my duty, as the Execu
tive of the State, to proclaim to her people,
that, while the enemy is thundering at her
gates, her representatives have left'mo pow
erless for her defence, by withholding the
necessary means, and even taking from me
those already at my command.
If l have used strong language, I mean |
no disrespect. When all that i* dear to a
people is at stake, the occasion requires the
utmost frankness and candor.
Josei'h E. Brow n.
Kepotl of lli“ Hoi**** Com
mittee.
The Committee, to whom was referred the
Message from His Excellency the Governor,
in relation to the tender of the troops in the
service of the State to the Confederate Gov
ernment, have given the same due cousider
tion, and beg leave to submit the following,
REPORT:
The House bad under consideration a bill
to provide for the public defence, and to ap
propriate money for the same. In the midst
of the discussion, a Message was announced
and received from His Excellency the Gov-,
ernor. When it was taken up and read, it
proved to be an elaborate argument against
the provisions of the bill under considera
tion, and a solemn protest against its passage.!
The first question which presents itself is:
Had the Governor the right to send a Mes-j
sage to the House, containing an argument,
against tho bill while under consideration?,
r> , ,
The Constitution of the State says, tn ex-,
[ilicit t mis, that “Tho Legislative, Execu-j
tive and Judicial departments shall be dis- 1
tinct; and each department shall be confided
to a separate body of magistracy. No per
son, or collection of persons, being of one ;
department, shall exercise any power, prop-:
erly attached to either of the others, except !
iu eases therein expressly provided.” —
Again: “The Legislative power shall be
vested in the General Assembly, which shall
consist of a Senate and a House of Repre
sentatives,” and “the General Assembly
shall have power to make all laws and ordi
nances consistent with the Constitution of
the Confederate States, which they shall
deem necessary and proper for the welfare <>t
the State.”
“The Executive power shall be vested in
a Governor,” and “the Govern^ - shall have,
the revision of all bills passed by both
Houses, before the same shall become laws.’ :
From these provisions of the Constitution,:
it is meant that tho different departments of
the Government shall be separate and dis
tinct, and that neither shall interfere with
another in the performance of its duties. —
To the General Assembly is granted the
power to make laws, and incident to that is;
the right to deliberate on measures which (
may be proposed —no one has the right to,
participate in such deliberations, unless he j
is a member of one branch or the other ot,
the General Assembly—and the message of
His Excellency, which was intended to be
read as an argument to the House against
the passage of the bill under consideration,
was not only au unwarrantable interference
in the business of the House, but was an
open, direct and palpable violation of the
Constitution. It was not sent in response
to a call on the Governor for information
it was not a recommendation to the consider
fcion of the House of a measure which he
deemed necessary and expedient, but it was
an argument thrust in, unbidden and un
asked, against a bill which he wLlied to de
feat. ISuch an assumption of power by His
Excellency is a usurpation which cannot and
ought not to be tolerated. He has no more
right to interfere with the House, while de
liberating on a bill, than any member of the
House has to address an argument to him,
when a bill is submitted to him for his ap
proval nr rejection.
No less objectionable is the insinuation
contained in the message, that the action of
the House may be “influenced by party con
siderations or by personal hatred or personal
favoritism —or that it was intended to sus
tain or advance the political fortunes of one
man, or to injure those ot another.” Ha
lt come to this, that the Representatives of
the people cannot propose and discuss a
question of momentous importance, and in
volving the highest interest of the f*tate,
without subjecting themselves to the inju
rious imputation of being governed by party
considerations and personal hatred, it then
views should come in conflict with those of
His Excellency? Wi“ constituted him the
judge of the motives which govern others in
the performance of the duties which devolve
upon them l
The Representatives of the people, whom
| H . has so unjustly aspersed, can and have
come to the consideration ot questions of
public policy from a seuse of duty, aud i
-of party considerations or personal
hatred, and uninfluenced by any desire to
advance the political fortunes of one man,
or to injure those of another, and indignant
ly tie ia the
the contrary. In a crisis like the present,
when all are ready to sacrifice their “lives
and fortunes” iu defence of their country,
such a calumny, coming from the Chief
Magistrate of our State, tcuds only to stir
up aud excite feelings of hostility, when he
should inculcate harmony and concord.
The next matter in the message, which
deserves consideration, is the implied threat
that the troops in the service of the State
will not submit to the legislation, which pro
poses, not to remove them from the State,
but simply to place them under the authori
ty of the Confederate Government —and
such a transfer is characterized by His Ex
cellency, as an act of injustice. This part
of the message is calculated to excite insub
ordination and disobedience among the troops,
aud ou that ground it deserves severe repre
hension. It is a fact known to the House,
that pending the bill, His Excellency trans
mitted to the House some resolutions which
had been passed by the officers of one of the
regiments of State volunteers, threatening
to “abandon the field and return homo,” iu
the event of their being transferred to the
service of the Confederate Government.—
It is a singular coincidence that the message
and resolutions contained intimations of what
would be the action of the Mate troops in
a certain event, conveyed in language almost
identical. Was there a complicity between
His Excellency and the troops in urging
their threats upon the House? One resolu
tion requested His Excellency to lay them
before the General Assembly—and he obey- j
ed their behest. The Constitution makes
the Governor commander-iu-chief of the ar
my and navy of the State, and it is his duty,
as such, to preserve subordination in both
officers and privates. As the commander
in-chief, orders must emanate from him, and
he is not subject to the order of any one.—
Rut he has presented himself before the
House, as the medium through which a
threat of insubordination is communicated,
and instead of rebuking the threat, reiter
ates it himself in his message. W hose
cheek does not mantle with shame at the
thought that the commander-in-chief of the
army has so prostituted his high office? and
that he holds over the beads of the Repre
sentatives of the people the threat of a dis
obedient soldiery to deter them from the
passage of a bill which he disapproves? It
is humiliating and mortifying to know that
he has permitted himself to be made sub
servient to their will, instead of holding
them in subjection to the authority of the
laws—that lie is under their orders, aud is
the channel through which they are trans
mitted.
Another view of the message which pre
sents itelf, is the issue which His Excellen
cy attempts to raise between the Legislature
and the people. The message represents
the advocates of the bill it a
question of money —whether money shall
be appropriated for tho defence of the State,
aud leave if open to the inference, that if
the appropriation is refused, they will leave
the State defenceless, because they are un
willing to incur a public debt. But this L
a gross misrepresentation ol the bill aud its
advocates. It proposes to raise and appro
priate five millions of dollars as a military
fund for tlie year 186'2, and provides that if
the troops in the service of the State shall
be turned over to the Confederate Govern
ment, and accepted for the same service,
aud for the same time of their present en
listment, then the money appropriated by
the bill shall not be raised —but if they shall
not. be accepted, then are to remain in the
service of the State, aud tor the defence of
the State, and the money proposed to be
; raised by the bill shall be applied for State
defence, as directed. It is simply a ques
tion whether Georgia shall maintain an ar
my at her own expense, aud lisa heavy pub
lic debt upon her people, or whether she
shall he defended by the Confederate Gov
ernment, and at the expense of that Gov
ernment. And His Excellency raises a
false issue, when he says, “if the State
troops are disbanded, or the appropriations
to maintain them are made upon the condi
tion that they he transferred, or disbanded,
which is equivalent to an order to disband
them, it will lieeomo his duty, as the Execu
tive of the State to proclaim to her people,
that while the enemy is thundering at her
gates, her representatives have left him pow
erless for her defence by withholding the
necessary means, and even taking from him
those already at his command.” This proc
lamation, when made, if it ever shall be
made, will present a false issue to the country.
It is not true that the Representatives of
the people have proposed to leave His Ex
cellency powerless for the defence ot the
State, while the enemy was thundering at
her gates. It is not true that they have
withheld from him the neeassary means of
defence ; on the contrary, it is undeniably
true that they have proposed to place the
troops now in the service of the State under
the control ol the t’onfederate Government,
to remain in the State to serve for the time,
and upon the terms of their enlistment, and
thus relieve the State front her heavy ex
pense ol maintaining them, and yet have
their protection : and it is equally true that
if the Gonfedrrate Government should not
receive them upon thy terms proposed, an
ample appropriation, and larger by $1,500,-
000 than that asked by His Excellency has
been made for their support and for contin
uing them in the field. So that so far as
money is concerned, ample provision has
been made in the bill for the support of the
troops, if they remain in the service es the
State ; and if they go into the service of the
Confederate States they will remain in the
State, aud the State will have the saute de
fence which she would have it thej were ex
clusively under the control of her officers.—
The message of His Excellency does gro.-
iujustiee to the advocates of the bill iu rep
resenting them as withholding the, proper
means of defence, when the reverse is the
tiutb.
The Committee, in conclution, submit the
following resolutions, and recommend their
adoption :
Jt-soiled, That the Constitution of this
State, which confers upon Ilis Excellency,
the Governor, power to convene the General
Assembly, and to give them, from time to
time, information of the state of the Repub
lic, and recommend to their consideration
such measures as be may deem necessary and
expedient, does not authorize him to send an
argument to either House, for or against
any measure they may have under consid
eration-—no more than to come in person in
to the House and engage in the discussion.
Resolved, That the message which was
i sent to the House by His Excellency, the
VOLUME XXXIX—NO 40
protest against the passage of the bill appro
priating money for the defence of the State,
which the House had under consideration,
was an unwarrantable interferance with the
and. libaratinus of the House, and receive ovr
unqualified condemnation.
Resolved, That the threat contained iu
the message, that that the troops in the ser
vice of the State will not submit to the leg
islation of the General Assembly, iu the
eveut of such legislation being contrary to
their wishes, was unbecoming the official
I posstion occupied by His Excellency—au
infringement of the right of free discussion,
and an invasion of the piivileges of tho
House.
Resolved, That it is not true that the Rep
resentatives of the people have proposed to
transfer the troops in the service of tho
State to the Confederate Government in
such way a? amounts to an order to disband
them, and the declaration in the message
that “it will become the duty of the Execu
tive of the State to proclaim to her people
that while the enemy is thundering at her
gates, her Rperesentatives have left him
powerless for her defences by withholding
i the necessary means, and even taking from
him those already at his command, ’is un
true and not warranted by any act of this
House.
Resolved, That the insinuation in the
message that the action of the House may
be influenced by party considerations, oi by
personal hatred, or personal favoritism, or to
advance the political fortunes of one man or
to injure those of another, is an aspersion
which we indignantly repel.
Resolved, That, the message of Ifts Excel
lency be entered on the journal to he fol
lowed immediately by this report.
L,oi'l Palmerston on Prornriiii:
Cotton.
At Lord Mayor of London’s dinner re
cently, in reply to a toast given by the Lord
Mayor “The health of Her Majesty’s .Min
isters”—Lord Palmerson made allusion to
the cotton supply :
“The condition of our revenue is altogeth
er satisfactory, [cheers,] and, although cir
cumstances beyond our control may threaten
for a time to interfere with the full supplies
of that article so necessary for the produc
tive industry of the country, yet we doubt
that temporary evil will he productive of
permanent good, [cheers,] and we shall find
iu various quarters of the globe sure and
certain and ample supplies, which will r< n
| der us no longer dependent upon one source
iof production for that which is so neccssaiy
| for the industry and welfare of the country.
I [Cheers,].
“On the other side of the Atlantic wo
witness with the deepest affliction, which no
words can express—[cheers]—differences of
tho most lamentable kind among those
whom we call our cousins and our relations.
[Cheers.] It is not fur us to pa.-s judgement
upon those disputes; it is enough for us to
otter a fervent prayer that such differences
may not be of long continuance, and that
they may speedily be succeeded by the res
i to rati mi of harmony and of peace.” [('hee r s]
Tiie LL. D. Dispensing Champagne. —
The New York Herald’s Washington corres
pondent. relates that while at the late review
of Lincoln’s troops, near Washington, the
columns were passing in review, an officer
rode up to General McDowell, the senior
officer of the day, and informed him that
liquors were being freely sold by a person
from a carriage on the ground, against all
orders. The General authorized the officer
to have the offender arrested. The officer
took a squad of men with him and started
in pursuit of the alleged vender of intoxica
ting drinks, and soon baked iu front of a
carriage containing a basket of
the contents of which were being freely dis
pensed by the proprii tor thereof. Ihe officer
made inquiry as to the name of the owner,
and was informed that the proprietor ot the
team and champagne was Russell. “M hat
Russell ?” asked the officer. “Russell, of
the London Times.” “Are yon selling this
article ?” asked the offlr-or, pointing to the
champagne. “Selling the dcril ! Do you
think that I keep a grogshop ?” responded
Russell. Ry this Line the officer began to
“smell a rut,” and quietly drove away, find
ing out very soon after that it was another
person who was violating orders by selling
liquors on the ground. Said person was ac
cordingly arrested and placed in the guard
house.
The Next Crop.— From present indien
| lions, we feel safe in saying that the yotton
crop of the ensuing year of 1802, will fail,
comparatively, far short of any proceeding
crop that has ever been grown throughout
this section. Fields that were once white
with cotton are now green with the apparent
growth of small grain. Ourlargeand small
farmers will plant cotton sufficient only to
supply home demands and the demands
of the Confederate States, and if we should
be blessed with moderate seasons, a bountiful
supply of the necessaries of life will be raised,
and our people will feel independent and at
ease within themselves. This is the spirit of
the day; may it continue until it drives mad
ness from the dull and stupid brain of fan
aticism. —Albany {(la-) Rah lot.
Yankee Missionary Labor.— The Bos
ton Traveller , in a general notice of the
rebel prisoners confined in Fort Warren,
says :
Yesterday, Mr. X. Broughton, the agent
of the American Tract Society, went down
to Fort Warren, carrying about two hun
dred dollars worth of books, contributed by
the booksellers of Boston and vicinity, for
the use of prisoners. He offered books to
several prisoners in person, and, among oth-
Cis, to Mr. Mason. The books offered to
the rebel ambassador were of a devotional
character, written by eminent English cler
gymen. Without examining them, he de
clined to receive them, with the remark,
“Do you suppose we need your instruction ?”
Otheis of the prisoners received the books
with evident gratitude.
The Bi rnt District.— lt is now asccrs
taiued that the sweep of the conflagraiion of
last M’eduesday night was 18000 yards in
length, with an average width of 250 yards.
That is about one mile in length by one sev
enth of a mile in width.
We notice that the work of clearing the
streets of the stones, bricks and rubbish,
and of pulling down the totteriug and dan
gerous walls has already been begun. W e
hope that these very necessary measures will
be pushed forward, with all possible vigor~s