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Georgia journal and messenger. (Macon, Ga.) 1847-1869, December 25, 1861, Image 1

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l\ S. HOSE & CO. .. (iiMi.gia Journal A, ■ I•• -rj WoliM-aJay nomiat! *1 (1 .'■* ixrtiikuo !• 1 ‘ . j..i it tht rritiutr rbarße tnl*< dh Iktut i ~* Hr.tkitii> wutMuß lc*>, for ibett/Muuvr* , , . CtM- l>f €a(fc )U i-n|U(iil liuerttuu. All , ?I** ■* i ii ■ i M l*i uni**, will be ‘ ( | till • ur<f.l A l>tHsri <tt, nun'. , , t . uk- *t> . 4*crti*e bj lue j-ar. . tl S >iicka il ■•> ui l< UkW, will l* chaa> nil jtr* of cau'iiiitin for office, to ho jx.J for at , t . rite*. alien iMWIiI. tu/ i ma t** will, .-ouoty oAitfi, Drug-, v , Htfcluall, til l Other*, who iuj., wi*b to by |‘\co4lrt, Unialtlrihri Itao*. ar rwwiret bjr law to Ik in * -i -tte, forty Jay- f-r. >: os t-. tiir .!%> of smUr. ’ , t ||,net r,, ; h. 11 outlie Lr*i f .oJay in the wtulh. ,ii ho ir* of ho in the forenoon au-t three in ih* ,1, kl the Court hou.4< u the ruuiity in which tie 1 . .► rwoumi. P lortKTf muni Iwailicrkiwil in like r i'*n >lO no OcchiTiuie of an Kitate ihti-u l>r . f, it will be maJr to Uie Ordinary for ..•Il hin t and moatbe |niMihe<l weekly lor * ~ for Letter* of A-luaiul ilratinn*. thirty days; fur >a fro to Aituiinittrat'.on, rnuU.iy, su ikoutlo; foi tu from ltmnli*n>likp, edly, forty <l*y* ‘ i. •> K >kio"OMM or M oiutiit. loouilily, for ; for e-uahhhin * lost yiixti, lor lh- full rimee f oonth* : for rftu>|--tliiitc title* front eaecut* t* or i l irtlwi where abort ha* been riven by the deceased , full space of three m mth* Letiera ahlrt-*e,l to 8 R’ SC A CD. I'rulf’vtidiial itfttl l{fi'im , >> tlft-U. mi cm it ittvi C*af>- will be Inserted under , , Tnreelmew, per annum * 5 *w i-vni lines, do I* M o 1 o line* ’ do i t* Ot .. IW* lines, do KiM s ~!rerti-to*w*a of this class will *>e adh.ifte.l, unS li j., „!. anew, nor f>r a le.e. lernt than twelve utonth* ’ ~ r utv of over twelve lines will Iteeharfed rao kTi. r t , ;u- wot pai.l for in anvanee will be rlitinnl al t;l ;• . i ;. \K \IISKI’IN< 18 n y v - SS, KMUUT TKMI'I.AK>, ODD FEL i i\V< AN f> SONS OK TEMPER VNt’E, HKLI* IS IIIK CUT UT MattO*. MASONS. . j j t >f tie irgi* for itetoher Slit. ’ i -ue. *j. 5, rirrt and th.r.t Monday night* tn each S.I I, set >n.l >1 ndy niyht in each , „ Oourn'il, No ft, fourth Monday night in each f ,|.nl. UmgM* Templar, No. i, Meetings . . t Toevlay it rut iu i-acu month. ODD FELLOWS. I j,cijfe, first TTi ilnrsday in June. f j i t. •vup.nent, TWesdiy prevtuos. 1 i 1. 1 ire. No. i, et cry Thursday erenlog. ■ ft...liters. No. ft, every Toeiday evening. Kucampm-.nt, So. i, second and hturth Mnn l*y eteniouv in each month. SON3 OF TEMPERANCE. .11). ion. fourth Vlednesduy iu 0-. Tiber, * usually. I 1 ) A t L i* b, t*a*i> iV < \n.\y**Ss ATTORNEYS AT LAW f FOUM i 11, -A. It ’ li t. tct.c .a’ in ‘.he couutiesof >l..nroe, Bihb, Up- j it ‘i. Tike, Stpaidtng, Menry and ilutta. ...e t.r .luota'id cur.jlant aitcntion to the coileeti',n aud 1 i _ir:n;t oi itebti and claims. , ri.l-PL.KJi, OEO. A. CABANIS3. formerly of Athens, tta. i .1. It it i VII A R, Jr. ATTOSHEY AT LAW, ti It ON, <• A. , mi |CK on Cotton Avenue over the baptist ds \ I, room formerly occupied by Ur. tireen. ft. Ki t ook, ATTORNEY AT LAWV, M ICON, CBOK3IA i t FFlft’E With ~pecr A Uuuter, over Bost’ k‘a Store. * * y e t,. latil —y LA.B lit COBU, ATTORNEY AT LAW, M WON, liKOBt-O, )FFlt li on M Jtite. ry street, over the Store of A. M. u a L-li-. ir i C<i., in Uviit'iiuuih ltlocK. Vv .11 iu B.hb, Crawford, thiolj, Houston, lUmr, 1 1 ’ H't IVorth, and auutter. M> T*-y 1 LAW C Aii I>. MESSRS. COOK, RODIN SON Ai MONTFOIiT, tirihb practice Law in the counties of Taylor, Macon, V T il >a,t HI, ii .oly, Sumler, Marion, Bchley, ainl in such ,itiler counties iu Hie “ttate a* their l.usisiess will auitntrise. atT Oi l it F itl OjjleiltoryM*. PHi LIP COOK, VV. H. HO 111 N SON. juae Ai-’6d—tf T. W. MON TROUT. LAIVIKM Sk IKDGIIMIRy ATTORNEYS AT LAW, ,i VCO.N, ft.A. I > : VCTIOK iu the Conn ies of the Macon Circuit, and in I ,c t’tuntic* of Sumter, Jfonroe and Jones; also in the tern Court*at Savannah. £.„*! ■-!„ t I l,t i Kllhl nF. A ASSUtVs ATTORNEYS AT LAW, KNOXYILI.R A N l> I'OHT VAI.I.KY. 11 A. O. P. CCI.YKRHOUSR, F A. ANSI.RY, Kriovvillc, (la. Fort Valley, (la. 00*31 -’fttt-ly f,. *. wihttm:. ATTORNEY AT LAW, J (AWN, Gb'OKlrlA. rriCK n<xt to CONCERT HALL, over Pijm’b Hr** Wore )*t. 6, [U-ljr.] TBMUi K. CABAIVISt, ATTORNEY AT LAW, ktteail promptly to all basinv** vutrustrd to hU ts earn ia iheCoant:r'>f llil.l*, BmHi, CrtvfoN, nr*, Pike, Spaliltug ami Upson. iny *2 JOEL U. GIUKFIN, ATTORNEY AT LAW, MACON, GEORGIA. \ITU<I* prartk-e in the Counties of And the a.I ----t f j.tainC Circuit*. A is# in the iiowtlc* ol the West ahti ? /uth-iVest Georgia, accessible by Kail Read. J#~ Particular personal • !**• Riven to collecting. ,V“ e with o A. I.ochraue, Dauiour’s HuiMirijr, 2d i’tffrrt. f**t> yf-'6U - 4*-if KKTIOVAIo I) illM, h* remove-1 hi* La* Office to Cherry street >. uj, , , r, of bail iio* next 1e1.,w It A W i“e’ lurnish in< t ,rc. H • will c’.teiel the Coarts as heretofore. Martin, Oct. 1, IT*,t. oct 9 Af l*. X'MIALD A V A \ GIEMCA, DENTISTS, •lißre in U'asliiuictaii lilm k, *1 roi, Ca„ ELECTRICITY USED IN EXTRACTING TEKTII. \ 5.11*N Tooth Paste always ob Kami au>l for sale. Dentist* can in •lie.t with the finest style of TEETH, alsoifJTe G Ut fail, tiot-.i au.l Silver Plate ami Wire, U-’ e fivtatw, I*., vise riit any timl of instruiocnts nr it>-ria i on short notice. will Spring it ml Sitiiiuitr Fashion* for 1 8 <> 1 . Direct Imports titma from France via New Orleans Mks. F. DESSAU \\fOILU respectfully announce to the V f |;„t,-s that she has iu*t returned trom A ,'jfc'b, Si <>r>ans, where he has pnrthased for 1 i full assortment of Willi <-rj, Lace, s* Ur. -.i wl-.0l the latest < inj.or- Jk§2%rU? ’ an I >.*ur! her B.nneon 1 hors *” Marcli *> Mrs. l>ets*u confident tttPjJoi ,’J : v ■ In, lies will be pleased with th-styks V £ 5 t~W “m!i: e*. as they are ru|Hrti>r to any V* J ;S ■l't heretofore to this j.lace. * i F l-d* ‘ißioerf wippiiel a* wholesale W'.ih * Bonnrti an A Millinery Itoods. l ,r ’ A Card. hit. J. B. GOF.VtN bavin* extensively used l iTTUtV Viitsirccs take* pleasure in savin* it is the most val '*••l remedy to cure Atl lirn of ttnufr be ever anew. A daiUrhottle quite tufCn m* for 2T> .-aaes. <1 i evinr tli t in re cliiidren are lost from *he effects <> ‘’ ■* ’ than from all other canjes 1 recommend it lully to *•<•, *l>,..ty. [ n using,nothin*BWel necessary lint todoar ! "= tiUiren sprin< and fall. Besides the ifreatcouvenlencr •ueb racli rines, 1 never before fonnd a more safe, oi on : re -ert ilnly to to* relied upon than Dr. W’. G. Lillie* ’ -t.uifupe. f i ~Kton, Ga., Feb. 2,ts<r>. {••'He’s Ano.lvne Cnuab Drops per bottle f” *5 L tlr's Terraifit.>;•, in larye bottles I 0 L ttie's Yernth|e. in villa ttfi *• ttk's Hin* arid Tetter Worm Ointment 1 (VI -Atle’s French Mixture 1 50 marSrW— piiOun. k URLS, superfine and Family Flour to arrive ‘* ’ “f ICJK.U pound* Choice Family Flour, (sacks) In r’ , and to- sale be E> BGWMUE * AHDWUuci. Georgia lontnai anil itkssaigcr. THE YEAR SIXTY-ONF. We copy this Ueautilul articlo IromtKe Nashville (riurilt. The editor remit Its that il tft “from the pelt of a pilled young lady.” We regret that a tew hues ot it were obliterated in our cop?, which we have to omit; IU UR3. KMILIK C. S. CHILTON. No* the Tear i-t old and tiling, The once young mprry year Is >ld and cold and irettibliiig, And hastening to his bier. Hi* oice once rude and stoimy, In his M treh’s early days Is to a and s-td and broken. And iiioitriitid are his lavs ; And : one there are to smile on him, Not breathe a word of praise. He was so bright and smiling, Eleven months ego— Ho till, and with h<>(- and promise, I’aressed and tlvttercd so, lie grew a very tyrant In his fretiul, wilful ways, And romped and stonued us ruefully In tiis rule mid waywrard pUvs, And we coldcd and caressed him more, And bi lined him but to praise. lie won our hearts completely, \V e and < anted ot seasons bright, Pa'S warm and filled with fragrance From dawning antil night; And said, “ tins year wilt bless us . When lie has older grown. He will fullill our every hope. No fears need we have known, Os all the year* the most of faith We have iu this our own.” Alas! the very grass that grows Must wither in the lit Id, The siroiiHe.t towers our fancies build To iiyie’s decrees must yieUl. We Idle thought when and diving with The yotithlui petted year, lhal hope was vain and ranker still Would grow each troubled fear— , That days we pictured blight and fair, Would darken n.l be drear. Yet mother earth so loved her boy, This merry romping child. And yi- lded up so plenteous)?. Her fruits both tame and wild, And opened wiJe the grauurv doors, And scattered btoad cast o’er This land, to plea*e her growing son ‘1 he riches oi her store. Wi sigh to think time has left Is so much to deplore, For sistv-onc has walked the earth, And left his tracks iu blood. He has tiroughf swords and (laming brand*, When we had hoped for good. He brought a harvest togiioi Death, A harvest full and red, And where they once so proudly marched, Is many a soldier's bed, And lliO'C who on the young year smiled, Now tremble at his tread. Now- the year is old and flying, His peaceful w ork is done, His Isles are of the bloody field Os victories lost and won. He sees to day the greatest wreck Upon the shores of Time; His name will be lepeated With the tales of work he’s done, In every laud, in every clone, That lies beneath the sun, Angi Is will dale their heavenly birth From bloody sixty-one. Tht; year is old and dying. And mother eaith is sail. And weehlv vit Ids her treasure* In lobes of mourning clad, She g /. s up in dreaming mood, Where tall trees slowlv wave, Like mourners swayed in agony, Above a loved one’s grave. For silent Nature sorrows for The lives she cannot save. The year is old and dying; We view bis coining end, With heat la in tullness throbbing, He has not been a triefid, * Amt what will his successor lie? Wiili straining eyes we look To see the opening ot the seal Thai bind* the Future's bock. To catch a glimpse of the weal or woe In the Future’s hidden book. CcllkoK a, Tetin., Dec. t, 1861. ft.ov. UriiU t*rt<‘vl i nsl tli> Mate Dt lt-itee Kill. Executive Department, ) MiPedgeville, (ia., Dec. 1861. ) : Tn th> (h nerot A The correspondence between the Secretary of War and myself which has been laid be you, shows that 1 did all in my power to induce the Government of tlie Confeder ate States to increase the force of our coast and to make the necessary preparation for our defence, prior to tlie organization by me of the military forces now in the service of the State, in making this statement, 1 do not wish to be understood that 1 reflect up on that Government, for a wilful neglect of duty. 1 believe it is the wish aud intention of those in authority, to u<e the forces and means at their command, in such niauuer, aud at such places as will best promote the general good. Hut viewing the field lreiu the st-jud jMiint which they occupy, they have been of opinion, as their action has shown, that there wa< greater necessity for the troops, aud the resources at their command, at other points. Hence, they failed to make the necessary preparation for our defence. Appreciating the difficulties with which the t ‘onfederute Government had to contend, and hoping that they might make the neces sary preparations for the defence of the State, I delayed action on State account as long as 1 could possibly do so, consistently with the public safety. Almost every news taper received from the North in the months of August and September, contained state rn iits of the strength of the floet which was being fitted out by the enemy, and of the intention to send it with an invading force against our coast as soon as the season would ! permit. In the formation of the Constitution of | the Confederate States, each State reserved ! to itself the sovereign right to en tjaye in 1 War when “actually invaded, or in such ini mincQt danger as will not admit of delay.” The statute of our own State authorized me to accept the services of teu thousand vol uii teen l , of different arms, in such propor tions as the exigencies of the service may refjutre. The people of the coast continual ly called on tuc for protection. The general voice of the people of the State was, that they were entitled to it, and that the safety of the while State, detrended in a great de gree, upon the successful defence of the coast. The Constitution gave me the right, aud the statute made it my duty to act. 1 did so; hut not until the latest day, when 1 could have time to organize and prepare the troops for service, before the invasion. The organization has been conducted in strict conformity to the requirements of the statute, and the Generali have been appoint ed to command the troops, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate now in session. Suppose 1 had made a calculation, and dcteituiued that, it Would coftt too l|Uch, MACON, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 25, 1861. for the State to assist in her own defence, and had refused to call out the tioops, and had met the General Assembly, aud in formed you that 1 had made no preparation fu - the defence of the State, for the reason that it must coat a large sum of money; and that I had again and a gam asked the Secretary of War to defend us, and that I relied on the three or four thousand Confed erate trivips then on our coa?t, to protect the city of Savannah, ami the whole coast igainst the powerful force sent for our sub jugation; what would have been the verdict passed upon mv conduct by the General Assembly, and every intelligent patriot in Georgia? Would it not have been one of universal and just condemnation. Results have shown that I was not mis taken when I decided that the danger was imminent, and commenced active prepara tion to meet it. The invader’s troops are on our soil, and his flag now waves over our territory, aud insults the dignity and sovereignty of our State. Thus menaced with subjugation and de gradation, is it possible that we, as the rep resentatives of the people, and as co-ordi nate branches of the government, can spend our time in discussions about the cost of our defence; or whether the State or Confeder ate Government shall for the present, as sume the burden, and make the expenditure; or that our action can l*e influenced by par ty considerations, or by personal haired, or personal favoritism ; or that we cannot stop to consider whether our action will tend to sustain, or to advance the political fortunes of one man, or to injure those of another. Surely we have graver duties thou these to perform, and mightier responsibilities to meet. \Ye have now been over four weeks in session. Our troops in the field have been in need of supplies, and we have made an appropriation of only one hundred thousand dollars. This is not more than half the ne cessary expense of our military operations, since the commencement of the session, and is Imt little over double the sum necessary to pay the expense which the General As sembly lias cost the State for the same length of time. I mention these things in no spirit of fault finding, hut iu the hope that dissen sions and jealousies, if they exist, may be banished from our midst, and that we may unite as one man, and promptly provide the necessary means to defend the State, and drive the invader from her soil. The organization of the State troops is becoming a very efficient one, which will soon make them terrible to the invader. At this important period, in the face of the enemy; when organization and harmony are of the utmost importance, a proposition is made that we pause and count the cost es our defence, and that we transfer our army to the Confederacy, by regiments, battalions or companies, and if they are not, received, that we disband the troops and thus get rid of the expense. Lot us examine this question of expense for a moment. Suppose we dismiss from our breasts every feeling of patriotism, and every generous impulse, with every desire for liberty or independence, and consider the question as one of sordid gain, of mere dollars and cents. What reasonable man, having an estate of seven hundred millions of dollars, and finding it in litigation, and the title in a precarious condition, would hesitate a moment to give able counsel five millions to defend and secure this title.’' — The property of the people of Georgia is worth seven hundred millions of dollars — the State is now invaded, and every dollar of it hangs upon the result. If we are con quered, all is lost. Is it possible iu this state of the case, that we can refuse to give five millions for the support of our gallant troops who arc now in the field, ready to spill the last drop of their blood, to defend and secure our title? Strong as the case tliu* presented may he, this is a narrow con tracted view of the subject. All the prop erty and all the money in the State is as nutliing compared with the principles in volved, aud the consequences to us and our posterity. Hut dn we get rid of the expense by the proposed transfer? I maintain that it does not in any view of the question save to the State one dollar. Ts the troops are trans ferred, the Confederacy will pay their ex penses, ami Georgia, as a member of the Confederacy, will have to meet her part of it. If she retains them, at the end of the war the Confederacy will assume the ex pense ot the Georgia troops as well as of the troops of the other States, ami Georgia will only have to pay her part. If the Confede racy does not receive the troops, and they are disbanded, the city of Savannah, and the whole seaeoast, and the southern part, of the State, must fall into the hands of the ene my, and the destruction of property will cost us ten times as much as the highest ap propriation any one would ask to support the troops There is not, therefore, one dollar of economy or of saving to the State in the proposition. Virginia, Tennessee, North and South I Carolina, Louisiana, and probably Other j States, arc calling, and have called into the (field, large numbers of State troops, to repel j the invasion and prefect their property. At j;he end of the war, the expense incurred by each of these States will be assumed by the Confederacy, and Georgia Will have to pay her part of it. If, while they defend them selves, she permits her coast to fall into the hands cf the enemy, and her citizens to be plundered, rather than iucur the expense necessary to the protection of her peoplo f the other States of the Confederacy may he saved their part of the expend which was necessary to net J.-fence. lut instead of saving expense, is she not the loser? Tennessee expended live millions of dol lars in less than six months, and no com plaint is heard from Legislators or her peo ple, that theyeannot afford to incur the ex pense of self-defence. Two other grave questions in this connec tion demand our careful consideration.— Have we the power to transfer the troops to the Confederacy, without, their consent?— Aud has the President the power to accept them even with their consent ? Neither is true. First, as to our power to transfer them; the troops in response to the call of the Ex ecutive of the State, have volunteered to serve the State as Staff troojm; and have been mustered into the service of the State, and not into the service of the Confederacy. It was co part of the contract between the |troo|iH and the State, that they should be [transferred tlyj *mie the tWede**- •y; and the State has no right to make tht ransfer without their consent. They are no •attle to be bought aud sold in the market. They are brave, generous, hightmed free nen, who have left their homes at the call >f their State, and are now undergoing all he fatigues and hardships of camp life foi icr defence. While they are brave enough o defend their rights, they are intelligent •nottgh to understand then!; and we are treatly mistaken if we suppose they will •übiuit to a change of their present orguni tation, or to an act of injustice to those who lave their confidence, and who have been egt/lly appointed to command them. They ire, as our statute which was passed to meet his very emergency, required, organized mto ■ompnnies, battalions, regiments, brigades, md a Division. If we disband the division ind turn over the brigades, we are, in my •pinion, guilty of gross injustice to the gal ;aut and chivalrous son of Georgia, whom we have just called from an honorable com mand in Virginia, where he has rendered listinguished service, and have invited to •he command of the troops ot his native State, fit response to the call made upon him by the Governor with the advice and •onsent <>f the Senate, he has resigned his ‘onimand in the Confederate service, and is • m his way to Georgia; and it is now pro posed w hen he reaches the State, to inform him that lie has been deceived ; that we have changed our policy, and that his services are •lot needed. If we disband the brigades, we do injus tice to the Brigadier Generals, who have been called from important pursuits, and in vited by the highest appointing power in the I State to the com mauds which they now hold. Among this number is the gallant Walker, whose glorious deeds have shed lustre upon the character of the State, while his blood has stained almost every battle-field where his country’s rights have been vindicated for the last quaitcr of a century. If we disband the regiments, we do injus tice to the Colonels, who have been legally elected to command them; and if we dis band the battalions and tender the troops by companies, we do like injustice to the Lieu tenant-Colonels and Majors. In any, or either of these cases, we must expect thatj the gallant men under their command, will j make the cause of their officers common j cause, and refuse to submit to such injustice. We have not, thereto e, the power to tians fertile troops without their consent; and I feel quite sure they will never give their consent unless the whole organization is transferred in its totality , retaining every officer from the Major-General down to the lowest grade in his position, with his rank and command. Second, as to the power of the President to accept the troops —the law passed by Con gress authorizes the President to accept them by companies, battalions, or regiments, but gives him no authority to accept a brigade or division. The law also defines the number of which a company shall consist, and gives him no power to accept a company with less than sixty-four nor more than one hundred privates. It will he borne in mind that the statute uses the term j/rivates. Add to these the four commissioned and eight non commissioned officers, and two musicians, and the nii)iinium number of a company which the law authorizes tlie President to accept is seventy-eight, while the wa rimum number is one hundred and fourteen. The President has no more right under the sta tute to accept a company with less than six ty-four privates, and a a proper number of officers, than lie has to accept a brigade or division. If the one is illegtl the other is equally so. The statute of our own State declares that a company of infantry shall consist of not less than fifty, nor more than eighty hank and file. This term includes uon-commis sioned officers and musicians as well as pri vates. Add the four commissioned officers, and our minimum number is fifty-four, and maximum number eighty-four. A compa ny must, therefore, approximate very near our largest number before it reaches the smallest number with which it can be re ceived into the Confederate*service. If I had had plenty of arms with which to aim the State troops, I might have refused to accept companies with less than the smallest Confederate or largest. State number. Hut I was compelled to appeal to the companies to bring good country arms with them, and as the number of these arms which could be made ellieieiit within the reach of a compa ny was generally limited, 1 was frequently obliged to accept, companies with little more than the smallest number allowed by t':e statute, or to reject them and permit them to disband. While, therefore, each and ev ery company is organized in conformity to our own statute, and has a legal number, probably each one of two-thirds of the com panies has less than the smallest, number authorized by the Confederate statute, and could not he accepted by the President or mustered into the service of the Confedera cy. If we could be supposed to be capable of the injustice to the Generals, Colonels, Lieutenant-Colonels and Majors which would result from a disbanding of the State organ ization, and should tender the troops by com panies, it is very clear that over two-thirds of them could not be accepted, and must, therefore, be disbanded and sent home. No one who carefully investigates this question can fail to see that an appropriation of mon ey for the support of the troops, which has a condition annexed to it,, making the appro priation dependent upon the tender ol the troops to, and their acceptance by the Con federacy is equivalent to a refusal to vote supplies for their support, and au order to disband them in the face of the enemy.— Hut it may be. Miid that Congress could pass lu- authorizing the President, in this par ticular ease, to rccrithe companies with their present organization consisting of less than sixty-four privates. This is true, and it is equally true that Congress c<.uld pass a law authorizing the President to accept them as organized by divisions and brigades. ‘The troops might consent, to the transfer on the latter supposition, as this would do justice to their officers and maintain their organization as it was formed by the State; but it is very certain, in my opinion, that they would not consent to the transfer upon any other terms. If we disband these troops because we fail to stand by our State organization, and protect their rights, or be cause we refuse to make the necessary ap priatiou to maintain them in the held, wc disband au organization of as noble Geor gians as ever assembled, with arm ß in their hands, ready and willing if they can do so with honor, to defeud their Sta-c, and if need he to *a*jrihee tkeir n xvUu*4 upon her altar: 1)> this, and what encout agementdo weoffev toothers to step forwan and take their places? I deny that such action would be just E our brave Generals on the- one hand, or t the companies in the condition above do scribed, on the other; or indeed to any com pany, which at the call of the State, has or ganized iu conformity to her laws, and beet accepted into her service for her defence. I deny that it is just to the city of Savan nah, or to tho seaeoast, by this extraordinary legislation to drive from the field nearly ten thousand of Georgia’s most gallant sons, and leave these exposed points at the mercy of the enemy. And I deny that such legisla tion would reflect the will of the noble con stituency who sent us here, and committed to our keeping their honor and their safety They will never consent to see Georgia’s prom! escutcheon tarnished, or her flag trail ing in the dust before her enemies because it must cost her a few dollars fu maintain her noble sons in the field for her defence. The adoption <>f any policy looking to a transfer of the State troops, which may re sult in their disorganization, at a time when their services are so much needed by the State, would be, iu my opinion, not only unwise, but suicidal, and must result in the most disastrous - consequences to the State. If this fatal policy should be determined upon by the General Assembly, I will he re sponsible for none of the consequences grow ing out of it; and in the name of the people of Georgia, I now, in advance, enter my solemn protest against it. If the State troops are disbanded, or the appropriations to maintain them are made upon the condi tion that they lie transferred or disbanded, which is equivalent to an order to disband them, it will become my duty, as the Execu tive of the State, to proclaim to her people, that, while the enemy is thundering at her gates, her representatives have left'mo pow erless for her defence, by withholding the necessary means, and even taking from me those already at my command. If l have used strong language, I mean | no disrespect. When all that i* dear to a people is at stake, the occasion requires the utmost frankness and candor. Josei'h E. Brow n. Kepotl of lli“ Hoi**** Com mittee. The Committee, to whom was referred the Message from His Excellency the Governor, in relation to the tender of the troops in the service of the State to the Confederate Gov ernment, have given the same due cousider tion, and beg leave to submit the following, REPORT: The House bad under consideration a bill to provide for the public defence, and to ap propriate money for the same. In the midst of the discussion, a Message was announced and received from His Excellency the Gov-, ernor. When it was taken up and read, it proved to be an elaborate argument against the provisions of the bill under considera tion, and a solemn protest against its passage.! The first question which presents itself is: Had the Governor the right to send a Mes-j sage to the House, containing an argument, against tho bill while under consideration?, r> , , The Constitution of the State says, tn ex-, [ilicit t mis, that “Tho Legislative, Execu-j tive and Judicial departments shall be dis- 1 tinct; and each department shall be confided to a separate body of magistracy. No per son, or collection of persons, being of one ; department, shall exercise any power, prop-: erly attached to either of the others, except ! iu eases therein expressly provided.” — Again: “The Legislative power shall be vested in the General Assembly, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Repre sentatives,” and “the General Assembly shall have power to make all laws and ordi nances consistent with the Constitution of the Confederate States, which they shall deem necessary and proper for the welfare <>t the State.” “The Executive power shall be vested in a Governor,” and “the Govern^ - shall have, the revision of all bills passed by both Houses, before the same shall become laws.’ : From these provisions of the Constitution,: it is meant that tho different departments of the Government shall be separate and dis tinct, and that neither shall interfere with another in the performance of its duties. — To the General Assembly is granted the power to make laws, and incident to that is; the right to deliberate on measures which ( may be proposed —no one has the right to, participate in such deliberations, unless he j is a member of one branch or the other ot, the General Assembly—and the message of His Excellency, which was intended to be read as an argument to the House against the passage of the bill under consideration, was not only au unwarrantable interference in the business of the House, but was an open, direct and palpable violation of the Constitution. It was not sent in response to a call on the Governor for information it was not a recommendation to the consider fcion of the House of a measure which he deemed necessary and expedient, but it was an argument thrust in, unbidden and un asked, against a bill which he wLlied to de feat. ISuch an assumption of power by His Excellency is a usurpation which cannot and ought not to be tolerated. He has no more right to interfere with the House, while de liberating on a bill, than any member of the House has to address an argument to him, when a bill is submitted to him for his ap proval nr rejection. No less objectionable is the insinuation contained in the message, that the action of the House may be “influenced by party con siderations or by personal hatred or personal favoritism —or that it was intended to sus tain or advance the political fortunes of one man, or to injure those ot another.” Ha lt come to this, that the Representatives of the people cannot propose and discuss a question of momentous importance, and in volving the highest interest of the f*tate, without subjecting themselves to the inju rious imputation of being governed by party considerations and personal hatred, it then views should come in conflict with those of His Excellency? Wi“ constituted him the judge of the motives which govern others in the performance of the duties which devolve upon them l The Representatives of the people, whom | H . has so unjustly aspersed, can and have come to the consideration ot questions of public policy from a seuse of duty, aud i -of party considerations or personal hatred, and uninfluenced by any desire to advance the political fortunes of one man, or to injure those of another, and indignant ly tie ia the the contrary. In a crisis like the present, when all are ready to sacrifice their “lives and fortunes” iu defence of their country, such a calumny, coming from the Chief Magistrate of our State, tcuds only to stir up aud excite feelings of hostility, when he should inculcate harmony and concord. The next matter in the message, which deserves consideration, is the implied threat that the troops in the service of the State will not submit to the legislation, which pro poses, not to remove them from the State, but simply to place them under the authori ty of the Confederate Government —and such a transfer is characterized by His Ex cellency, as an act of injustice. This part of the message is calculated to excite insub ordination and disobedience among the troops, aud ou that ground it deserves severe repre hension. It is a fact known to the House, that pending the bill, His Excellency trans mitted to the House some resolutions which had been passed by the officers of one of the regiments of State volunteers, threatening to “abandon the field and return homo,” iu the event of their being transferred to the service of the Confederate Government.— It is a singular coincidence that the message and resolutions contained intimations of what would be the action of the Mate troops in a certain event, conveyed in language almost identical. Was there a complicity between His Excellency and the troops in urging their threats upon the House? One resolu tion requested His Excellency to lay them before the General Assembly—and he obey- j ed their behest. The Constitution makes the Governor commander-iu-chief of the ar my and navy of the State, and it is his duty, as such, to preserve subordination in both officers and privates. As the commander in-chief, orders must emanate from him, and he is not subject to the order of any one.— Rut he has presented himself before the House, as the medium through which a threat of insubordination is communicated, and instead of rebuking the threat, reiter ates it himself in his message. W hose cheek does not mantle with shame at the thought that the commander-in-chief of the army has so prostituted his high office? and that he holds over the beads of the Repre sentatives of the people the threat of a dis obedient soldiery to deter them from the passage of a bill which he disapproves? It is humiliating and mortifying to know that he has permitted himself to be made sub servient to their will, instead of holding them in subjection to the authority of the laws—that lie is under their orders, aud is the channel through which they are trans mitted. Another view of the message which pre sents itelf, is the issue which His Excellen cy attempts to raise between the Legislature and the people. The message represents the advocates of the bill it a question of money —whether money shall be appropriated for tho defence of the State, aud leave if open to the inference, that if the appropriation is refused, they will leave the State defenceless, because they are un willing to incur a public debt. But this L a gross misrepresentation ol the bill aud its advocates. It proposes to raise and appro priate five millions of dollars as a military fund for tlie year 186'2, and provides that if the troops in the service of the State shall be turned over to the Confederate Govern ment, and accepted for the same service, aud for the same time of their present en listment, then the money appropriated by the bill shall not be raised —but if they shall not. be accepted, then are to remain in the service of the State, aud tor the defence of the State, and the money proposed to be ; raised by the bill shall be applied for State defence, as directed. It is simply a ques tion whether Georgia shall maintain an ar my at her own expense, aud lisa heavy pub lic debt upon her people, or whether she shall he defended by the Confederate Gov ernment, and at the expense of that Gov ernment. And His Excellency raises a false issue, when he says, “if the State troops are disbanded, or the appropriations to maintain them are made upon the condi tion that they he transferred, or disbanded, which is equivalent to an order to disband them, it will lieeomo his duty, as the Execu tive of the State to proclaim to her people, that while the enemy is thundering at her gates, her representatives have left him pow erless for her defence by withholding the necessary means, and even taking from him those already at his command.” This proc lamation, when made, if it ever shall be made, will present a false issue to the country. It is not true that the Representatives of the people have proposed to leave His Ex cellency powerless for the defence ot the State, while the enemy was thundering at her gates. It is not true that they have withheld from him the neeassary means of defence ; on the contrary, it is undeniably true that they have proposed to place the troops now in the service of the State under the control ol the t’onfederate Government, to remain in the State to serve for the time, and upon the terms of their enlistment, and thus relieve the State front her heavy ex pense ol maintaining them, and yet have their protection : and it is equally true that if the Gonfedrrate Government should not receive them upon thy terms proposed, an ample appropriation, and larger by $1,500,- 000 than that asked by His Excellency has been made for their support and for contin uing them in the field. So that so far as money is concerned, ample provision has been made in the bill for the support of the troops, if they remain in the service es the State ; and if they go into the service of the Confederate States they will remain in the State, aud the State will have the saute de fence which she would have it thej were ex clusively under the control of her officers.— The message of His Excellency does gro.- iujustiee to the advocates of the bill iu rep resenting them as withholding the, proper means of defence, when the reverse is the tiutb. The Committee, in conclution, submit the following resolutions, and recommend their adoption : Jt-soiled, That the Constitution of this State, which confers upon Ilis Excellency, the Governor, power to convene the General Assembly, and to give them, from time to time, information of the state of the Repub lic, and recommend to their consideration such measures as be may deem necessary and expedient, does not authorize him to send an argument to either House, for or against any measure they may have under consid eration-—no more than to come in person in to the House and engage in the discussion. Resolved, That the message which was i sent to the House by His Excellency, the VOLUME XXXIX—NO 40 protest against the passage of the bill appro priating money for the defence of the State, which the House had under consideration, was an unwarrantable interferance with the and. libaratinus of the House, and receive ovr unqualified condemnation. Resolved, That the threat contained iu the message, that that the troops in the ser vice of the State will not submit to the leg islation of the General Assembly, iu the eveut of such legislation being contrary to their wishes, was unbecoming the official I posstion occupied by His Excellency—au infringement of the right of free discussion, and an invasion of the piivileges of tho House. Resolved, That it is not true that the Rep resentatives of the people have proposed to transfer the troops in the service of tho State to the Confederate Government in such way a? amounts to an order to disband them, and the declaration in the message that “it will become the duty of the Execu tive of the State to proclaim to her people that while the enemy is thundering at her gates, her Rperesentatives have left him powerless for her defences by withholding i the necessary means, and even taking from him those already at his command, ’is un true and not warranted by any act of this House. Resolved, That the insinuation in the message that the action of the House may be influenced by party considerations, oi by personal hatred, or personal favoritism, or to advance the political fortunes of one man or to injure those of another, is an aspersion which we indignantly repel. Resolved, That, the message of Ifts Excel lency be entered on the journal to he fol lowed immediately by this report. L,oi'l Palmerston on Prornriiii: Cotton. At Lord Mayor of London’s dinner re cently, in reply to a toast given by the Lord Mayor “The health of Her Majesty’s .Min isters”—Lord Palmerson made allusion to the cotton supply : “The condition of our revenue is altogeth er satisfactory, [cheers,] and, although cir cumstances beyond our control may threaten for a time to interfere with the full supplies of that article so necessary for the produc tive industry of the country, yet we doubt that temporary evil will he productive of permanent good, [cheers,] and we shall find iu various quarters of the globe sure and certain and ample supplies, which will r< n | der us no longer dependent upon one source iof production for that which is so neccssaiy | for the industry and welfare of the country. I [Cheers,]. “On the other side of the Atlantic wo witness with the deepest affliction, which no words can express—[cheers]—differences of tho most lamentable kind among those whom we call our cousins and our relations. [Cheers.] It is not fur us to pa.-s judgement upon those disputes; it is enough for us to otter a fervent prayer that such differences may not be of long continuance, and that they may speedily be succeeded by the res i to rati mi of harmony and of peace.” [('hee r s] Tiie LL. D. Dispensing Champagne. — The New York Herald’s Washington corres pondent. relates that while at the late review of Lincoln’s troops, near Washington, the columns were passing in review, an officer rode up to General McDowell, the senior officer of the day, and informed him that liquors were being freely sold by a person from a carriage on the ground, against all orders. The General authorized the officer to have the offender arrested. The officer took a squad of men with him and started in pursuit of the alleged vender of intoxica ting drinks, and soon baked iu front of a carriage containing a basket of the contents of which were being freely dis pensed by the proprii tor thereof. Ihe officer made inquiry as to the name of the owner, and was informed that the proprietor ot the team and champagne was Russell. “M hat Russell ?” asked the officer. “Russell, of the London Times.” “Are yon selling this article ?” asked the offlr-or, pointing to the champagne. “Selling the dcril ! Do you think that I keep a grogshop ?” responded Russell. Ry this Line the officer began to “smell a rut,” and quietly drove away, find ing out very soon after that it was another person who was violating orders by selling liquors on the ground. Said person was ac cordingly arrested and placed in the guard house. The Next Crop.— From present indien | lions, we feel safe in saying that the yotton crop of the ensuing year of 1802, will fail, comparatively, far short of any proceeding crop that has ever been grown throughout this section. Fields that were once white with cotton are now green with the apparent growth of small grain. Ourlargeand small farmers will plant cotton sufficient only to supply home demands and the demands of the Confederate States, and if we should be blessed with moderate seasons, a bountiful supply of the necessaries of life will be raised, and our people will feel independent and at ease within themselves. This is the spirit of the day; may it continue until it drives mad ness from the dull and stupid brain of fan aticism. —Albany {(la-) Rah lot. Yankee Missionary Labor.— The Bos ton Traveller , in a general notice of the rebel prisoners confined in Fort Warren, says : Yesterday, Mr. X. Broughton, the agent of the American Tract Society, went down to Fort Warren, carrying about two hun dred dollars worth of books, contributed by the booksellers of Boston and vicinity, for the use of prisoners. He offered books to several prisoners in person, and, among oth- Cis, to Mr. Mason. The books offered to the rebel ambassador were of a devotional character, written by eminent English cler gymen. Without examining them, he de clined to receive them, with the remark, “Do you suppose we need your instruction ?” Otheis of the prisoners received the books with evident gratitude. The Bi rnt District.— lt is now asccrs taiued that the sweep of the conflagraiion of last M’eduesday night was 18000 yards in length, with an average width of 250 yards. That is about one mile in length by one sev enth of a mile in width. We notice that the work of clearing the streets of the stones, bricks and rubbish, and of pulling down the totteriug and dan gerous walls has already been begun. W e hope that these very necessary measures will be pushed forward, with all possible vigor~s