About The Savannah Republican. (Savannah, Ga.) 1858-1865 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 12, 1865)
■m VOL LXV. [NEW SERIES.] SAVANNAH, GEORGIA SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST 12. 1865. -uv n £j til - i, lIAYIvS,Kditob and Proprietor J • -■ ' ' " advertising. Of TEN lines Nonparicl type or space oc- F "i K the same number of linos, $2 lirst insertion, j insertion; SO cents for each i^r're per hundred; subscription (by mail 11 ill, wr annum; single copies, 5 cents, or ' ir , r ,i^.,,,oiits mast bo paid for at the Counting „Hniis to insertion, and if handed in by 8 p. r«1;! P "p™* r »' the morning edition. ^VANNAH, GEORGIA. TI B DAV MORNING, AKil Si 12. -L-VPING MATTER OR .EVERT PAGE, Important Letter from Gen. Cdx, of (jhio, on i\e^< o Suffrage. His Reply to the Oberlin Ad dress. ffhat the Duties of Members of th^ Union Organization Are. jig Views on the Destiny of the Colored Race. \l, . I'm, child and plumb to General Cox. OuzrliN, July 24, 1865. U M ,|. D, Cox—Dear Sir: The people of this Diace* v-’iih entire unanimity, siught your norni- aarf.n fur Governor of Ohio. With equal unan imity we desire to promote your election. We reduced in your Domination because we had per- fec . confidence that your views and sympathies were in harmony with our own on the great issue b ,, (lTe us —the equality of all men before tho law. Wc -till believe that we were not mistaken. But (ome of us have been starlled by a report coming diro-ily from Warren, to the effect that you were , oppofed to giving the eleclive franchise to color- id people, and that you requested the editor of the Curonicle to publish your views on the sub ject, that you might not lose the supportof Union men in the Southern part of the State, ffe do not credit the rumor, and yet it has so disturbed Cline of your warmest supporters, that the under- signed have been requested to address you on the subject. li'e want to know directly from you your views on die following subjects: 1st. Are you in favor of modifying our Conttitution so as to give the elective franchise to colored men? 2. In t e reorganization of the Southern States should the elective franchise be given to the colored peopie* Among us there is but one opinion on this sub urb and we were never more in earnest on any political question. We believe that the distinction made by our Constitution between white aDd col ored people was made in the interest of slavery, and is both wiefced and absurd. And wo believe that to reconstruct the Southern States and admit them with constitutions excluding colored men from the polls would give the country and the negro into the power of the very men who have • "ugh; and still desire to rain the one and enslave the other Deliver the four millions of freed people into the hand.- of their former oppressors, now embit- vred by their defeat, and they will make their condition worse than before. The Copperheads "he North, with the united South, would gain Control of the General (rovernmect, and in vari- ■u-' ways would harrass aDd oppress the negroes »nd their friends beyond endurance. A war of -sees would be likely to result. If as a nation we ctn he so wicked as to deliver our colored soldiers and the millions whose freedom we are pledged t" maintain into the power of the most cruel and 'itwictive people that ever laid claim to civiliza- h a terrible retribution will await us. We speak strongly that you may know how we feel on tbe subject. It it be said that the negroes of the South are ignorant and untit for tbe elective franchise, we au.-cer, grant it; but this has nothing to do with fie question, Our colored soldiers who have bjughi three years for the U nion are not of this class, nor are those who have always been free many ot them have amassed wealth. Jt is for Mese we ask the elective franchise. If it should take a year, or two or three to prepare the mass to vote, we would be content, though we believe our fret institutions would be saler in the hands “• me colored people as they are, than in the sands ol the best half ot the white population of JbeSouth. The question is, Shall coloreti people fie allowed to vote ? The enemies of oar country *)°* The mass of t(te loyal say Ves. So fje- C1 ded are our people on the subject that they could by no means be persuaded to vote for a nun known to be opposed to it. The Uinon party ot this country, so lar as we know, are unanimous ofi the subject, and we believe that throughout jfie country the party can be rallied on this plat- ortu with greater enthusiasm than on any other, ah the prominent religions papers, and, with one 1 two exceptions, all the leading Republican pa- i'l-rs are in favor of universal suttrage. We be lieve that nothing could be more suicidal to our Petty and tbe cause of freedom than to reject 'fits doctrine. f soon. It is not our unless you desire it. , nrt . . oyh mice}? relieved,. * u y fit: able to contradict aqy false reports tfiat li’is suV t Clrci ** a ti ( m regarding your views on ' erv truly and sincerely yours, lease let us hear from you s , 10 publish your views, uu , , we wish to have our otgi t!l fi to be able in to be of the last importance, and though guer illa warfare has its attractions, I am well con vinced that results will be determined by the surer if slower march of the heavy columns. I have always believed that adherence to a party platform does not exclude freedom of opinion or of discussion upon matters not in cluded in it, though it does imply that such discussion should be a free and friendly inter change of views with the object of throwing all possible light upon subjects which may sootier or later become topics of importance, and upon which we may have to form a defin ite policy. When the time comes for action, all thorough loyal men should agree to sup port that policy which the wisdom of the. ma jority may agree upon, unless it shall conflict with some principle conscientiously held; in which casp those who so dissent have the un doubted right to withdraw their connection, not from a candidate simply, but from the par ty. This view of political organization is the only one I have been able to find, which will secure proper unity and power of action, and at the same time afford full scope for true pro gress of opinion and that liberty of individual thought which, I beg you to remember,. is as much the right of candidates as of those who nominate them. The Union Platform. Our Convention adopted a platform, of which the doctrinal part is substantially embodied in two propositions: 1st. ‘ ‘That slavery and its institutions are irreconcilably opposed to free dom and free institutions,” and must be finally and completely eradicated ; “2d. That Pres ident Johnson’s policy of reconstruction is ‘endorsed,’” with the proviso that the com pleted restoration of the rebel States “shall be at such time and upon such terms as will give unquestioned assurance of peace and security not only to the loyal people of the rebel States, but also of the peace and prosperity of the Federal Union.” The spirit and disposition which should con trol us in determining the “time and terms” of reeonstrnction, and all other questions of policy accumulating upon us, were likewise stated in two resolutions, one, urging the example of our martyred President “in waiting for the so lution of difficulties to be fumiihed by the pro gress of time and logic of events;” the other declaring the necessity “of keeping steadily in view tbe “great principles of our government as set forth in the Declaration of Indepen dence.” T# condense still more, the essence of the position of the party, may be said to be, the de termination of the political results of the war by the united and harmonious action of truly loyal men, actuated by a spirit at once cautious and controlied by an earnest belief in.the broad est doctrines of human rights. To those principles I have given my public and sincere adhesion. You are the only mem bers of the Union party of the State whom I have found impatient to commit your brethren, in advance of the meeting of Congress, to a definite policy upon a subject upoq which the Convention had by strongest implication de clared it premature to decide what course ought to be taken. The State election decides no such issues ; the progress of events in the South will probably throw increased light upon all such questions ; yet you insist that 1 shall give you my views, not for the purpose of mutual assistance in arriving at a solution of a diffi culty, but under notice that the yotes of your people will be determined for or against me by my answer. I think that in so doing you wrong both yourselves and the members of the whole political organization to which we be long, and to which you gave pledge of cordial eo-operation upon the platform as adopted, through yonr delegates who were present at the Convention, Gen. Cox’s Position. For myself, I have no secrets-as to my opin ions, and have never hesitated to declare them on proper occasions, So far haye { bpejj frorp desiring to conceal them, that I had sent, be fore the receipt of yonr letter, a private note to Professor Ellis, of your place, indicating my plan for the final solution of the problem of reconstruction, and seeking his criticisms upon it. No restrictions were placed upon him in making it known, except such as his own dis cretion and friendship might impose. You are misinformed as to my having requested my views to be published at my home or elsewhere. You must act upon your pwp responsibility }n determining what publicity you shall give to this. The importance to our country of de termining rightly the grave questions which must probably be settled within the coming year, is too great to make me willing to omit Using whatever influence or information I may have in assisting at the solution. Whether in public or in private life, I shall freely give the results pf my experience and observation ip the South during the war, and the conclusions tQ which my study of both races has Jed me, l shall expect the &ctg that I have been an anti slavery man from my youth up, that I assisted at the original organization of the Republican party, amTacted with it and the Union party ever since, and that 1 have been a Federal soldier from the surrender of Sumter to the surrender of the last armed rebel, will secure me a candid and even a friendly hearing from all who have loved the country and earnestly taken its part in the late terrible struggle. If Other vjeWs than mine prey ail, J shall hold It rav tiutv to acfc cheerfully and broroptly with E H. Faikcuild, l Committee. SAMUEL PLUMB, ) Reply of Gen. Cox. Columbus, 25th July, 1865. • Jlr i Y°ur letter of yesterday, inquir- f * aal ar <t my opinions upon some of the pba- ; ; “ le question of the reconstruction ot the ». I0n ’ Waa received this morning. Yoq sign nave omitted ownm e.”b ^ eceived this t- “ r ? e,Vc s as a “Committee,” but ‘. Morn, me what body or organization you rep* U! 01 ’ or to give me the instructions or resolo- ,j e jtommitung the subject to yon. This acei- »-‘i emission would be of no consequence, 1,1, * know you both to be m em h er3 °f the sc rl" ? ar, T o! ’his State, and, though we have : ;e “ 7? seen finch other Iqr some years, have be- to be personal friends of mine; Lot tj„. . ela "°ns to tbe Union men of Ohio are such , i“ ’ lna >' become of some importance to know “ -He triose with whom you are acting and for cnr, m ■ vou . bechire that a hearty and honest con- othorl 06 !“ th e principles which you and the “a th a,* peo l’ le of Ohio adopted in convention Writ i 4 ult ' mo expressly as the basis of united sha!! f ctlon . hi the coming State election, not be suliicient to secure your votes Party Organizations. fontis t®* or S anizat ions, like every other, are Metj upon mutual waiving of some arciclfes attainable, and that to divide from them will be to deliver the Government into the hands of its enemies. I fielieve that the President is earnestly deter mined to seek the good of the whole country and of all the races in it; that he has full claim to that confidence which we declared that we repose in him; and that wbat we as Union men cannot s icceed in doing in harmony and co-operation with him and his administration, we abalt fsij oj doing altogether. Jfy support of him, therefore, will be no "half-hearted support, but a zealous and thoroughly hearty co-operation, with no ul terior purpose of thought of separation on is sues likely to arise. It is by the cordial harmony of Mr.'Johnson and' the Union members of Congress that the country is to be carried safejy [PRICE 5 CENTS.; NO. 188 t^persenai belief for the sake of securing uni- -- ami effective action upon others which are Ved as the common creed ; and the bond of fai lf h . ard .fy t? e s*M' to he Itept m good W , en ‘“dividuals of a party propound as . 0 a candidate questions which were not n. l u l lou by the convention, especially when the ,A ueatl< j n8 were notoriously excluded from W A 01 those upon which community of bo- ]r,.. | ^, ( ' erl *anded, because the opinions of tti r.r , a n '’aptotic mea had not yet fully ripen- knd ,J. en d , efin ‘ te forn i in regard to them, i,. f ' ime jtad not cbme when, in the “log- tU event f> it was necessary to act upon flirt u lhe Poetical phase of the great coa- whioh B ;„. a , Ve “P°. n f** 88 in the military strife h J liw ended, organisation will be found true solntion of this knotty problem of recon struction, and during the proper period for dis cussions we may and ought to discuss them with candor, with llmess, and with a tolerant spirit, but when this is done and the time for action ar rives, it will b* the business of Congress and’ the Executive to agree upon the Dlan to be adopt ed, and that which is in this manner honestly determined by devotedly Union men, I shall behove as I have before said, to. be the bekt attaihabte restilt; whether it agree with my views or not. In’short, l believe that tinder no circumstances should we Wish the transfer of the power of this government into the hands ol tho?e who have been disloyal before the war, by liny divisions among ouraelyesj until all the questions which grow oiit of' the War are per manently and finally decided. ; •* His Views on Reconstruction. Fnving thus stated what I think is the true doctrine of political orr-— 1 "-* 1 --' — A n minatinn of our relations to both whites and blacks in the rebel States. That there may be no mistake in reference to this. I quote them ; “First—The principle must be put beyond all questions, that the Republic has a direct claim upon the allegiance of every citizen, from which no Stato can absolve him, aod to his obedience to the laws of the Republic, anything in the consti tution or laws of any State to the contrary not withstanding. 2‘Seeond—The public faith is pledged to every person of color in the rebel, States, to secure to them uni to their posterity, forever, a complete and veritable |freedom. Having provi ded them this lreedom, secured their aid on the faith of this promise, and by a successful war and actual military occupation of the country, having obtained the power to secure the result, we are dishorn red, if we fail to make it good to them. “Third—The syBtem of slavery must be abol ished and prohibited by paramount and irreversi ble law. Throughout,the rebel States there must be, in the words of Webster,‘impressed upon the soil itself an inability to boar up any but free men.’ * “Fourth—The systems of tho States must be truly republican.” The application made of the last princip'e in the address, I do not regard as soumf, but I shall perhaps agree more fully with yon, than you do with tho address, when 1 assert that in a republi can community political privileges of any kind can never be rightlyor safely based upon heredi tary caste. How then, it will naturally he asked, can there he any practical difference between us as to the mode of carrying out those principles ? It is found in tbe views we take of the mutual relations of the two races in the South. You, judging from this distance, say “Deliver the four millions of freed people into tho hands of their former oppressor, now embittered by their defeat, and they will make their condition worse than before.” I, starting from the same principles,' and after four years of close and thoughtful observation of the races where they are, say I am unwillingly forced to tho conviction that the effect of the war has not been simply to “embitter” their relations, but to develop a rooted antagonism which makes their permanent fusion in one political cummuni- ty an absolute impossibility. The sole difference between ns then is the degree of hostility we find existing between the races, and its probable per manence. You assume that the extension of the right of suffragg to the blacks, leaving them inter mixed with the whites, will cure all the trouble. I believe that it would rather he like the decisions in that outer darkness of which Milton speaks, where Chaos umpire sits, And by decision more embroils the fray." Yet, as I believe with [you, that the right to life and liberty arc inalienable, and more than admit the danger of leaving a laboring class at the entire mercy of those who formerly owned them as slaves, you will say I am bound to fur- Dish some solution of the problem which shall not deny the right or incur tbe peril, So 1 am, and the only real solution I can see is the peacea ble reparation of the races. But you will reply, foreign colonization will break down hopelessly nnder the very vastness of the labor, even if it were not tyrannical enough to expel these unfor tunate people ,'rom tbe land of their birth. I grant the full weight of the objection, and there fore say the solntiou is thus narrowed down to a peaceable separation of the races on the soil inhere they note are. The essential point in the discussion thus ap pears to be the actual relations of the two races in tbe Southern States as a question of fact, and the probable future consequences of those relations as a question of theory. Upon the question of fact I think I may with all modesty claim that my antecedents and my opportunities of observation entitle my testimony to have some weight, even with the most radical anti-slavery men of the North. The Antagonism of Race. The antagonism qf which I have spokpn is not entirely one-sided. Qn the part of the former master it takes the form of an indomitable pride. Which utterly refuses to entertain the idea of po litical or social equality, mingled wi'b a hatred intensified by the circumstances and the respite of the war Thjs feeling is not confined to the slave owners alone, but tho poor whites share it fully, and often show it more passionately. On the part of the freedmen, it is manifested in an utter distrust of the dominant race, and aD enmity which, although made by circumstances more passive snd less openly manifested, is as roal and implacable as the other. They have the mutual attraction of race among themselves, and repulsion of the whites as another people, devel oped to a degree which surprised me. It is not as individuals of a nation common to us all, that they speak of themselves, but, to use the language of one of them, speaking to myself, they feel that they “have long been an oppressed and down trodden people.” Hildreth, in his Despotism in. Ameiica, declared slavery to be in itself a state ot war, and this character is indelibly impressed upon both races in the South. The captive learns duplicity to ward his captor, and in the slave it has become a marked characteristic. It is a fair stratagem tor which he feels n<r guilt. 1 have seen a master boasting of the fidelity oj his seryant, and dis cussing the subject of slavery iq jiis presence, whilst the qegro waited upon him with an impas sible humility which would make you believe no intelligent idea of freedom bad ever entered his brain. Yet I have seen that same negro steward in camp, transformed into a clear-headed ally of our troops, leading them to his master’s buried stores, or guiding them to the flanks of the ene my’s lines, with an intelligence and steadiness of purpose which left no doubt as to his under standing of the conflict between himself and his master. The daily and hourly repetition of proofs of this fact, munv of them too subtle tor fieseription; but bone tfie less convincing ’to the observer, has fiillv coOvibcCfi me that never between Norman and §axon, nor between Gaul and Frank we a there a more conscious hatred, or an antagonist# more likfly tq prove' inveterate, ihau between black and White oc our Southern soil.- Tbe ne groes will have no sense of security nor faith in tbeir former masters, even if they offer them po litical rights; they will fear them as Danaos dona farentes. The Teachings of History. Wbat does history teach D3 in regard tu the petmanence and durability of such prejndiqeq and enmities of race’’ Speaking on this subject, Augustin finery, in hia' History of the Roman pobqaest, 9ays : ’Whatever degree of territorial unity the great modern States ot Europe may ap pear to have attained ; whatever may be the com munity of manners, language, and public feeling wbich the habit of living under the same govern ment, and in the same stage of civilization, has introduced among tjie inhabitants of cdoh of these States, there ia scarcely one of 1 them wmc'b flops not evgn now present Ifvirig traces of the divers ity'pf' the rfipei of ipen, which in course of time have come together in it. This variety shows it self under different aspects, with features more or less marked. Sometimes it is a complete sep aration of idioms, of local traditions, of political sentiments, and a sort of instinctive enmity dis tinguishing from the great national mass the population of a few small districts; and some times a mere difference of dialect or evert of as cent, marks, though morq feebly, the lmiit of th* settlements of races of men, once thoroughly dis tinct, find hostile to each other." 1 If fifteen centuries of common government and political union hdvc not been able to ob literate' the distinctions and even the “instinc tive enmity” of races vrhich were physiolqgi it have wi the great dan )>ebn striving _____ you hint, I am now prepared to state my private views noon reconstruction, and tho claims of the freedmen to political privileges in the Southern States, leaving to you the responsibility ot your action in regaid thereto. I presume we shall agree in regarding the feur general principles asserted in the “Faneull Hall Address” m those whioh should guide the imity” of races ^h pally sitpijax, \yhat encouragement have Ve that success will 1 attend a forced' political fu sion of bitterly hostile faces from the antj- couiparativo achieved, is described hy the same philosophic historian, whom I have quoted, near the close of his great work, as a “complete amalgamation”_/>f the Norman and Saxon idioms, and a “mix ture of the two races,” which it took four cen turies of sanguinary war to accomplish. Just stepping as wo are from the battle- on which descendants of a common pneestry, •o litt|e removed from ns that wejpaa literally reach back our hands to grasp those of our common sires, have waged the most tremen dous and terrible of modern wars, it does not become us to argue that peaceful discussions will quietly settle differences which in former times were settled bv the sword; but the mem ory of the almost present as well as of the remote past calls upon us to build our polity solidly upon principles which experience as well as reasoH prove to ho durable, and more than ever avoid deluding ourselves with the cry of “peace, peace, when there is no peace!” Homogmity the. Time Tltisis of ft at tonality. As, daring these weary years of war, I have pondered this problem in the intervals of strife, or by the camp fire at night, I have been more and more impelled to tbe belief that the only ba sis of permanent nationality is to be found in complete bomogenity of people, ot manners and of laws. The rapid fusion of the races of West ern Europe as they have met upon our shores has secured the foi mer of these requisites, and the Yankee race [I adopt the epithet as an hon orable one,) marked as it is with salient charac teristics, is so complete an amalgamation of ail families from the eastern boundary of Germany to the Western coast of It eland, that there are few of us in whose veins are not mixed tbe blood of several. But this unhappy race of which we are peaking, does not amalgamate with the rest. It is entirely immaterial to discuss why it is so: the fact no one can deny; nor can it be denied that its salvation or its destruction will surely be worked out in its family isolation. Because there could he no real unity between the Southern whites and Southern blacks, it seems manifest to me that there could be no po litical unity, but rather a strife for the masiqry in which one or the other would go to the wall. The struggle for supremacy woold be direct and immediate, aud I see no hope whatever that the weaker race would be reduced to hopeless subjection, or utterly destroyed. There is no reason to suppose that Missouri border ruffianism could never be repeated on new fields, and, the strife once inaugurated, this merciless war would continue as long as the obnoxious race had an existence. You have expressed your anticipation of such a result in one state of the case. How is it that you fio not see that a direct struggle for power at the ballot box would make the contest more deadly i I hold that there is great philosophic truth in the words ot Gnizot, in summing up the Sight centuries of bloodshed oat of which the French oinerged into nationality from the strife of petty races and tribes. He says:—“In the life of na> tions, that Union which is exterior and visible, the unity of name and of government, although important, is by no means the first in importance, the most real, or that wbich makes indoed one nation. There is a unity which is deeper and more powerful; it is that which results not merely from identity of government and of destiny, t nt from the bomogenity of social elements, frog; the likeness of institutions, of ip aDD §i >8 > °f ideas, pf tastes, of toognes; the unity which resides in the wife thentscire* when society assembles,and nut in the forms of their associations ; in short, that moral unity (I’unite mojale) which is far more important than political unity, and which is the only solid foundation for the latter." I have watched with deep interest the educa tional effect of the war upon our own army, and I assure you that whilst our white soldiers have uniformly aod quickly learned to appreciate ihe fact thgt the existence of our free Government could only be preserved by the destruction of the system of slavery, and so became radically and thoroughly anti-slavery, the tendency of battling for the old flag was almost uniform in increas ing and deepening their pride of race. The faot'js one which cannot safely be overlooked in any calculation involving their action upon ihe politi cal problems before ihe country, and it is one in regard to which I think l can hardly be mistaken. Separation of the Races. The details of any system of separation could only be determined by careful §tudy and a wi(je comparison of views. Suppose, lio.w- eyer, that without breaking up, tfie organiza- jion of any State, you_take contiguous territory in .Souili Carolina, Georgia, ^ labactya and Florida, and J here, nailer the sovereignty of tfie fifnitefi States, apd with ail tfie facilities >yhiph tfie power and vyealtfi of the Govern ment cap give, we organize the freedmen in a dependency of the Union analogous to the western territories. Give them schools, laws facilitating the acquirement of homesteads to be paid for by their own labor, full and exclu sive political privileges, aided at the start, should it seem necessary, by wise election from the largest brains and most philanthropic, hearts among anti-slavery men, tt> join theta, a j officiary or executive which would command their confidence in the first essays of political existence. There need be no coercive collec tion of the colored race in the designated re gion, the majority are there now, and the re ward of the political power would draw thither the remainder quite as rapidly as theiy jjlace could be supplied by wfiite pmgratjofi ’into other jitates. 1 The myts anfi' seaport cifies coqlfi remain qn'fier dirept coptroj ot Fed eral Goveymrmflt as jhp b#sjs for thqt common trade qnd intercourse wjth o,her parts of the country and the world, which would be neces sary. The fullest opportunity to develops the highest civilization they are capable of would then be given. Colored men of talent and in telligence would not then make a vain strug gle for the empty name of being lawyers with out briefs, merchants without trade, butwonld have what a leading journal at the has frequently demanded fqr them, the opportuni ty, as well os the right, to take rank according to their Yfiaracter' and abjlity. That there are'ififfioultias in tfie realixutiqn of such apian I shall bp tfie first jo nfrnit. But there are cfilficuljiea ju ajl plans. It is natural to mph tq struggle to avoid responsibilil gnu upon the current, trusting to driiting also leads to difficulties, as we ed into a war which has cost half a million of fives and untold millions of money, should not need to. be told; and I agree with you that drifting will probably deoide this matter against the b'ack race, and involve bis destruction ; whilst by leav ing the labor of the south in jfie ’bauds ot a de graded clisle, I, eu tails Upon the country tbejvorst mateHaVWec’s of slsvery, and prevents that bo- mogenity of Institutions and manners. North and South, which I have said I believe to be the only sure foundation of permanent peace. The Anglo-Americau and AtVico-American ra ces now stand face to lace upon the Southern aoU in irreconcilable hostility.- The feq colored tqen whom wc have amongst ns, rhiy be regarded as the waifs add ktray'i of the great fiqdy which ia a nlitiop in numfior, and in its isolation by mental and physical characteristics. It is as a unit that we must deal with them, and no paltering with the edge* of the difficulty will avert the doom which all history teaches us will follow a wrong solution. Tbe magnitude of the problem is imlhense, bnt ihe principles which must decide it one way or the other are simple. When we deal with a wfiole community, however closely related to oiirseives, it is net hy the applivatibh of the' maxims of mu nicipal law, kasbipTied to individuals that we must decide the case, but by a modified form of international law, wbich so tar from ignoring oar responsibility to God, our common raler, or the oblig*t»eft ‘ ^' man see welt to ft that We'do not allow tfie" seething find molten elements to. cfystaliz'e into a new form of opfiression ‘and I recognize as fully as yan possibly can the bqrden oj responsibility whioh tfiis Iirpat eppiti in ihe world’s history rolls up for #11 who have even the humblest part in de termining tbe shape of public policy. I have approached tbe snbjeot as an anti-slavery man. I have thought os de-ply as I was capable of, and have carefully revised my opinions, and have tested them by all the fundamental princi ples of right and justice. If others do'net agree with me, aqd it part me from any whose princi ple* and motives are the same as my own, my deep regret that it should be so cannot change my convictions. The A.drautarjes of Se/iarating the Races. It fi*ft seemed to me that ^he solution ] hayq A is natural to ibilily, and to to Hue; but we who drift- offered rids us of most of the difficulties in our way. It gives to the black man political rights and franchises without onerous terms; it re duces the representation of the Southern whites in Congress to a proper basis, their own num bers; it secures the permanent peace of the Government, and the allegiance of the people, by the only sure guaranty, viz: that of common interest and identity of institutions. What more would you have ? It is worth while to consider that in such a plan ag I have suggested there is that which is likely to attract co-operation on the part of re flecting men in the Southern States. There can be no question that some portion of tbe sec tional bitterness which finally led them to se cession and war, was caused by a more or less distinct perception of difficulties like these we arc considering from which they saw no rea sonable outlet, and that any plan which recog nizes the facts that I have stated and endeavors to provide for them so as to secure harmony and prosperity in the South, will soon find ad vocates there. I do not mention this as an improper argument because I fully accept the responsibility which the military subjugation of the rebel authority has Imposed upon us to determine the matter by the counsels and the action of those who have been truly loyal, and not by those of the disloyal of either section. We must, however, remember that the ulti mate object we aim at must be to return the people of the South to their relations to the Federal Government as equal and full partici pators in its rights and blessings. Through what delays or intermediate stops, their own action under the experimental organization granted by the President, must determine. Hut in the end, the genius of our institutions will tolerate no unequal or sectional laws. The homogenity mast be made perfect and complete, for neither subject provinces nor military pro- consulships can long eo-exist with Republican Government. The Question Hoes nat Enter into the State Election. Such are my personal opinions upon the sub jects you bare called to my attention. For them, I al ne am responsible. The subjects them selves oan in no sense be matter for executive action in this State, and whether I am elected or defeated, my opinions will have only such weight or iDflnence as tbeir own value will entitle" them to. As they will not hinder me from giving cor dial support to the action of a loyal Federal Gov ernment, if othor views shall finally prevail, I havethonght they ought not to be made a ground of opposi ion in the State canvass, but suofi as they are, they are jhe product of my honest thinking, and in vjew of tfie real importance of the snbjeot, t would not conceal them to reeelve an election as unanimous aa the nomination with whioh tbe convention honored me. Wy respectfully, Yonr obedient servant, J- D. Cox. Messrs. E. H. Fairchild, Samcbl Plumb, Committe, fyc., wolumbus, Ohio. MEXICO. 1 Proclamation by Cortina?r-Jtfg Troops near itlatamoraf. By way of New Orleans we have late news from Mexico. lie Leon, the civil Governor of Tamaulipas, is at the head of about five hnBdred rr;en jn tfiat State, doing tbe enemy no injury, fifit refusing to recognise the authority of po'rtinas, who is regu larly commissioned brigadier general and as signed to the command of all the liberal troops operating on the Rio Grande, by Negrete, the Jfiuisjer of War and General-in-Chief of the ve- publican armies, Cortiuas compelled Lope? to evacuate Oamqr- go a few weeks ago, and now holds them so fast in Matamoras that they dare not shpw their heads outside th3 fortifioations, except in formi dable bodies. It is a fact that cannot be dis puted that Cortinas’s men are now and have been tor months past, within from one to six miles from Matamoras, and Mej'a has never ventured on an attack. Cortinas has issued the fol lowing : “Rbpublic ofMetico, 1 • Constitution, Ap Afiny, s Cortiuaa’ Ijrigade,j General-in-Chief. | “For the purpose of affording security to those persons residing in places not occupied by the enemv, and to distinguish the guerillas from par ties of robbers, it is hereby declared : “That all armed forces which may be found in the northern district of the Stale, bearing Ihe character ot Republicans, and who fiave nut tfie proper and legal authorisation of tfie general government qr of the sufisqriber, willfie consid ers^ bandifs. arjd wi;l be'apprehended and pun-, ished in po iformity witfi the taws, “And for tfie more exact Qofflpilauee with these orders, those who qrg without this credential or authority \yili apply for and obtain it within the peremptory period of three days. “Independence, liberty and reform. “Camp of Cballatella, 15th July, 1865. “Juan- N. Cortinas To counteract the influence of the following proclamation, General Mejia has ordered that no person be allowed to leave Matamorae under any pretence whatever without first obtaining a, pass from tbe military authorities, persons going over from Brownsville are n'qt allowed to return wRfiout such a pass. ‘•‘HEp.Dm.ic °v Mexico, CohsVitotjonap AR\n, Qortfnas’ Brigade, General-in-Chief. ‘ ‘Proclamation. “The subscriber, in accordance with in structions from General Negrete, Secretary of War and General-in-Chief of the army opera ting against invaders and traitors, and foi give an opportunity to all loyal Mexicans to de part with security from" those points and places occupied hy the common enemy, pro claims to the inhabitants of heroic Matamoras the following decrees: “ I. All communication, commerce and trade between the port of Matamoras and all other ports of this State are entirely cjosed- “2. Every individual wfio^pay he found go ing to or goipjng frqcg said port, will be ap- nfdh^nded an d fried hy a military oourt-mar- Zpd, wbjch will fie organised for this purpose, and considered as a traitor to the country, and consequently all his effects will be confiscated, according to the laws established by the con stitutional government of tbe republic. “3. All inhabitants of Matamoras and those places under its jurisdiction, wbjch un fortunately are fonnd nnder tfie fiag and do minion of the so-callgd empire, will be allowed the term of-twefve days, counting from this day, lo depart and carry their effects at least three leagues distant from said city. With the understanding that when they make such change of their effects, if thpy suffer any losses they will bp Raid by tbfi government when sijeh josses arp satisfactorily proved.- ‘14. popsoos who depart from Matamo-- pas, in compliance With the foregoing decree, fire by suph act alone excepted from the pen alties of jhe second decree. ‘■id. All those who follow the so-called im perial government, neglecting this opportunity of showing that they are loyal. Mexicans, will be considered traitors and their goods confis cated for the benefit of the national treasury. “6. The time conceded by the third decree will expire op the fffth instant, after wbich time no person can leave Matamoras without incurring tbe penalties established by these decrees. “7. That no one can plead ignoran,ce, these decrees are ordered to be publish©^ “Independence, liberty and reform, damp of ChaUMcUa, 1 ^thinly, W,. - Jg “Jiu.tr A. Cortinas” \ kief. ) A11BAMA. Hi shop' WUmer to the Tstity and Clergy of Ala- 'hama—The iJoclriae of Allegiance, and its Application to the Existing State, of Affairs. The Bishop of Alabama, as will be seen by the following letter, has directed the elergv of his diocese to abstain from praying fer tile President, on the ground that tbe general direction which authorizes such a prayer implies that it is only to be used when “the President and ail others in civil authority” can be prayed for, and that the present provisional Government is of a military character To the Clergy and Laity of the Protestant Episco pal Church of the Diocese of Alabama: On the SOth ot May lait I addressed a brief cir cular to the clergy, suggesting the principles which, in my judgment, should govern them in fheir official conduct under the present condition of affairs. I deem it advisable at this time to set forth, in a more formal and public manner, a somewhat expanded statement ot the views con- taioed in tbe circular referred to. The lapse of the Confederate Government does not necessarily involve tbe disorganization of the general council of the church within the limits of that government. It is assuredly possible for two church organizations to exist under one common civil government. The nationality ot a church is a matter purely conventional, and of human arrangement It is assuredly possible for two church organizations to exist nnder one com mon civil government withont violating the uni. ty of tbe church, and the r union as one iegisla- lative body. For example, the church in Eng land is in perfect unity with the church in tbe United States; but there is no legislative union between these churches. Again (and this is a case more in point) the church in Scotland is in nnity with the cbnrch in England, aDd yet they exist as distinct organizations under aoivil gov ernment. Consequently, no charge of schism cun justly lie against tbe chnrch in the Southern States, in case she should see fit to perpetuate herseli through a separate organization. She does not thereby necessarily depart lrom the uni ty of the churoh in doctrine, discipline or order. Therefore, it may or may not, as circumstances mar indicate, be advisable and expedient to dis solve the general council. This is a question for future ecclesiastical determination. As to the changes in the language of certain prayers, which are made necessary by late politi cal events, I observe that tbe lapse of the Con- federate Government reqnires, of necessity, tbe omission of the "Prayer for the {'resident of the Confederate States and all in civil authority.” The immediate substitution of another form of prayer does not follow of tho same necessi ty, as will appear from the following consider ations ; To pray for all In authority is, unquestiona bly, a duty—bnt a duty of religious, and not of political origin and obligation. The mode of discharging that duty must be determined by the proper ecclesiastical anthority. Conse quently, any attempt on the part of a civil or military power to dictate to the Chnrch in this matter canqot hut be regarded as unauthorized and intrusive. Certain tests of loyalty have been established by authority, and they who faithfully conformed to these tests have ful filled the requirements of the law, and have right, in equity and under tfie constitution of the country, to manage their ecclesiastical af fairs according to their own discretion. The Oiiurch has due regard to established authori ty, and is not to be presumed regardless of her sacred obligations. She must fie lefr free and nntrammeled in her legitimate sphere of ac tion. Any attempt to dictate to her can only serve jo retard the action which, in pursuance o,f her obligations to God and to her own tra ditions, she will unquestionably take at the proper time and in the proper manner. Now, the church in this country has estab lished a form of prayer for the 1'resident and all in civil authority. The language of that prayer was selected with careful reference to the subject of the prayer, “all in civil author ity,” and she desires for that authority pros perity and long continuance. No one can well be. expected to desire a long continuance of military rule. Therefore the prayer is alto*, getber inappropriate and inapplicable to the present condition of tfiipgs, when no civil au thority exists jn the exercize of its functions. Ijenpe, as f remarked in the circular, “we may yield a true allegiance to, and sincerely pray for grace, wisdom and understanding in behalf of a Government founded upon force, while at the same time we could not in good conscience ask for its continuance, prosperity, etc.” When the civil anthority shall be restored it will be eminently proper for the Church to re sume the use of that form of prayer which has been established by the highest ecclesiastical au- th'.Iiries, and which bos for so many years consti tuted a part of her liturgy. Yon are aware that in times past I hare ex pressed a strong desire “that the regular forms of public worship should be so entirely catholio in character as to be adapted to all the exigencies of time, place and eircumstances,” aod that I urged this matter upon the attention of our Diooesan Oouncil, with a view to action at the approaching General Council. I still entertained the prefer ence I then expressed, bat it is not for me, in my individual capacity, to introduee into this Liturgy any other form of words than that which the Lburoh, in her collective aod legislative capacity, has already established. My conclusion is, therefore, and my direotion, which I hereby give, that when civil anth> rity shall be restored in the State of Alabama, the clergy shall nee the form enti led “A Prayer fat tbe President of the Uni ted States and alt in civil anthority,” as it stands in the Book of Common Prayer. And my counsel to the olergy and laity is, to heefl the teachings of the Church in regard to Ncrip'ural obedience dne to “tbepowers tb*t be;” aod while carefully maintaining the inherent prerogatives of the church within her sphere, faithfully to discharge tbeir duties to the State, thus fulfilling the injunction ot onr Lord -. Ren der unto Caesar the things that are Ciesar’s and onto God tbe things that are God’s, The doctrine of the Church upon this point is briefff, bqt most comprelensively, summed up ja her "7 th Article ot Religion: “The power of the civil magistrate extendeth to all men, as well olergv as laity, in all things temporal; but hath no authority in things purely apiritual.— And wa hold it to be the duty ot all men who are S rofessora of the Gospel, to pay respectful obe- ienr e to tbe civil authority, legularty and legit imately constituted.” In regard to the taking of oaths, it is beyond all question the duty of every citizen to render faithful allegiance to the government nnder wfii£h fie lives; and an oath of fidelity to tbe Governir<ent is only the formal and solemn ac knowledgment and expression of an already ex isting obligation. It, therefore, the oath of al legiance should be lawfully required of all oiti- zens, there is no good reason why snob an oath should not be takeD, provided that all things be done (see tjOtfi article) “in justioe, judgment and truth” AH false swearing is an abomination And »»w, brethren, commending you to the guidance and protection of God, and earnestly praying that all things may be ordered to the advancement ol Hta glory, the good of His Church, and the safety, honor and welfare of his people, I am yours faithfully in Christ and Hi* Church, Richard H. Wilmsr, Bishop of the Diocese of Alabama. Grbknsboro, Ala., June 20, 1805, Th* Richmond Whig says; “With the excep tion of a baker’s dozen or two of silly and insig nificant blatherskites, there is no one in Rich mond er elsewhere i a Virginia, who even talks about secession, much 1cm votes and sets reces sion. The* fetal and bloody heresy is dead, forever end a day,” Ur. Colburn, in Ioighton, Mich., while making a medical call on the wife of John Bright, a returned soldier, had tho effrontery to kiss her.— The soldier shot and killed him for it the same afternoon. It is time that somebody wu hung in this country. 4 Hkadq’rs Dist. of Savannah, 1st Div. Det’t of Geobgia, Office of Pkovost Marshal, Savannah, Ga., Ang. 10, 1865. The following is published for the in* formation of all concerned: tjp By Telegraph from Augusta, dated August 10th, 1865. To Lt. Col. R. P. York . Your dispatch received. My Order pf August 3d, applies to women and chil dren as well os men, and they most taka the oath before the privileges can bo granted. C. H. GROSVENOR, Bvt. Brig. Gen. & P. M. G. Dept, of Georgia. By Order of Bvt. Maj. Genl. J. M. BRANNAN, Robert P. York, Lt. Col. & Provost Marshal. Headq’bs Sub-Dis’t. of Ogeechee, ) Savannah, Ga., August 9th, 1865 . j SPECIAL ORDER, | No. 20. j Hereafter and until further orders all Commissioned Officers of the United States Army visiting this City will be re quired to register their names at these Headquarters, stating authority and length of absence. By command of Bvt. Brig. Gen. DAYI3. Jno. Mullen, A. A. A. G. Headq’rs Sub. Dist. of Ogeeohee, ? Savannah, Ga., August 6th, 1865. [ GENERAL ORDER, 1 No. 19. f All Apothecaries and Druggist* in the city are strictly prohibited from selling any poisonous drugs, such as Opinm or its preparations, Strychnine, Corrosive Sublimate, &c., withont the prescription of a Physician of character and standing in the profession, or a Medical Officer of United States, which prescriptions must be kept on file by the Druggists for in spection. All suspected or acknowledged cases of Small Pox, Varialoid, Yellow Fever, Measles or Typhus Fever must be prompt ly reported to the Health Officer, corner Broughton and Bull streets, by the Physician attending or by any person cognisant of existence of such diseases, command of Bvt. Brig. Gen. DAVIS. Jno. Mullen, A. A. A.G. Headers Sub-Dist. of Ogeechee, } Savannah, Ga., August 5, 1865. \ CIRCULAR ) No. 14. j To insure a more thorough inspection of the sanitary condition of this City, it will be divided into six (6) Wards, and each Ward will be provided with one (1) Inspector. It shall be the duty of each Inspector to examine their respective Wards and report daily to the Health Officer any violation of the sanitary laws of this city heretofore published, which violation will be punished by a fine of not less than five (5) dollars and not to exceed fifty (50) dollars. By command of Bvt. Brig. Gen. DAVIS. Jno. Mullen, A. A. A. G. Hbadquaktkrs Sub District op Ogescbh, ? Savannah, Ga., July 28, 1865. ) Circular, I No. 12. J On and after this date articles in tbe Pobfie Market of this city will be sold at the foliowing prices. Pet sons violating this order, will be re ported to this Office and summarily dealt with. By command of Brv’t. Brig. Gen. DAVIS. Jno. Mcllin, A. A. A G. Fresh Beef, 1st cut, per lb 20 Country Dried Beet 15 Country Cured Beef 15 .lerked Beef 10 to 15 Veal, per lb 20 Mutton, per lb 20 Liver, per lb 15 Fresh Pork, per lb 25 Bass, per lb 15 Drum, per lb 15 Fresh Water Trout 15 Salt “. « 15 Sheephead 2<J Mullet, large size, per bunch 40 Brim, per bunch of five 40 Mullet, small size, per bunch of fire... 25 Perch, per bunch ol five 40 Suckers 40 Whiting 40 Codfish, per lb 10 Shrimp, per quart 15 Crabs, each 3 SturgeoD, per lb ; 7 Sausages, fresh pork.... 40 Bacon, per lb, from 20 to 25 Butter, per lb 5# Clams, per bushel 2 00 Cabbages, each, from 15 to 40 Turnips, per bunch 10 Tomatoes per quart ‘ 10 Qkra, per quart 15 Bweet Potatoes, per bushel 3 Ov Irish Potatoes, per quart 10 Green Corn, each s Water Melons, from 16 to 50 Cantelopes, from 10 to 40 Apples, per bushel 2 <)0 Peaches perbushei s OO Figs, per doz 10 Honey, per.b 15 Ducks, per pair $2 OO Turkeys, each, from $2 to 2 50 Geese, per pair 2 00 Fowl^ grown $1 to 1 25 Half Grown Fowls 75 Spring Chickens, per pair 50 Spring Chickens, 2d size 40 1, per dozen 40 A FOUR HORSE WAGON FOB. SALE, A FOUR HORSE WAGON, with fear sets of Harness, in good order, fa offered for sale. En quire corner of St. J alien and Drayton streets. angT , - 6 JAMES H. ROBERTS. IOO Styles or POtKtT BOOKS 1 SATGHIM E xamine sampees. order* wtu be n received for the manafaetnreis, by BRADY, SMirH &CO., «ng7 Bay at, - doors from DeU A ChUcfe» miE AS.—Choice Black mid Green X & L. Tj UTTIRII.—IO ] Jumefo*l«Ad . — v ......—.1 kegs cj —JvcotvAand tor sSeiby H* 1 choice Gosh** C.I*.
