Georgia Historic Newspapers

    ■m
VOL LXV.
[NEW SERIES.]
SAVANNAH, GEORGIA SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST 12. 1865.
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^VANNAH, GEORGIA.
TI B DAV MORNING, AKil Si 12.
-L-VPING MATTER OR .EVERT PAGE,
Important Letter from Gen. Cdx,
of (jhio, on i\e^< o Suffrage.
His Reply to the Oberlin Ad
dress.
ffhat the Duties of Members of
th^ Union Organization Are.
jig Views on the Destiny of the Colored
Race.
\l, . I'm, child and plumb to General Cox.
OuzrliN, July 24, 1865.
U M ,|. D, Cox—Dear Sir: The people of this
Diace* v-’iih entire unanimity, siught your norni-
aarf.n fur Governor of Ohio. With equal unan
imity we desire to promote your election. We
reduced in your Domination because we had per-
fec . confidence that your views and sympathies
were in harmony with our own on the great issue
b ,, (lTe us —the equality of all men before tho law.
Wc -till believe that we were not mistaken. But
(ome of us have been starlled by a report coming
diro-ily from Warren, to the effect that you were ,
oppofed to giving the eleclive franchise to color-
id people, and that you requested the editor of
the Curonicle to publish your views on the sub
ject, that you might not lose the supportof Union
men in the Southern part of the State, ffe do
not credit the rumor, and yet it has so disturbed
Cline of your warmest supporters, that the under-
signed have been requested to address you on the
subject.
li'e want to know directly from you your views
on die following subjects: 1st. Are you in favor
of modifying our Conttitution so as to give the
elective franchise to colored men? 2. In t e
reorganization of the Southern States should
the elective franchise be given to the colored
peopie*
Among us there is but one opinion on this sub
urb and we were never more in earnest on any
political question. We believe that the distinction
made by our Constitution between white aDd col
ored people was made in the interest of slavery,
and is both wiefced and absurd. And wo believe
that to reconstruct the Southern States and admit
them with constitutions excluding colored men
from the polls would give the country and the
negro into the power of the very men who have
• "ugh; and still desire to rain the one and enslave
the other
Deliver the four millions of freed people into
the hand.- of their former oppressors, now embit-
vred by their defeat, and they will make their
condition worse than before. The Copperheads
"he North, with the united South, would gain
Control of the General (rovernmect, and in vari-
■u-' ways would harrass aDd oppress the negroes
»nd their friends beyond endurance. A war of
-sees would be likely to result. If as a nation we
ctn he so wicked as to deliver our colored soldiers
and the millions whose freedom we are pledged
t" maintain into the power of the most cruel and
'itwictive people that ever laid claim to civiliza-
h a terrible retribution will await us. We
speak strongly that you may know how we feel
on tbe subject.
It it be said that the negroes of the South are
ignorant and untit for tbe elective franchise, we
au.-cer, grant it; but this has nothing to do with
fie question, Our colored soldiers who have
bjughi three years for the U nion are not of this
class, nor are those who have always been free
many ot them have amassed wealth. Jt is for
Mese we ask the elective franchise. If it should
take a year, or two or three to prepare the mass
to vote, we would be content, though we believe
our fret institutions would be saler in the hands
“• me colored people as they are, than in the
sands ol the best half ot the white population of
JbeSouth. The question is, Shall coloreti people
fie allowed to vote ? The enemies of oar country
*)°* The mass of t(te loyal say Ves. So fje-
C1 ded are our people on the subject that they
could by no means be persuaded to vote for a
nun known to be opposed to it. The Uinon party
ot this country, so lar as we know, are unanimous
ofi the subject, and we believe that throughout
jfie country the party can be rallied on this plat-
ortu with greater enthusiasm than on any other,
ah the prominent religions papers, and, with one
1 two exceptions, all the leading Republican pa-
i'l-rs are in favor of universal suttrage. We be
lieve that nothing could be more suicidal to our
Petty and tbe cause of freedom than to reject
'fits doctrine.
f soon. It is not our
unless you desire it.
, nrt . . oyh mice}? relieved,.
* u y fit: able to contradict aqy false reports tfiat
li’is suV t Clrci ** a ti ( m regarding your views on
' erv truly and sincerely yours,
lease let us hear from you s
, 10 publish your views, uu
, , we wish to have our otgi
t!l fi to be able in
to be of the last importance, and though guer
illa warfare has its attractions, I am well con
vinced that results will be determined by the
surer if slower march of the heavy columns.
I have always believed that adherence to a
party platform does not exclude freedom of
opinion or of discussion upon matters not in
cluded in it, though it does imply that such
discussion should be a free and friendly inter
change of views with the object of throwing
all possible light upon subjects which may
sootier or later become topics of importance,
and upon which we may have to form a defin
ite policy. When the time comes for action,
all thorough loyal men should agree to sup
port that policy which the wisdom of the. ma
jority may agree upon, unless it shall conflict
with some principle conscientiously held; in
which casp those who so dissent have the un
doubted right to withdraw their connection,
not from a candidate simply, but from the par
ty. This view of political organization is the
only one I have been able to find, which will
secure proper unity and power of action, and
at the same time afford full scope for true pro
gress of opinion and that liberty of individual
thought which, I beg you to remember,. is as
much the right of candidates as of those who
nominate them.
The Union Platform.
Our Convention adopted a platform, of which
the doctrinal part is substantially embodied in
two propositions: 1st. ‘ ‘That slavery and its
institutions are irreconcilably opposed to free
dom and free institutions,” and must be finally
and completely eradicated ; “2d. That Pres
ident Johnson’s policy of reconstruction is
‘endorsed,’” with the proviso that the com
pleted restoration of the rebel States “shall be
at such time and upon such terms as will give
unquestioned assurance of peace and security
not only to the loyal people of the rebel States,
but also of the peace and prosperity of the
Federal Union.”
The spirit and disposition which should con
trol us in determining the “time and terms” of
reeonstrnction, and all other questions of policy
accumulating upon us, were likewise stated in
two resolutions, one, urging the example of
our martyred President “in waiting for the so
lution of difficulties to be fumiihed by the pro
gress of time and logic of events;” the other
declaring the necessity “of keeping steadily in
view tbe “great principles of our government
as set forth in the Declaration of Indepen
dence.”
T# condense still more, the essence of the
position of the party, may be said to be, the de
termination of the political results of the war
by the united and harmonious action of truly
loyal men, actuated by a spirit at once cautious
and controlied by an earnest belief in.the broad
est doctrines of human rights.
To those principles I have given my public
and sincere adhesion. You are the only mem
bers of the Union party of the State whom I
have found impatient to commit your brethren,
in advance of the meeting of Congress, to a
definite policy upon a subject upoq which the
Convention had by strongest implication de
clared it premature to decide what course ought
to be taken. The State election decides no
such issues ; the progress of events in the South
will probably throw increased light upon all
such questions ; yet you insist that 1 shall give
you my views, not for the purpose of mutual
assistance in arriving at a solution of a diffi
culty, but under notice that the yotes of your
people will be determined for or against me by
my answer. I think that in so doing you
wrong both yourselves and the members of the
whole political organization to which we be
long, and to which you gave pledge of cordial
eo-operation upon the platform as adopted,
through yonr delegates who were present at the
Convention,
Gen. Cox’s Position.
For myself, I have no secrets-as to my opin
ions, and have never hesitated to declare them
on proper occasions, So far haye { bpejj frorp
desiring to conceal them, that I had sent, be
fore the receipt of yonr letter, a private note to
Professor Ellis, of your place, indicating my
plan for the final solution of the problem of
reconstruction, and seeking his criticisms upon
it. No restrictions were placed upon him in
making it known, except such as his own dis
cretion and friendship might impose. You are
misinformed as to my having requested my
views to be published at my home or elsewhere.
You must act upon your pwp responsibility }n
determining what publicity you shall give to
this. The importance to our country of de
termining rightly the grave questions which
must probably be settled within the coming
year, is too great to make me willing to omit
Using whatever influence or information I may
have in assisting at the solution. Whether in
public or in private life, I shall freely give the
results pf my experience and observation ip the
South during the war, and the conclusions tQ
which my study of both races has Jed me, l
shall expect the &ctg that I have been an anti
slavery man from my youth up, that I assisted
at the original organization of the Republican
party, amTacted with it and the Union party
ever since, and that 1 have been a Federal
soldier from the surrender of Sumter to the
surrender of the last armed rebel, will secure
me a candid and even a friendly hearing from
all who have loved the country and earnestly
taken its part in the late terrible struggle. If
Other vjeWs than mine prey ail, J shall hold It
rav tiutv to acfc cheerfully and broroptly with
E H. Faikcuild, l Committee.
SAMUEL PLUMB, )
Reply of Gen. Cox.
Columbus, 25th July, 1865.
• Jlr i Y°ur letter of yesterday, inquir-
f * aal ar <t my opinions upon some of the pba-
; ; “ le question of the reconstruction ot the
». I0n ’ Waa received this morning. Yoq sign
nave omitted
ownm
e.”b
^ eceived this
t- “ r ? e,Vc s as a “Committee,” but
‘. Morn, me what body or organization you rep*
U! 01 ’ or to give me the instructions or resolo-
,j e jtommitung the subject to yon. This acei-
»-‘i emission would be of no consequence,
1,1, * know you both to be m em h er3 °f the
sc rl" ? ar, T o! ’his State, and, though we have
: ;e “ 7? seen finch other Iqr some years, have be-
to be personal friends of mine; Lot
tj„. . ela "°ns to tbe Union men of Ohio are such
, i“ ’ lna >' become of some importance to know
“ -He triose with whom you are acting and for
cnr, m ■ vou . bechire that a hearty and honest con-
othorl 06 !“ th e principles which you and the
“a th a,* peo l’ le of Ohio adopted in convention
Writ i 4 ult ' mo expressly as the basis of united
sha!! f ctlon . hi the coming State election,
not be suliicient to secure your votes
Party Organizations.
fontis t®* or S anizat ions, like every other, are
Metj upon mutual waiving of some arciclfes
attainable, and that to divide from them will
be to deliver the Government into the hands of
its enemies.
I fielieve that the President is earnestly deter
mined to seek the good of the whole country and
of all the races in it; that he has full claim to
that confidence which we declared that we repose
in him; and that wbat we as Union men cannot
s icceed in doing in harmony and co-operation
with him and his administration, we abalt fsij oj
doing altogether. Jfy support of him, therefore,
will be no "half-hearted support, but a zealous
and thoroughly hearty co-operation, with no ul
terior purpose of thought of separation on is
sues likely to arise. It is by the cordial harmony
of Mr.'Johnson and' the Union members of
Congress that the country is to be carried safejy
[PRICE 5 CENTS.;
NO. 188
t^persenai belief for the sake of securing uni-
-- ami effective action upon others which are
Ved as the common creed ; and the bond of
fai lf h . ard .fy t? e s*M' to he Itept m good
W , en ‘“dividuals of a party propound as
. 0 a candidate questions which were not
n. l u l lou by the convention, especially when
the ,A ueatl< j n8 were notoriously excluded from
W A 01 those upon which community of bo-
]r,.. | ^, ( ' erl *anded, because the opinions of
tti r.r , a n '’aptotic mea had not yet fully ripen-
knd ,J. en d , efin ‘ te forn i in regard to them,
i,. f ' ime jtad not cbme when, in the “log-
tU event f> it was necessary to act upon
flirt u lhe Poetical phase of the great coa-
whioh B ;„. a , Ve “P°. n f** 88 in the military strife
h J liw ended, organisation will be found
true solntion of this knotty problem of recon
struction, and during the proper period for dis
cussions we may and ought to discuss them with
candor, with llmess, and with a tolerant spirit,
but when this is done and the time for action ar
rives, it will b* the business of Congress and’
the Executive to agree upon the Dlan to be adopt
ed, and that which is in this manner honestly
determined by devotedly Union men, I shall
behove as I have before said, to. be the
bekt attaihabte restilt; whether it agree with
my views or not. In’short, l believe that tinder
no circumstances should we Wish the transfer of
the power of this government into the hands ol
tho?e who have been disloyal before the war, by
liny divisions among ouraelyesj until all the
questions which grow oiit of' the War are per
manently and finally decided. ; •*
His Views on Reconstruction.
Fnving thus stated what I think is the true
doctrine of political orr-— 1 "-* 1 --' — A
n
minatinn of our relations to both whites and
blacks in the rebel States. That there may be no
mistake in reference to this. I quote them ;
“First—The principle must be put beyond all
questions, that the Republic has a direct claim
upon the allegiance of every citizen, from which
no Stato can absolve him, aod to his obedience to
the laws of the Republic, anything in the consti
tution or laws of any State to the contrary not
withstanding.
2‘Seeond—The public faith is pledged to every
person of color in the rebel, States, to secure
to them uni to their posterity, forever, a
complete and veritable |freedom. Having provi
ded them this lreedom, secured their aid on the
faith of this promise, and by a successful war and
actual military occupation of the country, having
obtained the power to secure the result, we are
dishorn red, if we fail to make it good to them.
“Third—The syBtem of slavery must be abol
ished and prohibited by paramount and irreversi
ble law. Throughout,the rebel States there must
be, in the words of Webster,‘impressed upon the
soil itself an inability to boar up any but free
men.’ *
“Fourth—The systems of tho States must be
truly republican.”
The application made of the last princip'e in
the address, I do not regard as soumf, but I shall
perhaps agree more fully with yon, than you do
with tho address, when 1 assert that in a republi
can community political privileges of any kind
can never be rightlyor safely based upon heredi
tary caste.
How then, it will naturally he asked, can there
he any practical difference between us as to the
mode of carrying out those principles ? It is
found in tbe views we take of the mutual relations
of the two races in the South. You, judging
from this distance, say “Deliver the four millions
of freed people into tho hands of their former
oppressor, now embittered by their defeat, and
they will make their condition worse than before.”
I, starting from the same principles,' and after
four years of close and thoughtful observation of
the races where they are, say I am unwillingly
forced to tho conviction that the effect of the war
has not been simply to “embitter” their relations,
but to develop a rooted antagonism which makes
their permanent fusion in one political cummuni-
ty an absolute impossibility. The sole difference
between ns then is the degree of hostility we find
existing between the races, and its probable per
manence. You assume that the extension of the
right of suffragg to the blacks, leaving them inter
mixed with the whites, will cure all the trouble. I
believe that it would rather he like the decisions
in that outer darkness of which Milton speaks,
where
Chaos umpire sits,
And by decision more embroils the fray."
Yet, as I believe with [you, that the right to
life and liberty arc inalienable, and more
than admit the danger of leaving a laboring class
at the entire mercy of those who formerly owned
them as slaves, you will say I am bound to fur-
Dish some solution of the problem which shall
not deny the right or incur tbe peril, So 1 am,
and the only real solution I can see is the peacea
ble reparation of the races. But you will reply,
foreign colonization will break down hopelessly
nnder the very vastness of the labor, even if it
were not tyrannical enough to expel these unfor
tunate people ,'rom tbe land of their birth. I
grant the full weight of the objection, and there
fore say the solntiou is thus narrowed down to a
peaceable separation of the races on the soil inhere
they note are.
The essential point in the discussion thus ap
pears to be the actual relations of the two races in
tbe Southern States as a question of fact, and the
probable future consequences of those relations as
a question of theory.
Upon the question of fact I think I may with
all modesty claim that my antecedents and my
opportunities of observation entitle my testimony
to have some weight, even with the most radical
anti-slavery men of the North.
The Antagonism of Race.
The antagonism qf which I have spokpn is not
entirely one-sided. Qn the part of the former
master it takes the form of an indomitable pride.
Which utterly refuses to entertain the idea of po
litical or social equality, mingled wi'b a hatred
intensified by the circumstances and the respite of
the war Thjs feeling is not confined to the slave
owners alone, but tho poor whites share it fully,
and often show it more passionately.
On the part of the freedmen, it is manifested in
an utter distrust of the dominant race, and aD
enmity which, although made by circumstances
more passive snd less openly manifested, is as
roal and implacable as the other. They have the
mutual attraction of race among themselves, and
repulsion of the whites as another people, devel
oped to a degree which surprised me. It is not
as individuals of a nation common to us all, that
they speak of themselves, but, to use the language
of one of them, speaking to myself, they feel that
they “have long been an oppressed and down
trodden people.”
Hildreth, in his Despotism in. Ameiica, declared
slavery to be in itself a state ot war, and this
character is indelibly impressed upon both races
in the South. The captive learns duplicity to
ward his captor, and in the slave it has become a
marked characteristic. It is a fair stratagem tor
which he feels n<r guilt. 1 have seen a master
boasting of the fidelity oj his seryant, and dis
cussing the subject of slavery iq jiis presence,
whilst the qegro waited upon him with an impas
sible humility which would make you believe no
intelligent idea of freedom bad ever entered his
brain. Yet I have seen that same negro steward
in camp, transformed into a clear-headed ally of
our troops, leading them to his master’s buried
stores, or guiding them to the flanks of the ene
my’s lines, with an intelligence and steadiness of
purpose which left no doubt as to his under
standing of the conflict between himself and his
master.
The daily and hourly repetition of proofs of
this fact, munv of them too subtle tor fieseription;
but bone tfie less convincing ’to the observer, has
fiillv coOvibcCfi me that never between Norman
and §axon, nor between Gaul and Frank we a
there a more conscious hatred, or an antagonist#
more likfly tq prove' inveterate, ihau between
black and White oc our Southern soil.- Tbe ne
groes will have no sense of security nor faith in
tbeir former masters, even if they offer them po
litical rights; they will fear them as Danaos dona
farentes.
The Teachings of History.
Wbat does history teach D3 in regard tu the
petmanence and durability of such prejndiqeq
and enmities of race’’ Speaking on this subject,
Augustin finery, in hia' History of the Roman
pobqaest, 9ays : ’Whatever degree of territorial
unity the great modern States ot Europe may ap
pear to have attained ; whatever may be the com
munity of manners, language, and public feeling
wbich the habit of living under the same govern
ment, and in the same stage of civilization, has
introduced among tjie inhabitants of cdoh of these
States, there ia scarcely one of 1 them wmc'b flops
not evgn now present Ifvirig traces of the divers
ity'pf' the rfipei of ipen, which in course of time
have come together in it. This variety shows it
self under different aspects, with features more
or less marked. Sometimes it is a complete sep
aration of idioms, of local traditions, of political
sentiments, and a sort of instinctive enmity dis
tinguishing from the great national mass the
population of a few small districts; and some
times a mere difference of dialect or evert of as
cent, marks, though morq feebly, the lmiit of th*
settlements of races of men, once thoroughly dis
tinct, find hostile to each other."
1 If fifteen centuries of common government
and political union hdvc not been able to ob
literate' the distinctions and even the “instinc
tive enmity” of races vrhich were physiolqgi
it have wi
the great dan
)>ebn striving _____
you hint, I am now prepared to state my private
views noon reconstruction, and tho claims of the
freedmen to political privileges in the Southern
States, leaving to you the responsibility ot your
action in regaid thereto.
I presume we shall agree in regarding the feur
general principles asserted in the “Faneull Hall
Address” m those whioh should guide the
imity” of races ^h
pally sitpijax, \yhat encouragement have Ve
that success will 1 attend a forced' political fu
sion of bitterly hostile faces from the antj-
couiparativo
achieved, is
described hy the same philosophic historian,
whom I have quoted, near the close of his
great work, as a “complete amalgamation”_/>f
the Norman and Saxon idioms, and a “mix
ture of the two races,” which it took four cen
turies of sanguinary war to accomplish.
Just stepping as wo are from the battle-
on which descendants of a common pneestry,
•o litt|e removed from ns that wejpaa literally
reach back our hands to grasp those of our
common sires, have waged the most tremen
dous and terrible of modern wars, it does not
become us to argue that peaceful discussions
will quietly settle differences which in former
times were settled bv the sword; but the mem
ory of the almost present as well as of the
remote past calls upon us to build our polity
solidly upon principles which experience as
well as reasoH prove to ho durable, and more
than ever avoid deluding ourselves with the
cry of “peace, peace, when there is no peace!”
Homogmity the. Time Tltisis of ft at tonality.
As, daring these weary years of war, I have
pondered this problem in the intervals of strife,
or by the camp fire at night, I have been more
and more impelled to tbe belief that the only ba
sis of permanent nationality is to be found in
complete bomogenity of people, ot manners and
of laws. The rapid fusion of the races of West
ern Europe as they have met upon our shores
has secured the foi mer of these requisites, and
the Yankee race [I adopt the epithet as an hon
orable one,) marked as it is with salient charac
teristics, is so complete an amalgamation of ail
families from the eastern boundary of Germany
to the Western coast of It eland, that there are
few of us in whose veins are not mixed tbe blood
of several. But this unhappy race of which we
are peaking, does not amalgamate with the rest.
It is entirely immaterial to discuss why it is so:
the fact no one can deny; nor can it be denied
that its salvation or its destruction will surely be
worked out in its family isolation.
Because there could he no real unity between
the Southern whites and Southern blacks, it
seems manifest to me that there could be no po
litical unity, but rather a strife for the masiqry
in which one or the other would go to the wall.
The struggle for supremacy woold be direct
and immediate, aud I see no hope whatever that
the weaker race would be reduced to hopeless
subjection, or utterly destroyed. There is no
reason to suppose that Missouri border ruffianism
could never be repeated on new fields, and, the
strife once inaugurated, this merciless war
would continue as long as the obnoxious
race had an existence. You have expressed
your anticipation of such a result in one state of
the case. How is it that you fio not see that a
direct struggle for power at the ballot box would
make the contest more deadly i
I hold that there is great philosophic truth in
the words ot Gnizot, in summing up the Sight
centuries of bloodshed oat of which the French
oinerged into nationality from the strife of petty
races and tribes. He says:—“In the life of na>
tions, that Union which is exterior and visible,
the unity of name and of government, although
important, is by no means the first in importance,
the most real, or that wbich makes indoed one
nation. There is a unity which is deeper and
more powerful; it is that which results not merely
from identity of government and of destiny, t nt
from the bomogenity of social elements, frog; the
likeness of institutions, of ip aDD §i >8 > °f ideas, pf
tastes, of toognes; the unity which resides in the
wife thentscire* when society assembles,and nut in the
forms of their associations ; in short, that moral
unity (I’unite mojale) which is far more important
than political unity, and which is the only solid
foundation for the latter."
I have watched with deep interest the educa
tional effect of the war upon our own army, and I
assure you that whilst our white soldiers have
uniformly aod quickly learned to appreciate ihe
fact thgt the existence of our free Government
could only be preserved by the destruction of the
system of slavery, and so became radically and
thoroughly anti-slavery, the tendency of battling
for the old flag was almost uniform in increas
ing and deepening their pride of race. The faot'js
one which cannot safely be overlooked in any
calculation involving their action upon ihe politi
cal problems before ihe country, and it is one in
regard to which I think l can hardly be mistaken.
Separation of the Races.
The details of any system of separation
could only be determined by careful §tudy and
a wi(je comparison of views. Suppose, lio.w-
eyer, that without breaking up, tfie organiza-
jion of any State, you_take contiguous territory
in .Souili Carolina, Georgia, ^ labactya and
Florida, and J here, nailer the sovereignty of
tfie fifnitefi States, apd with ail tfie facilities
>yhiph tfie power and vyealtfi of the Govern
ment cap give, we organize the freedmen in a
dependency of the Union analogous to the
western territories. Give them schools, laws
facilitating the acquirement of homesteads to
be paid for by their own labor, full and exclu
sive political privileges, aided at the start,
should it seem necessary, by wise election from
the largest brains and most philanthropic,
hearts among anti-slavery men, tt> join theta,
a j officiary or executive which would command
their confidence in the first essays of political
existence. There need be no coercive collec
tion of the colored race in the designated re
gion, the majority are there now, and the re
ward of the political power would draw thither
the remainder quite as rapidly as theiy jjlace
could be supplied by wfiite pmgratjofi ’into
other jitates. 1 The myts anfi' seaport cifies
coqlfi remain qn'fier dirept coptroj ot Fed
eral Goveymrmflt as jhp b#sjs for thqt common
trade qnd intercourse wjth o,her parts of the
country and the world, which would be neces
sary. The fullest opportunity to develops the
highest civilization they are capable of would
then be given. Colored men of talent and in
telligence would not then make a vain strug
gle for the empty name of being lawyers with
out briefs, merchants without trade, butwonld
have what a leading journal at the has
frequently demanded fqr them, the opportuni
ty, as well os the right, to take rank according
to their Yfiaracter' and abjlity.
That there are'ififfioultias in tfie realixutiqn of
such apian I shall bp tfie first jo nfrnit. But
there are cfilficuljiea ju ajl plans. It is natural to
mph tq struggle to avoid responsibilil
gnu upon the current, trusting to
driiting also leads to difficulties, as we
ed into a war which has cost half a million of fives
and untold millions of money, should not need to.
be told; and I agree with you that drifting will
probably deoide this matter against the b'ack
race, and involve bis destruction ; whilst by leav
ing the labor of the south in jfie ’bauds ot a de
graded clisle, I, eu tails Upon the country tbejvorst
mateHaVWec’s of slsvery, and prevents that bo-
mogenity of Institutions and manners. North and
South, which I have said I believe to be the only
sure foundation of permanent peace.
The Anglo-Americau and AtVico-American ra
ces now stand face to lace upon the Southern aoU
in irreconcilable hostility.- The feq colored tqen
whom wc have amongst ns, rhiy be regarded as
the waifs add ktray'i of the great fiqdy which ia a
nlitiop in numfior, and in its isolation by mental
and physical characteristics. It is as a unit that
we must deal with them, and no paltering with
the edge* of the difficulty will avert the doom
which all history teaches us will follow a wrong
solution.
Tbe magnitude of the problem is imlhense, bnt
ihe principles which must decide it one way or
the other are simple. When we deal with a wfiole
community, however closely related to oiirseives,
it is net hy the applivatibh of the' maxims of mu
nicipal law, kasbipTied to individuals that we
must decide the case, but by a modified form of
international law, wbich so tar from ignoring oar
responsibility to God, our common raler, or the
oblig*t»eft ‘ ^'
man
see welt to ft that We'do not allow tfie" seething
find molten elements to. cfystaliz'e into a new form
of opfiression ‘and I recognize as fully as yan
possibly can the bqrden oj responsibility whioh
tfiis Iirpat eppiti in ihe world’s history rolls up
for #11 who have even the humblest part in de
termining tbe shape of public policy.
I have approached tbe snbjeot as an anti-slavery
man. I have thought os de-ply as I was capable
of, and have carefully revised my opinions, and
have tested them by all the fundamental princi
ples of right and justice. If others do'net agree
with me, aqd it part me from any whose princi
ple* and motives are the same as my own, my
deep regret that it should be so cannot change
my convictions.
The A.drautarjes of Se/iarating the Races.
It fi*ft seemed to me that ^he solution ] hayq
A is natural to
ibilily, and to
to Hue; but
we who drift-
offered rids us of most of the difficulties in our
way. It gives to the black man political rights
and franchises without onerous terms; it re
duces the representation of the Southern whites
in Congress to a proper basis, their own num
bers; it secures the permanent peace of the
Government, and the allegiance of the people,
by the only sure guaranty, viz: that of common
interest and identity of institutions. What
more would you have ?
It is worth while to consider that in such a
plan ag I have suggested there is that which is
likely to attract co-operation on the part of re
flecting men in the Southern States. There
can be no question that some portion of tbe sec
tional bitterness which finally led them to se
cession and war, was caused by a more or less
distinct perception of difficulties like these we
arc considering from which they saw no rea
sonable outlet, and that any plan which recog
nizes the facts that I have stated and endeavors
to provide for them so as to secure harmony
and prosperity in the South, will soon find ad
vocates there. I do not mention this as an
improper argument because I fully accept the
responsibility which the military subjugation
of the rebel authority has Imposed upon us to
determine the matter by the counsels and the
action of those who have been truly loyal, and
not by those of the disloyal of either section.
We must, however, remember that the ulti
mate object we aim at must be to return the
people of the South to their relations to the
Federal Government as equal and full partici
pators in its rights and blessings. Through
what delays or intermediate stops, their own
action under the experimental organization
granted by the President, must determine. Hut
in the end, the genius of our institutions will
tolerate no unequal or sectional laws. The
homogenity mast be made perfect and complete,
for neither subject provinces nor military pro-
consulships can long eo-exist with Republican
Government.
The Question Hoes nat Enter into the State
Election.
Such are my personal opinions upon the sub
jects you bare called to my attention. For them,
I al ne am responsible. The subjects them
selves oan in no sense be matter for executive
action in this State, and whether I am elected or
defeated, my opinions will have only such weight
or iDflnence as tbeir own value will entitle" them
to. As they will not hinder me from giving cor
dial support to the action of a loyal Federal Gov
ernment, if othor views shall finally prevail, I
havethonght they ought not to be made a ground of
opposi ion in the State canvass, but suofi as they
are, they are jhe product of my honest thinking,
and in vjew of tfie real importance of the snbjeot,
t would not conceal them to reeelve an election
as unanimous aa the nomination with whioh tbe
convention honored me.
Wy respectfully,
Yonr obedient servant,
J- D. Cox.
Messrs. E. H. Fairchild,
Samcbl Plumb,
Committe, fyc., wolumbus, Ohio.
MEXICO.
1 Proclamation by Cortina?r-Jtfg
Troops near itlatamoraf.
By way of New Orleans we have late news
from Mexico.
lie Leon, the civil Governor of Tamaulipas, is
at the head of about five hnBdred rr;en jn tfiat
State, doing tbe enemy no injury, fifit refusing to
recognise the authority of po'rtinas, who is regu
larly commissioned brigadier general and as
signed to the command of all the liberal troops
operating on the Rio Grande, by Negrete, the
Jfiuisjer of War and General-in-Chief of the ve-
publican armies,
Cortiuas compelled Lope? to evacuate Oamqr-
go a few weeks ago, and now holds them so fast
in Matamoras that they dare not shpw their
heads outside th3 fortifioations, except in formi
dable bodies. It is a fact that cannot be dis
puted that Cortinas’s men are now and have been
tor months past, within from one to six miles
from Matamoras, and Mej'a has never ventured
on an attack. Cortinas has issued the fol
lowing :
“Rbpublic ofMetico, 1 •
Constitution, Ap Afiny, s
Cortiuaa’ Ijrigade,j General-in-Chief. |
“For the purpose of affording security to those
persons residing in places not occupied by the
enemv, and to distinguish the guerillas from par
ties of robbers, it is hereby declared :
“That all armed forces which may be found in
the northern district of the Stale, bearing Ihe
character ot Republicans, and who fiave nut tfie
proper and legal authorisation of tfie general
government qr of the sufisqriber, willfie consid
ers^ bandifs. arjd wi;l be'apprehended and pun-,
ished in po iformity witfi the taws,
“And for tfie more exact Qofflpilauee with these
orders, those who qrg without this credential or
authority \yili apply for and obtain it within the
peremptory period of three days.
“Independence, liberty and reform.
“Camp of Cballatella, 15th July, 1865.
“Juan- N. Cortinas
To counteract the influence of the following
proclamation, General Mejia has ordered that no
person be allowed to leave Matamorae under any
pretence whatever without first obtaining a, pass
from tbe military authorities, persons going
over from Brownsville are n'qt allowed to return
wRfiout such a pass.
‘•‘HEp.Dm.ic °v Mexico,
CohsVitotjonap AR\n,
Qortfnas’ Brigade, General-in-Chief.
‘ ‘Proclamation.
“The subscriber, in accordance with in
structions from General Negrete, Secretary of
War and General-in-Chief of the army opera
ting against invaders and traitors, and foi give
an opportunity to all loyal Mexicans to de
part with security from" those points and
places occupied hy the common enemy, pro
claims to the inhabitants of heroic Matamoras
the following decrees:
“ I. All communication, commerce and
trade between the port of Matamoras and all
other ports of this State are entirely cjosed-
“2. Every individual wfio^pay he found go
ing to or goipjng frqcg said port, will be ap-
nfdh^nded an d fried hy a military oourt-mar-
Zpd, wbjch will fie organised for this purpose,
and considered as a traitor to the country, and
consequently all his effects will be confiscated,
according to the laws established by the con
stitutional government of tbe republic.
“3. All inhabitants of Matamoras and
those places under its jurisdiction, wbjch un
fortunately are fonnd nnder tfie fiag and do
minion of the so-callgd empire, will be allowed
the term of-twefve days, counting from this
day, lo depart and carry their effects at least
three leagues distant from said city. With the
understanding that when they make such
change of their effects, if thpy suffer any
losses they will bp Raid by tbfi government
when sijeh josses arp satisfactorily proved.-
‘14. popsoos who depart from Matamo--
pas, in compliance With the foregoing decree,
fire by suph act alone excepted from the pen
alties of jhe second decree.
‘■id. All those who follow the so-called im
perial government, neglecting this opportunity
of showing that they are loyal. Mexicans, will
be considered traitors and their goods confis
cated for the benefit of the national treasury.
“6. The time conceded by the third decree
will expire op the fffth instant, after wbich
time no person can leave Matamoras without
incurring tbe penalties established by these
decrees.
“7. That no one can plead ignoran,ce, these
decrees are ordered to be publish©^
“Independence, liberty and reform, damp
of ChaUMcUa, 1 ^thinly, W,. - Jg
“Jiu.tr A. Cortinas”
\
kief. )
A11BAMA.
Hi shop' WUmer to the Tstity and Clergy of Ala-
'hama—The iJoclriae of Allegiance, and its
Application to the Existing State, of Affairs.
The Bishop of Alabama, as will be seen by the
following letter, has directed the elergv of his
diocese to abstain from praying fer tile President,
on the ground that tbe general direction which
authorizes such a prayer implies that it is only to
be used when “the President and ail others in
civil authority” can be prayed for, and that the
present provisional Government is of a military
character
To the Clergy and Laity of the Protestant Episco
pal Church of the Diocese of Alabama:
On the SOth ot May lait I addressed a brief cir
cular to the clergy, suggesting the principles
which, in my judgment, should govern them in
fheir official conduct under the present condition
of affairs. I deem it advisable at this time to set
forth, in a more formal and public manner, a
somewhat expanded statement ot the views con-
taioed in tbe circular referred to.
The lapse of the Confederate Government does
not necessarily involve tbe disorganization of the
general council of the church within the limits of
that government. It is assuredly possible for
two church organizations to exist under one
common civil government. The nationality ot a
church is a matter purely conventional, and of
human arrangement It is assuredly possible for
two church organizations to exist nnder one com
mon civil government withont violating the uni.
ty of tbe church, and the r union as one iegisla-
lative body. For example, the church in Eng
land is in perfect unity with the church in tbe
United States; but there is no legislative union
between these churches. Again (and this is a
case more in point) the church in Scotland is in
nnity with the cbnrch in England, aDd yet they
exist as distinct organizations under aoivil gov
ernment. Consequently, no charge of schism
cun justly lie against tbe chnrch in the Southern
States, in case she should see fit to perpetuate
herseli through a separate organization. She
does not thereby necessarily depart lrom the uni
ty of the churoh in doctrine, discipline or order.
Therefore, it may or may not, as circumstances
mar indicate, be advisable and expedient to dis
solve the general council. This is a question for
future ecclesiastical determination.
As to the changes in the language of certain
prayers, which are made necessary by late politi
cal events, I observe that tbe lapse of the Con-
federate Government reqnires, of necessity, tbe
omission of the "Prayer for the {'resident of
the Confederate States and all in civil authority.”
The immediate substitution of another form
of prayer does not follow of tho same necessi
ty, as will appear from the following consider
ations ;
To pray for all In authority is, unquestiona
bly, a duty—bnt a duty of religious, and not
of political origin and obligation. The mode
of discharging that duty must be determined
by the proper ecclesiastical anthority. Conse
quently, any attempt on the part of a civil or
military power to dictate to the Chnrch in this
matter canqot hut be regarded as unauthorized
and intrusive. Certain tests of loyalty have
been established by authority, and they who
faithfully conformed to these tests have ful
filled the requirements of the law, and have
right, in equity and under tfie constitution of
the country, to manage their ecclesiastical af
fairs according to their own discretion. The
Oiiurch has due regard to established authori
ty, and is not to be presumed regardless of her
sacred obligations. She must fie lefr free and
nntrammeled in her legitimate sphere of ac
tion. Any attempt to dictate to her can only
serve jo retard the action which, in pursuance
o,f her obligations to God and to her own tra
ditions, she will unquestionably take at the
proper time and in the proper manner.
Now, the church in this country has estab
lished a form of prayer for the 1'resident and
all in civil authority. The language of that
prayer was selected with careful reference to
the subject of the prayer, “all in civil author
ity,” and she desires for that authority pros
perity and long continuance. No one can well
be. expected to desire a long continuance of
military rule. Therefore the prayer is alto*,
getber inappropriate and inapplicable to the
present condition of tfiipgs, when no civil au
thority exists jn the exercize of its functions.
Ijenpe, as f remarked in the circular, “we
may yield a true allegiance to, and sincerely
pray for grace, wisdom and understanding in
behalf of a Government founded upon force,
while at the same time we could not in good
conscience ask for its continuance, prosperity,
etc.”
When the civil anthority shall be restored it
will be eminently proper for the Church to re
sume the use of that form of prayer which has
been established by the highest ecclesiastical au-
th'.Iiries, and which bos for so many years consti
tuted a part of her liturgy.
Yon are aware that in times past I hare ex
pressed a strong desire “that the regular forms of
public worship should be so entirely catholio in
character as to be adapted to all the exigencies of
time, place and eircumstances,” aod that I urged
this matter upon the attention of our Diooesan
Oouncil, with a view to action at the approaching
General Council. I still entertained the prefer
ence I then expressed, bat it is not for me, in my
individual capacity, to introduee into this Liturgy
any other form of words than that which the
Lburoh, in her collective aod legislative capacity,
has already established.
My conclusion is, therefore, and my direotion,
which I hereby give, that when civil anth> rity
shall be restored in the State of Alabama, the
clergy shall nee the form enti led “A Prayer fat
tbe President of the Uni ted States and alt in civil
anthority,” as it stands in the Book of Common
Prayer.
And my counsel to the olergy and laity is, to
heefl the teachings of the Church in regard to
Ncrip'ural obedience dne to “tbepowers tb*t be;”
aod while carefully maintaining the inherent
prerogatives of the church within her sphere,
faithfully to discharge tbeir duties to the State,
thus fulfilling the injunction ot onr Lord -. Ren
der unto Caesar the things that are Ciesar’s and
onto God tbe things that are God’s,
The doctrine of the Church upon this point is
briefff, bqt most comprelensively, summed up
ja her "7 th Article ot Religion: “The power
of the civil magistrate extendeth to all men, as
well olergv as laity, in all things temporal; but
hath no authority in things purely apiritual.—
And wa hold it to be the duty ot all men who are
S rofessora of the Gospel, to pay respectful obe-
ienr e to tbe civil authority, legularty and legit
imately constituted.”
In regard to the taking of oaths, it is beyond
all question the duty of every citizen to render
faithful allegiance to the government nnder
wfii£h fie lives; and an oath of fidelity to tbe
Governir<ent is only the formal and solemn ac
knowledgment and expression of an already ex
isting obligation. It, therefore, the oath of al
legiance should be lawfully required of all oiti-
zens, there is no good reason why snob an oath
should not be takeD, provided that all things be
done (see tjOtfi article) “in justioe, judgment and
truth” AH false swearing is an abomination
And »»w, brethren, commending you to the
guidance and protection of God, and earnestly
praying that all things may be ordered to the
advancement ol Hta glory, the good of His
Church, and the safety, honor and welfare of
his people, I am yours faithfully in Christ and
Hi* Church, Richard H. Wilmsr,
Bishop of the Diocese of Alabama.
Grbknsboro, Ala., June 20, 1805,
Th* Richmond Whig says; “With the excep
tion of a baker’s dozen or two of silly and insig
nificant blatherskites, there is no one in Rich
mond er elsewhere i a Virginia, who even talks
about secession, much 1cm votes and sets reces
sion. The* fetal and bloody heresy is dead,
forever end a day,”
Ur. Colburn, in Ioighton, Mich., while making
a medical call on the wife of John Bright, a
returned soldier, had tho effrontery to kiss her.—
The soldier shot and killed him for it the same
afternoon. It is time that somebody wu hung in
this country. 4
Hkadq’rs Dist. of Savannah,
1st Div. Det’t of Geobgia,
Office of Pkovost Marshal,
Savannah, Ga., Ang. 10, 1865.
The following is published for the in*
formation of all concerned: tjp
By Telegraph from Augusta, dated
August 10th, 1865.
To Lt. Col. R. P. York .
Your dispatch received. My Order pf
August 3d, applies to women and chil
dren as well os men, and they most taka
the oath before the privileges can bo
granted.
C. H. GROSVENOR,
Bvt. Brig. Gen. & P. M. G.
Dept, of Georgia.
By Order of
Bvt. Maj. Genl. J. M. BRANNAN,
Robert P. York,
Lt. Col. & Provost Marshal.
Headq’bs Sub-Dis’t. of Ogeechee, )
Savannah, Ga., August 9th, 1865 . j
SPECIAL ORDER, |
No. 20. j
Hereafter and until further orders all
Commissioned Officers of the United
States Army visiting this City will be re
quired to register their names at these
Headquarters, stating authority and
length of absence.
By command of
Bvt. Brig. Gen. DAYI3.
Jno. Mullen, A. A. A. G.
Headq’rs Sub. Dist. of Ogeeohee, ?
Savannah, Ga., August 6th, 1865. [
GENERAL ORDER, 1
No. 19. f
All Apothecaries and Druggist* in the
city are strictly prohibited from selling
any poisonous drugs, such as Opinm or
its preparations, Strychnine, Corrosive
Sublimate, &c., withont the prescription
of a Physician of character and standing
in the profession, or a Medical Officer of
United States, which prescriptions must
be kept on file by the Druggists for in
spection.
All suspected or acknowledged cases of
Small Pox, Varialoid, Yellow Fever,
Measles or Typhus Fever must be prompt
ly reported to the Health Officer, corner
Broughton and Bull streets, by the
Physician attending or by any person
cognisant of existence of such diseases,
command of
Bvt. Brig. Gen. DAVIS.
Jno. Mullen, A. A. A.G.
Headers Sub-Dist. of Ogeechee, }
Savannah, Ga., August 5, 1865. \
CIRCULAR )
No. 14. j
To insure a more thorough inspection
of the sanitary condition of this City, it
will be divided into six (6) Wards, and
each Ward will be provided with one (1)
Inspector.
It shall be the duty of each Inspector
to examine their respective Wards and
report daily to the Health Officer any
violation of the sanitary laws of this city
heretofore published, which violation
will be punished by a fine of not less than
five (5) dollars and not to exceed fifty
(50) dollars.
By command of
Bvt. Brig. Gen. DAVIS.
Jno. Mullen, A. A. A. G.
Hbadquaktkrs Sub District op Ogescbh, ?
Savannah, Ga., July 28, 1865. )
Circular, I
No. 12. J
On and after this date articles in tbe Pobfie
Market of this city will be sold at the foliowing
prices. Pet sons violating this order, will be re
ported to this Office and summarily dealt with.
By command of Brv’t. Brig. Gen. DAVIS.
Jno. Mcllin, A. A. A G.
Fresh Beef, 1st cut, per lb 20
Country Dried Beet 15
Country Cured Beef 15
.lerked Beef 10 to 15
Veal, per lb 20
Mutton, per lb 20
Liver, per lb 15
Fresh Pork, per lb 25
Bass, per lb 15
Drum, per lb 15
Fresh Water Trout 15
Salt “. « 15
Sheephead 2<J
Mullet, large size, per bunch 40
Brim, per bunch of five 40
Mullet, small size, per bunch of fire... 25
Perch, per bunch ol five 40
Suckers 40
Whiting 40
Codfish, per lb 10
Shrimp, per quart 15
Crabs, each 3
SturgeoD, per lb ; 7
Sausages, fresh pork.... 40
Bacon, per lb, from 20 to 25
Butter, per lb 5#
Clams, per bushel 2 00
Cabbages, each, from 15 to 40
Turnips, per bunch 10
Tomatoes per quart ‘ 10
Qkra, per quart 15
Bweet Potatoes, per bushel 3 Ov
Irish Potatoes, per quart 10
Green Corn, each s
Water Melons, from 16 to 50
Cantelopes, from 10 to 40
Apples, per bushel 2 <)0
Peaches perbushei s OO
Figs, per doz 10
Honey, per.b 15
Ducks, per pair $2 OO
Turkeys, each, from $2 to 2 50
Geese, per pair 2 00
Fowl^ grown $1 to 1 25
Half Grown Fowls 75
Spring Chickens, per pair 50
Spring Chickens, 2d size 40
1, per dozen 40
A FOUR HORSE WAGON
FOB. SALE,
A FOUR HORSE WAGON, with fear sets
of Harness, in good order, fa offered for sale. En
quire corner of St. J alien and Drayton streets.
angT , - 6 JAMES H. ROBERTS.
IOO Styles or
POtKtT BOOKS 1 SATGHIM
E xamine sampees. order* wtu be n
received for the manafaetnreis, by
BRADY, SMirH &CO.,
«ng7 Bay at, - doors from DeU A ChUcfe»
miE AS.—Choice Black mid Green
X & L.
Tj UTTIRII.—IO ]
Jumefo*l«Ad
. — v ......—.1 kegs cj
—JvcotvAand tor sSeiby
H* 1
choice Gosh**
C.I*.