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MIRROR OF THE TIMES
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October 17.
\
RAINBOW, No. IV.
FRENCH REVOLUTION;
! And Emperorship of Bonaparte.
THF. intelliprence that Bona
parte had founded his imnerial
*hrone, on the ruins of republican
France, has excited verv opposite
sensations, among the political
sects, cl different civiliy.ed nati
| ons ; of jov and triumph with the
! advocate? of despotism ; of
j naMon & reject, among the friends
! oflihertv, if not unpleasant sensa
tions of doubt and despair, with
j respect to the crencrai practacabiL
i ifv of mild and economical pcliM
csl institutions. The first maybe )
supposed to have felt that kind of ■
troubled pleasure, if pleasure it i
can be called, which Milton dis- i
i cribea the arch-fiend to have en- |
! joved, when be seduced the mo- 1
; ther of mankind ; or that still
| more horrid sentiment of malici. j
I ous satisfaction, which the same
poet attributes to death, when he !
\va3 made acqur.inted with the '
numberleaa victims, which the ■
success of his infernal father would j
i furnish bis devouring jaws : thev «
I “ grin horribly, a ghastly smile.”
They are much better pleased that
the French revolution has com
menced, p*cgressed and termina
ted as it cf bears to have done, than
if cuch a revolution hr.d never ta
ken place, and the ancient despo
tism had remained unshaken.-
They consider the experiment and
its failure as the last link in the
long chain of proofs, which tend
to establish unalterably and incon
troverlihly, this great and impnr
: tant political axiom— the insecu
rity AND INSTABILITY Ol' REPUB
licam institutions. They de
clare that tve have now before our
-yea the fairest experiment, the
grandest tfart, and the ablest con
ducted attempt towards the esta
blishment cf representative de
mociacy, in a highly enlightened
nation, that has ever been made :
And that it 3 failure is a confirma
tion of the universal testimony of
all antiquity, and the experience
of modern times, that mankind J
are ao radically and irremediably j
prone to vice and corruption as to 1
render them unfit, and in fact,,
incapable of governing themselves,
but require the chasteuiug hand of
a Trader to secure their happiness.
I hey contend, whatever doubts
may have been heretofore enter
tamed, with respect to the proba
bility cf a gradual emancipation of
the human race, from civil and
: religious tyranny, in proportion as
they become the
: subject cl tneir political and social
lights, that noxv% such doubt* must
be thonged imu certainties of their
imn' ciicabiiitv ; what
prrpbecy, is now history ; what
was once conjecture is nmv expe
rience ; what was once theory, is
now practice. The example ol
antiquity it is no longer necessary,
say they, to produce ; they ait
willing to rest lhe force of the ar
gument cn the f rench experiment :
external violence had no agency
in the destruction of French liber
ty ; like Home of old. she lost her
liberty at the period when she nad
triumphed over all her enemies ;
but the French revolution a
| monster, generated in vice and de
pravity, *which, for lack of other
victims, has at length devoured i ls
! own abortive offspring. The des
trvetien of this monster and its
offspring produces the return of
i social order, tranquillity and hap
i pincss, which can only be secured
by monarchy. Emperor Napole
on ha 3 awakened the dreaming
philosopher, and rent the veil from
the eyes of the visionary specula
tor. With better success than Ca
nute, when he addressed the sur
ges that lolled at his feet, he lias
issued his mandate to the rising
flood of liberty & emancipation—
•* so Jar shaft thou go—~und no J ae
ther /” Such is an abstract of what
* i
MONDAY, Novcmober 14, 1808.
!■ II ■ ■ ■ II MlL..].nil n — l
I imagine to be the feeling* and
opinions of the advocates of des*
potie nover.
Far doferent are those enter
tained hv the friend of liberty.—
The freedom of another hemi*.
phere seemed to dawn, and gleam
upon his delighted soul, like the
all-cheering luminary of day ; but
the vice of man has overshadowed
the scene ; his fancies have fleeted
from before him, as the unreal
shades of deceptive twilight; the
long night of despotism succeeds.
He looks back with regret to the
beautiful visions which he indul
ged, at a period when he could
hail a French, a Batavian, an Hcl
, vitian, a Ligurian, a Cisalpine, a
Roman, and a Parthenopean Re
public, as inhabiting, like Ameri
ca, “ the modest mansion of rrpre
s sentative democracy. In ihe bit*
" terness of his soul he curves the
bloody tyrant who has directed
s the master energies of his mind to
[ the destruction of those fitir la
! bries. Bonaparte might have
J ranked with th* Scipios and Cato*
* of antiquity : he is now associated
I with the despots of modern Eu*
j rope ; hts venerated name would
j have gone down the stream oi
I time, ’till time shall be no more,
and unlading laurels have incir.
cled his immortal brow ; it will
now descend, with accumulating
disgrace, to the latest posterity j
ano infamy, eternal, cvcilasung,
will be inseparably connected with
his name, but n.e ti tend of liber
ty, indigi-ani at the usurpation of
bonapane, & lamenting the event
as ft permanent aud irremidable
destruction of the freedom of
France, although he does honor to
ihe gcncrossiiy and ardor of hi*
republican feelings, yet falls into
the errors of slaves and tyrants,
when he believes that the Organic
Senatus Consulium is the grave
of French liberty. Though his
feelings and actions are perfectly
dissimilar, ycl he seems tobv.rtve,
with them, that it is a late, which
even American fietdom wifi one
day experience, whtu age ha* ri
pened it ior the repose of despo
tism, and time tor the sleep of
death. Hut these opinions and
! feeling*, »f I ma y judge lrom u.jr
own experience, will, in a great
mcasuic subsiue , aud our con
tempt lor the worn out, common
place, oidinary diictuon, which
Bonaparte’* ambition has taken,
will in some degree, be diminish
ed, upon cooler and more mature
reflection. We shall be leu wo cu
quire whether theelevatiuu or i>o
uaparte is really so ptiinaucuiiy
inauspicious to liberty, aud cus
astrrou* to Fiance, us the noneat
indignation ul our hist imp* c.*i.
ens uouid persuade us to butcve.
In this inquiry, two ptomiueut
points seem to present meinscive*
ior considtiatiou. jtirst j Las me
1 nch revolution actuady cr.dcu l
btcoiidi if it has ended, w<'»alwill
France, in particular, and tot gen
eral cause ot liberty aud o* man
kind, lose or ga«u by it t
T he most ancient aud general
division of the u kinds of
governments, is into monarchical,
anstocratical and detuooraucal.—
But this division oues not appear
to discriminate with suthetent pre
cision between the most usual sys
tems oi tuie established among
men. i speak in general terms ;
I do not descend to the particular
and numberless modifications and
mixtures, of which they are all
susceptible, i shall adopt, there
fore, as a first and general divisi
on, one that appears liable to few
er objections, viz: Despo ism
Limited Monarchy—and, Rrprc
sentaiive democracy, it cauuot
be denied by the most enthusiastic
philauthropuisi, that there ai e ma
ny nations, vrhuse moral aua poli
tical condition wui not admit of
any other species oi government
than the tusi —mat is absolute aud
unqualified despotism. Ouch are
most or tuc mum*# of A*ia aud
«r
[\'o. V.]