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American Democrat. (Macon, Ga.) 1843-1844, May 17, 1843, Image 1

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HlfiEltlCfiyi! iiMi€Blf. The most perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least—Costs least —Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None. —BENTHAM. VOL. I. AIORXO&XT DEMOORAT. PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY W. A. & C. THOMPSON, MULBERRY STREET, MACON, GEO. AT TWO COLLARS PER ANNULS, C3- IN ADVANCE. -EB Advertisements inserted at the Customa ry Prices. * , t l(jpg ! 1 gHBg TO THE HEADER. Tiie designation we have chosen for Y)ur Journal, and the quotations adopted Wour motto, might be considered as suf ficient exposition of the principles on which it would be conducted. And as w£ are averse to thrice told tales and long talks, had we none but ourselves to please, the paper should be allowed to speak for its elf, and we should not add another word on the subject. Custom however, has in this instance (perhaps more wisely) directed otherwise. In submission to her mandates we subjoin what follows. Pf It will be recollected that early in the year forty-one, a number of patriots alarm ed for the safety of our free institutions ami the integrity of the Union, menaced as they were by the disorganizing pro ceedings and developed views of the W hig leaders during the Presidential contest of IS 10, made a strenuous effort to establish in this City a Democratic press; circum stances beyond their control and altogeth er unanticipated rendered their efforts for the time unavailing. The enterprize, ihowever was merely postponed, but not for a moment abandoned and the present ■publication is the result. I As the prospectus prepared on the oc icasion referred to, .affords a full exposition ! *©f the principles and views on which our I'paper will be conducted, we proceed to ' place it with slight alterations before our Sreaders. k The publishers, aided by an association Kef literary gentlemen, will continue to ■issue from their office a weekly Journal, gdevoted to the assertion and diffusion of ■Constitutional Democracy. In this as- Ipociation are equally represented, those -(portions of the Union and State Rights Sparties, which in the portentous crisis of I*lß4o, generously repudiating former pre judices and antipathies, pressed forward fto rescue the Free Institutions of our ■country from the grasp of their would-be ■destroyers, meeting each other as a band |of brothers, united and organized un- E“der the prouder and more appropriate tyle of State Rights Democrats, or the party of the People and the Consitution. This was, indeed, in the truest and lofti est acceptation of the phmse, a “ Union for the Sake of the Union." What Democrat does not now exult in the choice that he made at that trying pe riod ? Twenty Sovereignties of this mighty Confederacy, by adopting a sim ilar course, have already placed upon it the Broad Seal of their Approbation, and pronounced its Eulogium in a voice, amid whose reverberations the strong holds of Federal corruption have been prostrated. But, while, as uncompromising advo cates of Democratic principles, we hold it to be our paramount duty to insist upon the master-facts, that if the Liberties and . Union of the American people are to con ltinue for any protracted period, the Con stitution and the Rights of the States, -must be preserved intact and inviolate, the legislation in Congress must be impar tial and unsectional, and even-handed Justice, rigid but judicious economy, re form, retrenchment and thorough re sponsibility, be established in every branch "both of the General and State Govern ments, yet, our paper will not be exclu sively political. W are anxious that the Democrat, by early, varied and accurate intelligence, should be a useful companion to the man of business, and by the interest of its news and tasteful selections from the elegant p|iteratureofthe day, an acceptable visit ant in the domestic circle. To the friends of Religion, Virtue, Humanity, Educa tion and Social Improvement, we shall over be found prompt and cordial auxilia i ries. That we shall at once realize all we "wish on this subject, we ore not so imag inative as to expect; but to whatever zeal, untiring exertion and liberal expenditure ;in procuring the necessary appliances, j can effect, we umy safely pledge our- I selves. DEMOCRATIC BANNER. FREE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; NO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT; AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION.—•./. C. (.//. UOI.Y. From the centfhl position of this city, surrounded as it is by a widely extended country and a numerous population, we are persuaded, (without intending to de rogate from the journals already in publi cation) that the establishment of such a press as we contemplate, in Macon, is of vital importance to sustain and increase the influence of sound political opinions, and promote the interests of the State. A few words respecting our intercourse as Editors Temperate gentlemanly re marks on our labors, we will notice in a spirit’ of reciprocal courtesy. Towards our former comrades, with whom in by gone days we stood long and faithfully, shoulder to shoulder, battling for the very same principles we contend for now, we still look in sorrow not in hostility and still extend the olive-branch of con ciliation. As the spirit and morale ol the Demo crat are concerned —an inviolable re spect for Truth in any statement we sanc tion— a strait-forward, unharnessed In dependence— a determination to render impartial justice to friends and opponents —an undeviating adherence to the gold en maxim, that clear, unmingled Hones ty in Politics, as in common life, is the strongest and most successful Policy, are the principles by which we shall be gov erned. The descent from the exciting and lof ty topics we have touched upon, to the soul quelling, heart chilling concerns of dollars and cents, is a process neither congenial or agreeable, but alas, to this complexion, per necessity we must come at last. The annual subscription to the Ameri can Democrat, is TWO DOLLARS, paid punctually in advance , which, if not done on the receipt of the second number, we assure our friends in all courtesy, will be received as an intima tion that the person cuts the Democrat’s acquaintance. We have thus reduced the rate of subscription from regard of the necessities of times, and to place it within reach of as many of our fellow citizens as practicable. But with whatever sincerity, zeal and devotedness of purpose to be useful —to do the State some service —we are ani mated, the ultimate success of the con templated publication depends on the en ergetic aid of onr Democratic friends be ing rendered now, (in enlarging our sub scription, and obtaining it in all cases, in advance,) and the generous patronage of the public as subscribers and advertising customers. For the generous aid of our friends in the different sections of the State, we ask not for ourselves but for the cause. As we before intimated, in other cir cumstances we should have spared our selves this perhaps over-lengthy expose, and most confidently have turned the Democrat loose upon the world, to seek its destiny, and fall or succeed, succumb or triumph, according to its deserts. Per haps, after all, it is but fair, that those invited to a repast for which they are to pay, should be furnished with a bill of fare. THE EDITOR. From the Milledgeville Federal Union. Unity or the Party. Under this head, we extract from the Globe an adroit article. There is no longer any question of the complete as cendancy of the Democratic Party in the United States. “United we stand—di vided we fall,” was never more appropri ate than now. The Globe, we allow, has shewn a degree of impartiality be tween the great leaders of the party. Per sonal dissensions, are the rocks on which a nation, almost wholly Democratic, can split. It isnot principles, but men, which divide us ; and therefore, the attempt to fix the odium of any want of principle on any leading Democrat, becomes a fire brand in our midst. We are bound, therefore, to consider the impartiality of the Globe, on several points involving the leading men of the Democratic Par ty and so lucidly set forth by themselves in the article extracted, as a poor atone ment for their unnecessary and violent attack on the course pursued by Mr. Calhoun on the late Treaty and the Or egon Occupation Bill. The Globe says it only differed with Mr. Calhoun on these important measures. This could not fail to pnxluce the results we have seen. It is obvious that Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Calhoun are the promineut can didates for the Presidency. The friends of Mr. Van Buren could not hut see that he was sufely sheltered by a private sta tion from all rei|»on<ibility in regard to i MACON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 17, 1843. the important measures in question. If the course pursued by Mr. Calhoun could be made availably unpopular, he was more effectually put down, than by the most direct personal attack. The Globe, it is evident, left no stone unturn ed to accomplish this. Their silence with regard to the name of Mr. Van Bu ren, and their defence of Gen. Cass and Mr. Calhoun on other topics, gave a handsome opportunity of driving home on Mr. Calhoun the Oregon Bill and the Treaty of Washington. Yes, and to i say- all the while, to other disturbers of the repose of the Party, peace, be still. Now, why is it, that these questions are of such vital consequence to the as pirations of a party politician ? For this very reason, that they have a local bear ing, and arouse the passions, rather than the judgment of men. The Treaty af fects the local affairs of the States of Maine and Massachusetts, and by a rea dy sympathy, the whole of the Northern and Eastern States; while the Oregon Bill is the bantling of the great West. Mr. Calhoun could not be insensible to this ; and in no act of his life, does the daring and intrepidity of the statesman and patriot shine more conspicuously than on these two questions. We have published Mr. Calhoun’s un answerable arguments on the Treaty question. We will not venture to state them after him; but we'will say, that it was virtually a question of peace or war between the Government of the United States and the most powerful nation in the world. It is perhaps more true of him, than of any other person, tojsay that he held in his hands the destinies of two great nations —that he was between them, the arbiters of peace or war. The question was considered doubtful, till settled by his great effort in the Senate. At the risk of offending a powerfld war loving party, and two, and perhaps six States of this Union, Mr. Calhoun threw the weight of his talents and character in the scale of peace. We have, therefore, peace to restore the damages of an infu riated and destroying commercial-produ cing and transporting mania. And this is one of the crimes charged_to Mr. Cal houn ! The next great excitement raised out of the same elements, is the Oregon Oc cupation fever, now raging in the West. The reasons against the hurry and pre cipitation of this measure, are conclusive. But they are not satisfactory to the peo ple in the West, who are determined to •brook no delay, or heed any remon strance. They will rush over the moun tains, to perish, like the crusaders of an other age and country. But we have no doubt of the final occupation of the Oregon Territory, by our enterprizing people. The vote of Mr. Calhoun to postpone the measure, is little thought of by these hardy men. They may perish by thousands, hut the tide has set that way, and thousands more will rush on to supply their places. Nor could the arm of the Government aid them much in their desperate undertaking. They go with their rifles, conquer with their rifles, and live by their rifles. The sea may stop them, but nothing else can. The measure is precipitate and danger | ous, and Mr. Calhoun did right in refu [ sing to make the Oregon Territory ano ; ther Florida, to sink to hopeless bank ' ruptcy the disordered finances of the country. And this is his second crime, i emblazoned and reprehended by the Globe, to put him flat on his back ; and yet, that paper thinks the tendency of its course very proper, and is especially astonished that the friends of Mr. Cal houn should attempt to parry a blow so fatally aimed. But there is another and more bitter point of this onset on Mr. Calhoun. The Treaty and the Oregon Occupation Bill, have done their work they have given Mr. Calhoun additional reputation, but in certain sections may do him injury he has dared to oppose the cupidity, qf men. A little time will remedy this; and before the election of President there is time enough. At this time, and in this crisis, the nomination of a candidate for President is proposed by a State, contra ry to its own usages and to its heretofore approved course on the same question. When Mr. Van Buren was elected, he had been nominated by a Convention, which met the May previous to the elec tion. It is now proposed to anticipate this time, by eight or nine months; for no reason, that we can see, except it be to prevent the intervention of the session ot Congress, and to urge the Convention, without the knowledge of the morale of that body. Indeed, it seems so plainly a case of the invasion of an honored cus tom, for motives known to only a few, and that manifestly without any improve ment of the plan, that we are not surpri sed that all the uninitiated should say, give us your reasons. We have looked in vain into the Virginia papers, and es pecially into the Enquirer, for the grounds of this innovation. We have not seen them, and are not satisfied. We therefore propose, that our Con vention in June next, take up this sub ject for discussion ; and that they publish their opinion of the proper time and place of holding a Convention for the nomina tion of a candidate for President of the U. States. This, and this alone, will give point and aim to public opinion. This will determine whether the Democratic Party has conclusively made up its mind. It will determine whether a majority for this innovation have determined to hear no reason after November, 1843. Mr. Clay’s Speech at Lexington. We have not been able to lay hands on the speech of this gentleman, delivered on a late occasion at Lexington, (Ken.) 'Ve have seen a short extract from it, however, which we lay before our rea ders. So much of it as we have seen, is a beautiful exemplification of the Whig promise, to “proscribe proscription.”— Mr. Clay is in hot haste to bo made President, in order to turn out all the present incumbents appointed by Presi dent Tyler, and thereby mark his disap proval of the manner of their appoint ment. When any one else turns out a political opponent, and appoints a friend, Mr. Clay calls it proscription. Mr. Clay is panting to “proscribe proscription,” by doing the very identical thing. Mr. Clay gives a very summary dismissal to his old follower, John Tyler, and endea vors to kill two birds with one stone, by precipitating the said John Tyler upon the Democracy. This is too bad, Mr. Clay. The Democrats suffered when Mr. Tyler was elected ; shall they also suffer by his fall ? We advise them to “stand from under.” Mr. Tyler, him self, seems nothing loath to break his fall, by jumping on the backs of the De mocracy. Like the Roman soldier at the siege of Jerusalem, he cries from the burning rampart of the temple to the sturdy legionary beneath, and beseech es him to relieve him from his perilous position, by receiving him in his arms; promising, as a compensation, to make hint his heir. If the Democracy could be tempted by such a bait, they might share the fate of the legionary, who was crushed and killed beneath the ponder ous loadjte sought to sustain. From.the Lexington, (Kentucky) Gazette. MR. CLAY’S SPEECH. We shall not treat Mr. Clay as the Whig presses affected to treat Mr. Mar shall—with contemptuous silence. The ex-Senator gave notice through the press of the city, that he would address the people on Monday last; and, as was to be expected, a goodly number of the faithful attended to listen to the oracular responses of the modem Delphic oracle. It was time for the Whigs to bring their last and only big gun into the field, when the enemy’s artillery had been opening upon him with such terrific ef fect. Man after man of note and dis tinction had been quitting .his tom and tattered banner, when it was thought prudent to stop the disaffection, if possi ble, by bringing into the political melee the great recruiting sergeant, whose horn (like llhoderick Dhu’s) is supposed to be worth a thousand men. There was a gathering of the clans at the summons of his bugle, and they came with eleva ted joy and hope that the fortunes of the day, which looked black and adverse, would, by his war-cry, be turned into victory and triumph. It was the last extremity of despair—a bold and haz ardous stroke, the risking of which de monstrates the utter hopelessness of the Whig cause. We admire a hold leader even in a bad cause. There is something of sub limity even in Milton’s personification of Satan striving to storm heaven, and push the Everlasting from his throne. But the boldness of the conception must tie attended with equal ability in its execu tion, or a miserable fate attends the luckless projector. That Mr. Clay, a candidate for the chief magistracy of this nation, should descend from the eleva ted position assigned to him by his friends, and mingle in the gladiatorial strife, was a step, the propriety of which we shall leave to the Whigs, who affect to com prehend all the decencies and proprie ties of political and social life. We have nothing to do but with his speech—his doctrines—his arrogant assumptions-his dictatorial spirit—and his pertinacious determination to bring this people into abject and humiliating subjection to the money power of the country, through the agency of a vast association of incor porated wealth, which he himself once so powerfully denounced. With these and other matters in his speech we have something to do, and we shall endeavor to do it after our humble fashion. Mr. Clay, after speaking of the identi ty between Mr. Tyler and the Demo cratic party, and giving it as his solemn belief that no man of lionor could hold office under Mr. Tyler upon the terms and conditions prescribed, (which terms and conditions, however, Mr. Clay did not specify,) proceeded ala Cushing, to set himself up in market, and put all the offices of the country before the gaze of his followers as the reward of their toil in his cause. But let Mr, Clay speak for himself, as this part of his speech appears in the Reporter of Wed nesday, evidently prepared by himself. Mr. Clay went oil further to say, “that, in his opinion, if a Whig President should lie elected, it would lie his im perative duty to do ample justice, in the administration of public patronage, to the great Whig party of the country; which, he veriiy believed, for years hud embraced a majority of the people of the United States. That party, for upwards of fourteen years past, with the excep tion of one month, had been systemati cally proscribed and excluded from all public employments. Not only original employments, but, when® ley held office, they have been hurled out to make way, often, for unworthy per sons of opposite politics. And so far is Mr. Tyler now pursuing this practice, that he is dismissing '.fieri whom he put in, not only without charge, without fault, without any species of trial, but with and full knowledge that the duties of their offices have been diligently, hon estly, and faithfully'executed, ’and put ting hack in their places men whom he had hitnselt dismissed ! Every conside ration of equality, of equity, and of jus tice, demands (said Mr. Clay) that the most full and complete reparation of the injuries done to the Whig party should be hereafter made. Nor would that be proscription. It would be the severest rebuke of proscription. On the contra ry, to continue in office men who had been put there by the dismission of other and better men, for political reasons, would be to sanction, consummate, and perpetuate proscription. But if it could be regarded as proscription, who is to be justly reproached with/beginniiig pro scription in this country?” “No man felt more profoundly than he did the evils which were likely to grow out/if struggles^for’tlie prize of Govern ment, with the distribution of all its ho nors and offices exclusively confined to the successful party. He doubted wheth er our system could long endure the consequences of suchfstruggles. But he hoped that a remedy would be hereafter found, either in the amendment of the Constitution, or thedaw, to guard against these evils.” We invoke the special attention of the people’tojthis open and shameless avow al of the principle, that, in a great po litical contestJfor the Chief (Magistracy of this nation," one of the elements which is to enter into that contest is the spoils of victory, held up by a candidate for that office to the greedy gaze of his par tizaMs; the irresistible effect, if not in tent and design of which, is to stimulate those partisans to fresh exertions and re newed energy. There never was, to be sure, a lawless military adventurer, that went from home to ravage another nation, that did (not promise his follow ers a portion of the plunder, with a view to make them fight better. But that here, in this nation, in a peaceable con test by election for the establishment of certain principles, the chief of one party should thus, in advance, offer to share the spoils with his followers, as a re ward for future partisan services, would, in our judgment, have excited a senti ment of indignation, had it come from any other man than one whose opinions are too authoritative with his followers ever to he questioned. The effect of the Tariff in oppressing Trade, nlik'; oppressive to Agriculture. A late money article of the New York Herald presents these judicious observa tions on the working of the late Tariff. “ The effect of the present Tariff’, in destroying trade, is painfully evident in the prices of the leading articles, both of export and import, in the Atlantic cities. It is frequently alleged that the fall in imported and domestic goods, pari passu with that_of produce, is a proof that the tarilf does not cause the depression in prices. This arises from a misapprehen sion of the sources of trade. The de mand for, and the price of goods, both domestic and imported, depend, in this country, upon the prosperity of agricul ture. if agriculture is depressed from any cause, the whole source of trade, do mestic and foreign, is dried up. The prosperity of agriculture depends upon the extent of the foreign markets for the surplus. The greater the foreign de mand, the more will the prices of the whole mass rise; and, as that rise takes place, the more means is thrown into the hands of the consumers of goods to make purchases. Hence, every thing which tends to enhance exports, improves the home trade of our manufacturers, whose business depends upon the profits of agri cultural products consumed at home. The tariff, therefore, which excludes for eign goods from exchanging freely for domestic produce, is to them * destruct ive,’ not ‘ protective.’ To buy any quantity of foreign manufactures abroad on bank credits, or in exchange for State stock, as in former years, is undoubtedly injurious to our manufacturers. But this cannot be prevented by a tariff. The only preventive is a specie currency, the more foreign goods there are imported in exchange lor domestic produce, the more is the interest of domestic manufacturers promoted ; because, thereby, the means of their customers to purcluise is in creased.” Attempt a/t Suicidf.. —The Whigs of Tennessee have raised their banner with the words “ United States Bank” inscribed upon it, POETRY. THE SONG OF THE GALLANT MAN. FROM THE GERMAN OF BLRCER. BV H. GJTr.S. High rings the song of the Gallant Man, lake the organ’s tone & the church-bell’* chmie ; Who lofty deeds can proudly span, Deserve.- not golJ, but heroic rhyme. Bless God, that to sing and praise 1 can To sing and piaise the Gallant Man. The thaw-wind comes from the noon-day’s sea, And puds through tody thick and wet; The cloud in flocks before him lice Like sheep bv the hungry wolf beset: He lashes the fields and crashes the woods. And the ice burets forth from the lakes and flood* On the mountain's top di<so!vesffiie show; The rush of a thousand waters sound ; The meadow becomes a sea below, And in torrents all the vale is drowned. High roll the billows across their course, And rocks of ice with mightiest force. On pillar, and arch, nnd heavy pier, Os quarried stone, from base to hoof, A bridge lay over the river here, And midway a little cottage stood. Here dwelt the tollman with child and wife Oh, Tollman ! Tollman ! fly for life ! They threaten and threaten with hollow clang ; Loud howl the storm and waves about; Too late the affrighted tollman sprang. And gazed from his roof on the scene without. "Oh! merciful Heaven ! Oh, pity thou! Lost! all lost! Who shall succor now ! ” The clods roll down, leap after leap. From eithershorc, on left and right, s From either shore, the billows sweep Pillar from arch, in vain is flight! And the tremb'ing tollman, with wife and child, Howls louder than the storm-wind wild ! The clods roll down, heap after heap. On either end, both left and right; And pillar by pillar away they sweep, Before the torrent's strengthening might. And ruin approaches the middle now ; "Oh: merciful Heaven! Oh, pity thou!” High on the far-off banks there stands A swarn. of gazers, great and small; And each ouc cries and wrings his hands, But none may rescue from that thrall, The trembling tollman, with w ife and child. Who howl for help through thestorm-wmd wild f Song of the Gallant Man sing’st thou 7 When 7 Like organ’s tone and church-bell's chime Go on! So name him, —name him —then ! When namest thou him, my gentlest rhyme 7 The ruin approaches with fearful waste O, Gallant Man! Gallant Man ! haste thee, haste ! Quick galloped on lofty steed, thereby, A noble Count, serene and hold, What holds the Count in his hand on high ? ' Tis a heavy purse, stretched full of gold “ Two hundred pistoles to him who dare To re6cure the trembling sufferers there! ” Who's the Gallant Man 7 The Count 7 It's he 7 Say on my noble song have done! The Count was gallant, by Heaven ! hut see t I know a gallan’er, braver one! And the ruin goes on, with fearful waste O, Gallant Man! Guiiant Man. Itaste thee, haste > And ever louder puffed the gale, And ever higher swelled the foam. And ever deeper sank, to fail. The hope that a succorcr yet would come ; While pillar by pillar sank in the flood. To the crumbling arch where the cottage stood. “ Halloo ! Halloo ! Fresh, brave ! draw nenr ! ’’ Again the Count held his prize oil high ; Though each one heard, eadh shrank with fear, And of thousands not one ventured nigh 1 In vain for rescue, with wife and child. The tollman howled through tho storm-wind wild Lo ! humble and true, a farmer's lad. With travelling staff, came boldly forth ; In frock of rustic coarseness clad. And gait and mien ofhonest worth. He heard the Count —he took his pledge, And gazed on the scene from the torrent"a edge. And quick, in God’s name, firm and strong, He sprang in the nearest fisher’s boar ; Through eddy, and storm, and billows throng, He warily Kept his craft afloa'; But ah ! the boat was all too small To save at once the sufferers ail! And thrice he pushed his little boat Through billow, and eddy, and tempest's roar. And thrice warily kept afloat, Till every soul was safe on shore j And scarcely the last on firm earth stood. Ere the last arch fell nnd sank in the flood ! And where is the Gallant Man ! tel! me, who 7 Say on, my noble song, and bold ! The farmer-boy risked one life, ’tis true; And risked he that for clink of gold ? Had the Count withheld his prize of pelf, Would the farmer-boy havo risked lumself 7 “ Here.” cried the Count, " my vigorous one. Here is thy prize; ’tie thine, the whole!" Say on; was not that bravely done 7 By Heaven*, the Count has a noble soul 7 But a nobler —a heavenlier swells the breast That beats in the farmer-boy’s homely vest! “ My life for gold was never sold ; 1 eat and drink my fill, though poor; But such is not the tollman’s lot; Give him who needs I ask no more.” So spake he, with hearty and firm intent; Then turned his back, and away lie went. High ring’s! thou, Song of the Gallant Msrt, As the organ's tone and the church-bells chime ! Who deeds like this can proudly span, Deserves not gold, but heroic ryiinie. And blessed he God, if in song I can Make deathless the praise of the Gallant Man' FAITH. BH. S. S. ANDROS. A swallow, in the Spring, Came to our granary, and ’neath the care* Essayed to make a nest, and there did bring Wet eartli and straw and leaves. S Day after day she toiled With Pment art, but ere her work was crowned, Some sad mishap the tiny fabric spoiled, •jLid dashed it to the ground. She found the ruin wrought; Vet not cast down, forth from the place she flew, And with her mate fresh earth and grasses brought, And built the nest anew. But scarcely had she placed The last soft feather on its ample floor, When wicked hand, or chance, again laid waste, And wrought the ruin o’er. But still her heart she kept, And toiled again; —and, last night, hearing calls, I looked, audio! three little swallows slept Within the earth-made walls. What Truth is here, O Man! Hath Hope been smitten in its early dawn 7 Have clouds o'ercast thy purpose, trust or plan 7 Have Faith and struggle on! .Veit Bedford, Mass. IMPROMPTU. , WBITTES- OK THE PALM OF A SMALL WHITE OLOVE. No realm that e'er owned monarch’s sway Hath stretched so far o’er wave and laud, But that I’d cost it all away For that of this dear little hand I And even though it rise to smite, I only pray to ba allow ed, A pious Christian, loyal Knight, Humbly to kneel and "kiss the rod !" NO. I.