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From the Washington Spectator. Hear both ami then decide. The policy of this country is to look to its commerce as the active agent, in seek ing markets for the sale or interchange of the productions of agriculture and the mechanic arts. If measures of Govern ment cripple this agent, the eifect is im mediately felt by the fanner, the manu facturer, and the mechanic, in a prostra tion of all these branches of industry. We need no better illustration of this than is at this moment presented. By a false impression that special protection would work beneficially, we find commerce prostratod, and the result is that the field, the factory and the workshop, are left with their respective productions accu mulating on their hands, and no market or demand for them. “ Political econo mists" may descant through labored vol umes to show the advantages or dis advantages of “countervailing duties,” * home protection,” tkc. &c.; but prac tical men will not fail to perceive the dif ference between theory and practical re sults. We never knew the time when our commerce, flourished, that all other interests were not also in prosperous con dition. Nor did we ever know the time when our commerce was prostrated, that all other branches of industry were not in sack-cloth and ashes. Suppose,'by a rigid system of what is called home protection, our commerce, as it naturally must, goes out of existence, or sinks to the condition of that of Italy or China, on what can we rely to guard our home system from the interlerence of “ outside barbarians ?” Can we man our ships for the occasion out of our factories and our mines ? We must not forget the absolute necessity of possessingthe means of manning a navy, and this can only lie done by sustaining an active commercial marine. Mr. Calhoun’s policy has always been to watch strictly the progress of measures. Desiring to see all the leading interests of the country prosper alike, he has been always found the ready champion to check overreaching propensities on one side, and give a lifting hand to the over reached on the other. By this course, lie may have exposed himself to the ingen ious and artful, who are always ready to quote partially, to bear out the charge of seeming inconsistency; hut the intelli gent observer will not fail to remark and sustain our assertion. That he has al ways been the steadfast advocate of com merce and agriculture, is because he be lieves and knows that these two interests must be sustained at all hazards, and then all other interests will prosper. Pennsylvania. A Meeting of the Democratic Members of the Pennsylvania Legislature, was held in the Capitol, on Friday evening, April 14, Samuel Fegely President, at which a Report and the following Reso lutions were adopted, and ordered to be published. Resolved, That as political parties are inseparably associated with ever)'’ Repub lican Government, and arc brought into existence from that salutary spirit of in quiry. which is conservative of free insti tutions ; and as the two great political parties which exist under our govern ment, have ever maintained antagonist principles, announcing distinct doctrines, both as to the administration of the gov ernment, and construction of its constitu tional powers, and as we believe the per manent ascendancy of the Democratic party essential to the security of our free institutions, it is our imperative duty, by a spirit of “ union, harmony, and con cession, every thing for the cause,” so to discipline and organize our strength as to present an unbroken phalanx to our opponents. We shall then witness, as in days past, the Flag of Democracy, which has often led us to victory, again ad vanced and restored to its ancient tri umphant position. Resolved, That we have a decided preference for our own favorite candidate James Buchanan, for the Presidency, and believe that his merits as a statesman and a citizen, his distinguished qualifica tions and great services, and his political principles give him just claims to the sta tion : the Democratic party of Pennsyl vania will assert the high claims of the State and our candidate before the Na tional Convention, and,acting in accord ance with the principles by which they have always been governed, will cheer fully abide by the result of that nomina tion ; and act with that harmony and zeal with the democracy of the Union, which has heretofore distinguished them. Resolved, That we have entire confi dence in the triumphant success of the Democratic party at the next Presiden tial election, and cannot doubt that in sustaining the 'great principles of the party, each member will perceive the ne cessity of yielding his individual prefer ences, after a nomination made according to our party usages, and will then give his cordial support to the nominee of the National Convention. Resolved, That this meeting approves of the suggestion already made by the Democracy of several of the States, that the National Convention for the nomina tion of candidates for President and Vice President of the United States, should be held in the city of Baltimore, in May, 1844. Resolved, That the Democratic party of Pennsylvania should adhere to its an cient usage of selecting delegates to the National Convention by a democratic state convention of delegates assembled according to the invariable custom of the party, who will select a delegation to represent the state equal to tire whole number of Senators and Representatives in Congress, and, so far asPeunsyivania is -concerned, we entireiv disapprove of the election of delegates by Congress .an al districts Resolved. That w*- reconvfv nd a !♦'. n»‘ . , ■ , - • i . be composed of delegates equal to the number of Senators and Representatives in the State Legislature, and to be elect ed by the several counties and Senatorial districts according to <he representation to which they may severally be entitled, and, for the purpose of producing as much uniformity as may he practicable as to the time of the election of delegates throughout the State, it is recommended that such delegates be elected in the sev eral counties at any time succeeding the Ist of January, A. 1). 1814. Resolved, That the Delegates to the Convention of the 4th March, 1841, will have the important duties to perform of selecting suitable delegates to represent the State in the National Convention, forming an Electoral Ticket, and also of nominating a candidate to be supported by the Democratic party in October, 1844, for the high and important office ol Governor of Pennsylvania; and it is recommended to the several counties to give such notice of the primary and county meetings, as will procure a full attendance of the members of the party from which will be selected delegates, who will faithfully promote the wishes as well as the important interests of the people they represent. The Cabinet Question Settled. The long agitated question is at length settled. A special meeting of the Cabi net was held this morning, at which it was finally decided that no change would take place in that body. So the Cabinet will remain as follows:—State Depart ment, Mr. Webster ; Treasury, Mr. Spen cer; War, Mr. Porter; Navy, Mr. Upshur; Post Master General, Mr. Wicklilfe ; At torney General, Mr. Legare. If Mr. Everett should decline the mis sion to China, it is probable that Mr. Cushing will be appointed to fill the va cancy. Baltimore Sun. A Smoking Anecdote. At Frankfort, lately, a curious circum stance occurred, illustrative of the char acters of the surly English and the dull German. In a coffee room, an English man was standing too close with his back to the stove, and a German kept close to him, puffing the unsavory fumes of his cigar into his face. The English man remonstrated, but the quiet German kept puffing away as if he had not heard the Englishman’s voice. At last the Englishman showed a fighting disposi tion, and maintained that no man had a right to puff smoke out of his mouth into another man’s face, and that smoking ought to he confined to smoking places. The heavy German, with all the slow ness and gravity of his nation, coldly re plied in the worst of English : “Ya, ya, Sir John Bull, what right have you to complain to make of the smell of my smok, when your one coot have bin burn and make big smell for ten minutes and 1 nothing say to you ?” The Englishman, to his great discom fiture. found that his coat, rather cloak, was shrivelled and burnt up to his waist by the German stove. From the Charleston Mercury. The N. Y. Van Buren papers are en tirely and continually dissatisfied with us, because we will not take their word for it that the people of the Empire State are unanimous for their favorite, and that the late proceedings of the Legislature have the entire support of the Democrat ic party there. “Faith comes by hear ing,” and really we hear so much against this assumption of unanimity, and so lit tle in support of it, that we cannot be lieve them. A great meeting at Tam many, passed a resolution in favor of a National Convention in May 1844 —in favor of the election of Delegates by Dis tricts, and of the vote per capita. The Van Buren papers left this resolution out of the proceedings, as if to hide it from the knowledge ot the public yet they censure us for doubting that they are in an overwhelming majority. The Mem bers of the Legislature at Albany, held a Caucus at which they pledged, as far as they could, the people of the State to a Convention to be held in November, and to be constituted on principles wholly different from those recommended by the resolution above mentioned, and to this proceeding we have seen not a single popular response favorable. The Young Men’s Committee in New York, met and denounced the recommendations—it was claimed that they did not speak the real voice of the Democracy, and the Old Men’s Committee (the representatives of the “ unanimous” side, as was supposed,) met for the express purpose of correcting the Young Men, and exalting the Le<ris lative Caucus. They could not carry their point their “ unanimity,” even among themselves, was found to consist of so very doubtful a majority that they dared not take the vote on the resolutions which they came together for the sole purfiose ot adopting. Foiled again here, the leaders have attempted an appeal to the people and met with another signal failure. The result is thus told in Sat urday s Herald. The Plebeian omits all mention of the unpleasant subject. Another Flare Up. A meeting of Democratic Republicans favorable to the recommendation of the Democratic Members of the Legislature of this State, and also to form an associ ation for the purpose of advancing the cause of -Mr. Van Huron, was held? last evening at the “Second Ward Hotel," and called yesterday morning in the “ Plebeian,” the Tan Buren organ. The result was, that the following preamble and resolutions disapproving of the course o{ the Legislature, and sustaining the course oi tli*- Voimir Men’s (Commit tee, were pres, ntod and adopted: They were oiTex. and iy Henry P Par b -r. L.q, Democratic party throughout the coun try at the approaching Presidential elec tion, and believing that to insure such union it is necessary to act with equal fairness towards the friends of each Dem ocratic candidate, by inviting discussion as to the merits and qualifications of such candidates; and, also believing that such unity will be best secured, by giv ing to the people throughout the country as much time as possible, to examine and decide on this question ; and believing that when the proper time arrives the people will express their opinion on the merits of the different candidates, in so emphatic a manner as not to be misun derstood. Therefore Resolved, That the people, only when assembled in their sovereign capacity, have the power of making nom inations in this or any other State. And that we reprobate the conduct of any set of men, who arrogate to themselves such power, unless when specially delegated to them by the people. Resolved, That we are in favor of a National Convention, to be held in May, 1844, (according to the ancient usages of our party,) for the purpose of selecting candidates, to be supported by the Dem ocratic party for the offices of President and Vice President of the United States, and that each Congressional District send one Delegate to such Convention. Resolved, That we will cheerfully and heartily support the Nominee of the Baltimore Convention. And we earnest ly trust that no one will l>e selected by that Convention, unless he he the open and avowed champion of Free Trade and Equal Rights. Resolved, That the efforts of profes ing democrats in this city, who are de sirous of forcing a convention during the present year, will be wanting in mor al effect, inasmuch as they are suspected of being prompted by the hope of person al advantage, and not by a desire to en sure the success of Democratic principles. Resolved, That we cannot too highly applaud the manly and decided stand lately taken by the Democratic Republi can Young Men’s Committee at Tam many Hall. That that committee has well expressed what we believe to be the true sentiments of the party. And we place every confidence in the integrity and disinterested Democracy of those of its members, who there had the courage to place themselves in the then post of danger, (now of honor,) when the pre rogatives of the people were assailed. And we declare our belief that they have acted wisely, and were actuated solely with a desire to secure the triumphant election of the democratic candidate for the Presidency, be he whom he may. The Presidency. We invite especial attention to the fol lowing admirable article, copied from the last number of the Augusta Constitution alist : We received the other day a long let ter from an esteemed friend, from which we publish some extracts. The tetter was written, we are convinced, without any expectation that parts of it would be made public. Our friend may therefore be surprised to find publicity given to opinions which he intended for us alone. But as he is well acquainted with our sentiments, and ideas of propriety, he will readily perceive and believe that we would not have taken the responsibility of publishing his letter, without sufficient motives and objects in view, is evident; but as the time is not yet arrived to ex press those motives and that object, we publish the extracts from the letter with out any further explanation. We must say, however, that the character of the writer of the letter stands high ; that he is not governed by any ambitious aspira tions ; that he is no candidate, and per haps never will be, for office ; and that he is patriotic, and aims at nothing but the good and prosperity of his country, and of the South especially. We must say, furthermore, that our friend wishes us to hoist the Calhoun tlag. We have thus far abstained from committing our selves on the Presidential question ; and we have not been encouraged, by what we have read in the newspapers on that subject, to change our course. We must wait a few months more. We cannot remain neutral; but the time is not yet propitious for an open declaration of our preferences. In the mean time, the readers of the Constitu tionalist are requested to read with at tention the arguments advanced by a good and estimable citizen in favor of Mr. Calhoun. Should we receive letters or communications advocating the claims of any of the other candidates, we shall feel equally bound to publish them. The following are the extracts of the letter of our friend, who, after alluding to our re marks now in the course of publication under the head of “ The Prospect before us,” thus proceeds : “ To my mind it is clear, that your reasoning will necessarily lead you to the support of the great Southron, J. C. Calhoun ; a consummation I admit, most devoutly wished by myself, and 1 hope not unacceptable to you. Be not start led at this annunciation by me, of my decided, and if 1 know myself, honest preference. There has been a time, and no man remembers it more vividly than yourself , when the /mhlic character of this individual was held by me as justly obnoxious to the severest censure and condemnation—his private character I never impugned— that, stands far above suspicion of spot or blemish. It is with in your knowledge, that I openly and publicly, m private conversation, and throng!i the press, denounced Mr. Cal- 1 h<«u» -is an inconsistent and wavering 5 '•> ,K 'i.'Ui as a man so thoroughly tm j i'-d until an inordinate that * H ' vv:i-.'t -if iu> r* Mme ] ' me !! : h.] auprt-ui >u-r u.-.d nd». in , ,/l ' V~ h ti.M he would, with the spirit of the famed Cataline, plunge his country' in blood and carnage in revenge for his disap pointment —in all this, no personal en mity to Mr. Calhoun was blended—for at that time I had never seen him in my life ; and the obscurity of my life had never placed me in situations where per sonal issues between him and myself could have had the slightest weight in my strictures upon his public conduct and character. The doctrine of Nullifi cation as expounded by the South Caro lina politicians, at the head of whom, stood Mr. Calhoun, was promulgated— to this doctrine of State Rights political faith I could not subscribe, and waged war to the knife against it. On this sub ject my opinions are unchanged —yet, as the results of the doctrine, only lead me to nearly the same goal with the Nulli fies, upon my own remedial plan, for the enforcement in the last resort, of State Rights, I do not feel that it would he fair and honorable, to pronounce at this stage of our history an irrevocable political curse upon the Nullifies, un less we will admit, that for our notions of State Rights, we have no ulterior rem edies beyond the common privilege of a resort to the Ballot Box, which, 1 imag ine, you nor I will for a moment concede. In this state of feeling, in which I now well know, and am not ashamed to ad mit, prejudices conceived against Mr. Calhoun in his bitter warfare with Mr. Crawford, had a large share—l watched his course in and out of Congress, with a determination to ascertain finally, whether I had rightly apprehended his character. Anterior to the noble and self-sacrificing position he assumed on the subject of the “ Independent Treas ury,” I had misgiving, as to the correct ness of the grounds I had occupied against him, and on reviewing the data upon which my deductions were drawn, I became convinced that on one promi nent point at least, I had done him injus tice viz : on the Tariff question. Car rying out the spirit of a just and unim passioned enquiry, into all the positions l had occupied against him, I felt a strong doubt in my mind arise, whether a mo mentary disposition to find fault with him had not led me into other erroneous views of his public career ; and pending these reflections came on the famed Ex tra Session, when the Democracy stood suspended and waiting Mr. Calhoun’s decision on the “Independent Treasury.” If he had l een the man that my prejudi ces induced me to portray him, all would have been lost ! all his then associations and his personal ambition pointed out to him an easy road to the summit of pow er. He had only to play the character, or be it, that I had painted him, and his lohg sought goal was attained. * Did he succumb to his idol ? No ! \mt fearless ly, nobly and honestly contended for the right, and the republic was safe! The moment the intelligence was re ceived, my doubts yielded instantly to the conviction, that 1 had wholly mis conceived his character, and most gross ly wronged him ! From that moment, I resolved to do all I could to repair the wrongs I had done him, and although I have not much faith in the political vir tue of men, Ido not know the man in the Union in whom I would more confi dently trust the destiny of the nation than Mr. Calhoun; and he is my first choice for the successor of Mr. Tyler— at the same time, if upon a fair repre sentation of the people in a National Convention, Mr. Van Buren should be selected as the candidate, he shall have my cor died support. Such a termina tion, however, ol affiiirs I do not expect. If the South are true to themselves, Mr. Calhoun must be placed with its Whole moral strength before the Conven tion, and he can carry the election against Mr. Clay, but I do not believe Mr. Van Buren can. We must remember that nearly 150,000 votes have to be changed since 1840 to secure the election of a Democratic candidate. Can Mr. Van Buren change them? Was it not really Mr. Van Buren’s unpopularity, more than the objections to Democratic prin ciples, that defeated the party in 1840? It must be admitted, I think. Then, why risk the consequences a second time, with an unpopular leader, when we can place before the nation, such a can didate as Mr. Calhoun, who has none of the imputed sins against Mr. Van Buren to resist his success ? The country needs a man untrammelled by ancient pledges, and party obligations, who can fearless ly go forward in the great work of Re forming the Government, without pas sions to gratify, or pledges to redeem— who is openly, fully, and thoroughly pledged to Democratic principles—who is sound to the core on the vital question to Southern slavery —who has the moral courage to dare to do right in the midst of political profligacy and wide spread corruption. Who is the man in the na tion to fill this post, if John C. Calhoun ho not the man ? I know him not. I will not institute a comparison be tween Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Calhoun, they are both good and true men—but the truth must be told —Mr. Calhoun is, in every respect, the man for the South ; and it does seem to me we shall be false to ourselves and posterity, if we do not, in the South, carry him before the Convention by acclamation ! Mr. Calhoun does not plead in behalf of a “judicious tariff” of protective duties, and hold for discriminating duties—lie does not doubt whether the Congress have power to abolish slavery in the dis trict of Columbia—he does not think slavery “ a great moral and political evil.” What Mr. Van Buren holds on these points, you do not want to Ik? to'd by me. Are we sincere in our creed of Dt -mocracy ? Do we really wish to see the doctrines of free trade — low duties— ,i( taration of Bank and State—no debt reform-retrenchment —and a strict aik ere nee to the Federal Constitution prevail ? Then. I ark, who ts the man, in this wide union, most able, and the most solemnly pledged, to carry these principles out in the administration of the government ? why, John C. Calhoun ! Then, why should we succumb to the dictation of Mr. Ritchie upon this vital question ! Virginia has not spoken yet. I cannot believe that she will shut her eyes to the fact, that as a Southern ques tion, Mr. Calhoun stands immeasurably before Mr. Van Buren with all his ac knowledged merits. The time is com ing when we shall not only require south ern principles but southern blood to save us from the torrent that is daily accumu lating at home and abroad against us. What infatuation then, to rob our poster ity of their birthright, by indulging in old and unreasonable prejudices against our best friend, and suffer the precious occasion to pass unimproved. Have we not anew spring of action too, to nerve our decision in this matter ?—a Congress re-enacts a protective tariff, which has destroyed our revenue from imports, and laid our ships up in our harbors with out employment—or induced enormous freights on outward cargoes, equivalent to 1 cent per lb., on the cotton crop of the South ! in direct and open violation of a solcjnn compromise ! are we to sit tamely under this infliction l Depend upon it, this wrong — this fraud upon the South, must be repaired, or worse than nullification must ensue ! The present silence upon this subject, is the precursor of a rising storm, which it will be difficult to abate —we must have jus tice. Let the next Congress speak out then, before we decide upon our candi date. Let us see who are for us and who against us, on these great points, and then choose, in May, 18 14, our candi date, with our eyes open, and our armour on for the battle ! We should be the more anxious, as it appears to me, to se cure the election of Mr. Calhoun, in con sequence of the northern fiat which has gone forth from the abolition side, that “No slave holder can ever again be President.” Indeed, with the feeling yearly exhibited in Congress on this subject—vital to our peace if not to our existence-—if we cannot have an Execu tive on our side, our lives, liberties and property, must be held at the mercy of a ma jority in Congress ! “Divisions in the democratic ranks seem to be multiplying around us, and if some plan be not devised to heal them, Mr. Clay, with his Tariff, Bank of the United States, Assumption of State Debts, Internal Improvement, &c., will inevita bly ride into power, unless we can carry the Election into the House. It seems evident, that Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Van Buren are the men from whom a selec tion will be made. Now, it would, in my view, be the most glorious demon stration Mr. Van Buren could make to the woidd, to retire from the canvass— such an opportunity may never occur again for him to immortalize himself. lie has had honors enough to sntisfy any reasonable ambition. Twice run for the Presidency, and once elected, he served four years. Does his willingness to be run a third time not savour of a love of power, which Democracy abhors - Would not a becoming delicacy suggest to him, that the people having rejected his last essay by an overwhelming vote, he should not ask them to rc-consider their decision ? Should he not be satis fied that his principles are again tri umphant ? I mean democratic princi ples, which are his principles. If Mr. Van Buren was well advised note for his peace of mind, and future fame with his countrymen, lie would seize the present occasion to proclaim to the nation—“l have held the highest office a free people can bestow— I served my country, be cause I loved it —my actions are before the nation and the world—to history, I submit my deeds—and, having done my duty, and faithfully served my country, I desire no further reward than the ap probation of my countrymen, and an ap proving conscience. Henceforth, iny countrymen will most acceptably serve me, by never connecting my name with the Presidential office.” Such a decla ration as this would transmit his name to posterity in a blaze of glory ! But, has lie the magnanimity to make this self-de nying present sacrifice, to win the meed of posthumous praise ? I fear not. In deed, his present position indicates a love of place, which many of his friends re gret to see. It seems he is like Mr. Clay —never believes the people are in ear nest. By 145,000 votes, he was rejected in 1840—in 1844, he asks for a reversal of judgment. Will the people respond to this l that is the question. Now, my dear sir, in all freedom and candor, per mit an old friend, personally and politi cally, to make a solemn appeal to your sober reason, and highly valued judg ment. Let me entreat you to forget for a moment all your ancient prejudices against Mr. Calhoun—look at the man as he is —as he now stands before the nation, and do him full justice. Is he not after all, the fittest, the ablest, the most safe, and peculiarly qualified, at the pres ent conjuncture of affairs, to guide the vessel of state ?” A Strange Combat. —The Journal de St. Etienne gives an account of a bat tle between the bulldog of a butcher and j a small monkey, belonging to a travel- j ling showman, for a wager between the owners, one of the conditions of the wa ger being that the monkey should be armed with a short staff. The monkey went to work so skilfully, and laid his staff so lustily over the head of his fero cious antagonist, that if the showman had not called him off, on the butcher j acknowledging that he had lost the wa ger, the dug would have been killed. So great is the power of sympathy, that if one person yawns in a room, near-j ly the whole company will follow his example. The Hauuted Ship. During the late war, one of our fri gates captured in the Pacific a large Eng lish whaler ; and, to the surprize of tlie boarding officer, he found the crew man ifesting a great desire to get on board the frigate, and evidently quite satisfied, if not actually gratified, that they were captured. On inquiry, it was found that the captured whaler was a haunted ship ! The news soon spread tlwough the fri gate . the next trouble was to assemble a willing prize crew to go on board the prize which trouble might have been a serious one, but for the force of discip line. The prize was a large and valua ble ship—but she was haunted ! The authentic report was, that during the night, when no other noise was heard, and no other motion felt than that of the slow, undulating movement of a Pacific ocean sea, a deep and deadly groan teas heard below, coining apparently from the after-part of the vessel, and heard distinctly from every open hatch way ; and so great was the panic at last, that the captain declared he could not in duce a man to go below. ’l'he prize-master, on taking possession, pretended to disbelieve the story, and de clared that if lie heard any groaning or other ghostly noises he’d soon find out the cause. As evening approached the’ prize crew began to listen; and sure enough, when the usual noise of ship work subsided, and all was silence, a long, deep-drawn sigh came up through the after hatchway, and increased at in tervals as silence prevailed, till at last a full and audible groan came forth, that not only huddled the prize crew info a close forecastle group, but made their blood curdle and their teeth chatter. Groan succeeded groan at short intervals, till at length the prize-master interposed “wherein does that noise come lrom l Call all hands.” (There was no need of this call; all hands were already on deck.) ‘Steward, get lights; come men, arm yourselves and follow me. 1 m d—d it 1 don’t have a tussel with this groaner.’ Ile led the way, and the crew followed. On reaching ’tween decks, he stopped and listened to get the right direction of the groan. It came as be fore, from the after part of the ship ; and so deep and long drawn, that it seemed the last life effort of a Hercules in an ex hausted death struggle —a full sigh ter minating in a groan of agony ! ! ! The dauntless prize-master tho’ armed with a broad sword, stood for a moment petrified. Had he retreated one step, it is quite certain every one of his followers would very soon have been found hud dled together again in a group on the forecastle, so terrible was that last groan, and so awful its effect upon the hearts of those who, on occasion of battle, were found foremost in the fight. But he held his ground —it was no time to flinch, and cheered his men onward “ to follow” him. They came to a large state-room, or stmc-holo, thrcMisffi winch is was ne cessary to pass, and began, with the aid ot a dim light held by a trembling stew ard, to remove obstructions in the way. 'l’he thing the prize-master accidentally put his hand on was the arm, shoulder, and part of the face of an old mutilated figure-head, which, perhaps, formerly decorated the prow of the ship. Pulling it out of a mass of old rigging, and hold ing it up, he facetiously exclaimed, 1 fere’s a part of Mr. Ghost: come along men, we ll get the whole of him present ly. The light was just sufficient to de velope the form of a human limb and ri gid muscles, and the effect was so ap palling upon the steward that he dropped the lantern. The prize-master dropped the limb, picked up the lantern, and pushed on, commanding his men to fol low ; who, finding themselves now in the midst of danger, began to “d—n their eyes,” and plucked up. The stovv-hole being passed through, they approached what might be called an after hold, or run, stowed with casks. Here the deep sigh and heavy groan fill ed every space, though somewhat alter ed in tone, and less human and less ghost-like. On carefully surveying the scene, a large cask was discovered with the bung out ; at every roll of the ship, a rush of air would pass across this bung hole, .and cause a most unearthly sound. (And here it may as well be stated, that if any skeptic desires to satisfy his doubts, let him take an empty bottle or decanter with the cork out, and blow across its nozzle let him magnify this to the size of a large cask, with a large bung hole, and then he may form some idea of the groan alluded to.) The bung was found and replaced,, and the groans and death-struggle ceas ed, and the haunted ship turned out a good prize. But it was not without its moral to see the manner, andwitness the remarks of some of the old salts compos ing the prize crew, after the real disco very was made. Not a mother's son of them was found unable to hitch up with his elbows the waist, of his canvass trow sers, and assert “ that he never believed in ghosts and hobgoblins, not he, and would just as soon grapple with one as with an Englishman; and as for that groaning, he always thought it was some bloody nonsense or other.” But the sto ry got to the frigate, anti many a mid watch was enlivened by the variations through which it passed, accompanied by an empty bottle to illustrate the aw ful groans on board “ Tin Haunted Ship." t Unilrd Slate*, vs, Jcssce Ifoyt. The New York correspondent, of the Philadelphia U. S. Gazette, says: The •lury in the case of the United States, vs. Jessee Hoyt, late Collector of the port of New York, have brought in a verdict in favor of the United States, damages $220,837 bfi. Virginia Laws. —A tax of S6O i» imposed on all Concerts given wi hm the limits of the State !