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A'o. Tonnage. Value. Total export in Amer ican vessels 45 14,1*23 81,372,370 Foreign vessels, 137 4t1,147 3,188,346 Total, 18*3 60,270 $1,560,715 Ratio of foreign tonnage to American as 3 1-4 to 1 nearly. Ratio of exports in foreign vessels to American as 2 1-3 to 1 nearly. Os the 137 foreign vessels there were Ao. Value. British, 5 4 >® lß Prussian, 2 Swedish, 6 1,659 Norwegian, 3 ,Jf ’ Danish, 1 453 Hanseatic, I*2o 41,356 Total, 137 46,147 Statement of the principal domestic exports from the United States to the llanse Towns, during the year ending3oth September, 1841. Value- Oil, whale and other fish, 1,41*2,515 gall s. $419,16 / Whalebone, 605,918 lbs. 122,020 Oak bark and other dyes, 23,016 Tar and pitch, / 18 857 Rosin & turpentine, 11,650 bbls. J Skins and furs, • 185,162 Rice, 12,737 tierces, 270,281 Cotton, ,495,7*21 lbs. 6722,673 Tobacco, 36,517 hhds. 2,176*360 Tobacco, manufactured, 257,124 lbs. ) yy, SnulT, 845 lbs. I have a similar table respecting iuqwrts into the United States from the Hanse Towns, tor the same year, with the same comparative statements. Statement showing the amount of imports from the Hanse Towns into the United States, during the year ending 30th September, 1831, distinguishing the a-uomit brought in American and foreign ves sels, respectively ; together with the number, ton nage, anJ national character of said foreign, ves sels. .Vo. Tonnage. Val. imports. American vessels, 53 15,563 298,587 Foreign vessels, 99 35,181 2,151,377 Total, 132 51,073 £2,449,961 Ratio of foreign tonnage to American as 2 1-2 to 1, nearly. Ratio of imports in foreign vessels to imports in American vessels, as 7 1-4 to 1, nearly. Os the 60 foreign vessels, there were British, 1 288 Prussian, 1 364 Swedish, 1 3*25 Norwegian, 1 250 Hanseatic, 95 34,253 90 35,481 These tables show, that of the vessels entered from the llanse Towns into the United States, 1811, 99 were foreign, and only 53 American ; and of the vessels debiting from the United States to the Han se towns, 137 were foreign, anil only 45 American. That the value of the merchandize exported from tha United States to the Hanseatic cities, was $3,- 188,315, in foreign vessels, and only $1,372,270 in American vessels; and that of the amount in value of the imports into the United States, $2,151,377 was brought by foreign tonnage, and no more than $298,587 by American tonnage, being more than seven to one against American Navigation. Nor is this all. The Hanseatic vessels have several very strong inducements to come to the United States. In the first place, they may bring hither any commodi ties, from any country , on the same terms as our own vessels. In the second place, they have great advantages in engaging for the transportation of the crowds of em igrants who leave Germany and Switzerland every year for the United States, amounting, sometimes ,to fifteen thousand in a single year from Bremen alone. M iking thes; profitable voyages out, they can afford to take return cargoes to any port of Europe to which they may be admitted, at low rates of freight. They are therefore able to underbid our own vessels. I have it on very good authority, that of the tobacco shipped from Baltimore for some years past, say thirty thousand annually, seven eighths have been exported in lieemcn vessels; and your very respectable citi zen, the Collector of this port, has, at my request, furnished a statement of the exports of tobacco from this port to the Hanse Towns, for 1811 ami 1812: Exports of Tobacco from Baltimore to Bremen, and the other Hanse Towns, for the years 1811 and 1812, viz: In 1811, 17,997 hhds. Val. $879,041 In 1812, 19,703 « 817,831 Total* shipped, 37,700 $1,727,472 Os which, Shipped in IS 11, in Am. ves., 2.901 hbds. $132,136 Do. 1812, do. 2,160 “ 106,832 5,361 239,518 Sh'ppil in 1811, in Brem. ves., 15,093 birds. $716,955 Do. 1812, do. 172,43 “ 740,099 32,336 $1,487,954 It is further to he considered, as I have already said, that Hanseatic vessels can load any where, under the provisions of the treaty, abroad as well as at home; and the returns show that one-fourth part of the Hanseatic tonnage which entered the United States, in 1841, came from other countries than her own principally from South America, Mexico, and the Baltic. Bremen vessels, also, sometimes take car goes from the Hanse towns to the Mediterranean, tlienee como to the United States, with produce of that region, and thence home, or to any part of the world. Now, those are advantages peculiar to their condition, to which these enterprising people are fairly entitled, and of which no narrow or monnjioli zino p.wcr should seek to deprive them. The main one is, the smaller cost at which they sail their ves sels. The customary rates of seamen's wages in Bremen vessels is stated not to exceed five dollars per month, while American seamen are paid from twelve to fifteen dollars. The monthly sailing expenses of a Bremen, ship is supposed not to exceed one-half of the monthly expenses of an American ship of the same tonnage. Certainly, to these fair advantages over others, (if low wages are to lie regarded as ad vantage,) it does not become us, out of an excess of liberality, to add others. Yfe cannot buy cheap vessels in the Baltic and make them American vessels. Our navigation laws forbidthis. Why should we allow to citizens of oth er Slates, then, privileges which wedeny toourown 1 It may he added, that the whole imputation of Bre men is hardly more than fifty thousand that most of the capital of the city is employed in navigation, and that import duties arc very light, I believe on ly what may he regarded as a charge for wjre-lioiu *n3- Our existing stipulations with these cities arc onc »i<led and partial in their operation. They ought not to continue. The power reserved in the treaty, of putting an end to it after twelve years from its date, and on one year's notice, ought, in my opinion, now to lie exercised, a* toore than twelve years have ex pired. The whole subject will then he open for new negotiation, or for such provisions as Congress may §cc fit to adopt. It is not unlikely that these small commercial re publics, will one day find their position in the Ger man Customs Unicn ; in which event they would he embraced in any commercial treaty which might ex ist between the United States, and the twenty-eight or thirty millions of people comprised within that L n ion. The following statistics compiled from the annual statements of the commerce and navigation of the United States, will show the rapid increase of Han seatic tonnage in our ports : Statement of the tonnage of Hanseatic vessels en tered and cleared in ports of the United States, from 1830 to 1840. both inclusive. Years. Tonnage Entered. Tonnage Cleared. 1830 9,653 9,006 1831 11,176 12,309 1832 22,351 19,540 1833 29,285 27,208 1834 25,265 245,3 1835 28,218 28.421 1836 30,525 43,256 1837 70,703 65,538 1838 37,538 39,636 1839 41,139 38,067 1810 41,871 44,772 It being the practice in the 1 rrasury Reports to express the amount of tonnage employed in the com merce of the United States with other nations, by two general classes, viz: *‘American,” and For eign,” there arc no means of determining the nation ality of these vessels, and consequently of ascertain ing what proportion of the trade with each nation is carried on in its own vessels, and what proportion in those of other powers. It has also been the practice to state the number and tonnage of vessels of each foreign power entered and cleared during each com mercial vear, into and from the United States, with out designating the countries from which they enter ed, and for which they cleared; thus leaving it al most entirely to 'conjecture to ascertain to what ex tent vessels, availing of privileges conferred by trea ties, have been enabled to engage in the carrying trade between the United States and nations other than those to which they respectively belong. In the report of 1811, the countries of departure and destination of vessels are given ; so that a much more acurate estimation of the state of commerce and nav igation can be obtained. From this report the fol lowing exhibition of the present state of the trade and navigation of the Hanse Towns, in connection with the United States, has been compiled: Statement showing the number and tonnage of Hanseatic vessels arrived at and departed from ports of the United States, during the year ending Sept. 30, 1841, distinguishing the countries from, and to which they respectively entered and cleared. Entered from. Xumbcr. Tonnage. Russia, 1 392 Sweden, 2 700 Danish West Indies, 2 424 Holland, 5 1,718 Dutch West Indies, 1 69 Belgium, 1 208 England, 2 718 Hanse Towns, 95 34,253 France, (Atlantic,) 2 546 Spain, (Mediterranean,) 1 200 Teneriffe, 1 69 Cuba, 1 292 Portugal, 1 396 Mexico, 2 134 Vcnczula, 1 218 Brazil, 8 2,521 Argentine Republic, 3 816 Cisplatin “ 1 540 Chili, 1 300 Total 131 44,578 Cleared fur \umb:r. Tonnage. Holland, 6 2,361 Belgium, 1 320 England, 3 901 Hanse Towns, 120 41,355 Cuba, 4 1,259 Venezuela, 2 297 Brazil, 2 621 Total, 138 47,117 It appears from the foregoing statements, that the tonnage of Hanseatic vessels entering ports of the United States direct from the llanse Towns, was more than double the amount of American tonnage entering from the same places, and that the value of imports from the said towns in Hanseatic vessels, was about six times greater than the value of imports from the same places in American vessels; that the ton nage of Hanseatic vessels clearing from the United States direct for the Hanse Towns, was nearly three times greater than that of American vessels clearing for the same places, and that the value of exports from the United Stat s to the Hanse Towns in ves sels of the latter power, was double that of exports to the same places in vessels of the United States. It also appears that of 41,578 tons (Hanseatic) which entered the United States, 10,325, or nearly one fourth part, entered from countries other than the llanse Towns, and that of 47,117 (Hanseatic)clearod from the United States, 5,762, or nearly one-eighth part, cleared from countries other than that to which they belonged. 1 would here stop, gentlemen, but there is another important consideration. We are destined, I trust to act in the world the part of a great maritime nation. We have no inferior game to play no subordinate part to act. It is no assumption to say that, in what ever constitutes national i>ower, national character, or national hope, we are at the head of the nations of this great continent. It is no assumption to say, either, that in what ever respects commerce and the seas, and the character exhibited upon the seas for national defence or national glory we may have ri vals, hut we admit no superior! (Thunders of ap plause.) What becomes of us then 1 How arc we to maintain this conspicuous position 1 How arc we to maintain our national respectability, resting as it always must on our national strength ; in the contest that may arise between the vigor of our own arm and the vigor of that arm that may lie raised against us 1 How are we to do this without founding for ourselves a wise, a cautious, a comprehensive policy, not mark ed on the one hand by narrowneis or meanness of s|iirit nor on the othei by an excessive or foolish liberality ; a policy that shall rear up and maintain and furnish employment to a body of seamen who are to defend our rights when assailed on the bound less ocean 1 In ships, and in seamen to man our ships, must the foundation of a military marine he laid. The carrying trade, or a just part of it must be ours the fisheries of New England, of the whole Pacific—l may say the American fisheries, have spread over the world; the hardy men who enter these enter[>rises and follow them upon the western coast, from Cape Horn to Noifjlk, the coast of Japan, in the Indies, in the Red Sea, and wherever they can pursi • their haz ardous vocation. It is from the seamen navigating our commercial marine, that our military power on the ocean is to he formed when occasion requires. This must forever be the foundation of that maritine respectability which it is our aim to maintain now and forever amongst the nations of the earth. Gentle men, 1 wiH detain you no longer I have felt it lobe my duty as the best homage 1 could pay for this mark of your civility and respect to express myself upon subjects, on which, whether my sentiments lie right or wrong, are of great importance to your city, and not to it only hut to the whole country, and regard ing which I have a strong desire to see a remarked degree of public attention. Mr. President, I thank y.)U and the gentlemen present for the kindness man ifested to me on this occasion. Let me propose to you « Prosperity to the inhabitants of the Monumental Qjty always distinguished for Commercial Enter prise, for public spirit, and for the warmest, most cor dial hospitality.” From the Alabama Tribune. Col. Benton’s Opinions. As the Democratic party concede that a nomination by the approaching demo cratic national convention will prove equivalent to an election, and that the subsequent voting will be a mere formal legitimation of what will have already substantially been done, the subjoined extracts from a report made to the Senate of the United States in 1828, by Colonel Bouton, are plainly to the point now gen erally under discussion. Their authori ty, which is good for us, should be more cogent with our Van Buren friends, and we regret that before these last had tully committed themselves, the opinions of their champion, which have but lately met our eye, had not been more general ly known. The “appeal to the democ racy” docs not itself more fully state the case in favor of the independent election and action by districts, than Col. Benton in this report, wherein he considers the various amendments proposed to the con stitution of the United States, in reference to the uniformity of elections for Con gress and President. Nor need any dem ocrats fear to be stigmatized as “ faction ists, who endeavor to interpose petty scruples to thwart the party,” when they shelter opinions under the cloak of so well tried a partizan. Our extracts, will be seen to answer completely the objections urged to the district plan, on the ground l hat it interferes with the control that the states have in this matter, and tends to the consolidation and the “ total erasure of state lines.” They argue the question as it deserves, and shew that in all elec tions the real difficulty has teen, not to prevent collision between the national and state authorities, but to disengage the people, the true sovereigns of both, from the thrall in which they were every where held when acting in large masses, by the “small and organized bodies, supplying the place of numbers by* unity of design and energy of action.” We wish that we had room for other portions of the report, answering other objections to the inde pendent district system, but as it has been mainly opposed on the ground of its in terference with state rights, we shall at present limit our quotations to this point. “ The plan of uniformity which has received the approbation of the commit tee, is that of the district system. It is believed to be the plan which, in addition to perfect uniformity, wi’l give to every state, and to the several sections of the state, and, as far as possible, to every in dividual citizen of the whole Union, their legitimate share and due weight in the election of the chief officers of their coun try. That it is the test system which can be adopted, is confidently believed. No other plan could be proposed but that of choosing electors by general ticket, or legislative ballot; the first of which ena bles the majority to impress the minority into their service, puts it into the power of a few to govern the election, and ena bles the populous states to consolidate their vote and overwhelm the small ones ; the second takes the election almost en tirely out of the hands of the people, leaves it to a pre-existing body, elected for a different purpose, and enables the dominant party in the legislature to be stow the vote of the state according to (heir own sense of public duty or private interest. #»**»* In the election by general ticket, the candidates are presented to the people in masses equal to the whole number of votes which the state has a right to give. The ticket tearing their names is com posed by some unseen and irresponsible power, printed, and sent forth to the peo ple to he voted for by many who know them not, but who arc required to yield implicit confidence both in the ticket it self, and tne unseen body which prepared it. Discipline and management most usually ensure success to this ticket; and thus a string of electors become possessed of the votes of a state, without being suf ficiently known to most of the voters to merit their confidence in the smallest particular; and often less known to them than the Presidential candidates them selves. When chosen by legislative bal lot, these titular electors are still further removed from all knowledge and control of the people, and act a part still more subdued to the purposes of a party. ##**#* The objection, that the establishment of a uniform mode of election by districts will trench upon the rights of the states, cannot be admitted. Uniformity, as such, cannot be an evil; and, if it was, the in fliction of it could not be avoided by re jecting the committee’s plan of amend ment. For, if uniformity by districts is not established by the free consent of the states, uniformity by general ticket or legislative ballot, must be imposed by ne cessity. For, when the large states con solidated their votes to overwhelm the small ones, those in their turn must con centrate their own strength to resist them. A few states may persevere for some time in what they believe to be the fairest sys tem, but when they see the unity of ac tion which others derive from the gener al ticket and legislative modes of electio. , they will not, and with due regard to their own safety, they cannot resist the tempta tion of following the same plan. Hence, uniformity will be imposed by necessity, if it is not adopted from choice, with this ■ great difference, that the first uniformity | will deliver up the votes of the state to ■ the active managers in the general assem- I blips, while the latter would leave them in the hands of the real sovereigns, the qualified voters of the whole state.” “ 2d. The point of the objections is, the supposed diminution of the power of the state, in that tendency to scatter the votes which the district system is admitted to possess. “ Admitting that a unity of its votes may be desirable to a state, that unity will be produced by the district system, as often as the state desires it. If the ma jorities in all the districts are of the same opinion, they will create the unity by giving the same vote ; if they are not. it is held to be a violation of the rights of so many districts as would have voted dif ferently, to impress their votes into the service of the dominant party in the gen eral assembly of the state. In the gener al ticket mode of election, the vote of the state is directed by the majority of the state legislature ; the majority itself influ enced by some leading members ; and the ticket thus arranged, is often made to tri umph over the whole state by the mere effect of discipline, and in open violation of the will of the actual sovereigns, the fair majority of the qualified voters. It is capable of demonstration, that the gen eral ticket election, especially over a large surface, is often no election at all by the people. A small and organized body supply the place of numbers by unity of design and energy of action. Want of concert in the body of the people, will render superior numbers of no avail. Di vision will destroy their strength, by scat teiing their votes; and anticipation will ensure it by preventing numbers from going to the polls.” * # # * # * “ Finally, there is a point of view from which to look at the several branches of all these objections, which exhibit them in the light of anomalous, if not very equivocal pretensions to the character of state rights. It is this: that they present as contending parties not the federal gov ernment on one side, and the people ot a state on the other, but the legislature ot a state against the people ot the same state; the servants against the masters ; the leading men against the mass; the few complaining that they will lose the privilege of controlling and directing the votes of the many.” We insert with the greater pleasure the following article, that it is from the pen of an old and much respected friend, well versed, not only in the phi losophy of our institutions, but of human nature and the practical workings of both familiar also with the tactics of parties, and a firm believer in the cardi nal principle— that Truth, Justice and Moderation form the basis on which alone republics and republi can parties, can stand secure and immoveably. We hope earnestly the admonitions of the Constitution alist will produce the impression desired by its expe rienced and patriotic editor. We could furnish some humiliating instances of disaster and defeat conse quent on their neglect —but to “fan the embers” is not our vocation. We cannot too often call the attention of tha citizens of Georgia, to the absolute necessity, in the present condition of po litical parties, of making a judicious se lection of candidates for officers in the different branches of the government. Not only docs this necessity exist, as re gards general and individual welfare, but as regards the ascendancy of the party to which each of the citizens may be at tached. We owe it to our State and to ourselves to choose men of capacity and honesty to administer the government, and we’owe it to our party to choose suclj men, if we are convinced that the princi ples of that party, the basis of all legisla tive measures, can alone maintain the spirit of our public institutions, and pro mote general and individual welfare. We hope our readers are aware of the impor tance and correctness of these projfosi tions; and if they are so, we hope also and trust that they will hereafter be governed by them in the elections which are to take place. Whenever the citizens have pur sued an opposite course, the downfall of their party was inevitable. The decline of all republics, ancient and modern, may, in a great measure, be traced from the’ choice of bad men to fill the offices of the government. So long as Sparta made choice of men of capacity and hon esty, of true patriotism and independence, to fill the offices of the State, the coun try flourished. But the moment that they permitted Lysander to introduce luxury and corruption in the manners of the peo ple and the administration of the govern ment, decline inevitably followed. The decline and fall of Athens may be traced to the same circumstances. So corrupt had the Athenians become, and so regard less were they of a proper choice of men to fill the various offices of the republic, that Antisthenes told them on one occa sion, that they ought to yoke to the plough horses and asses indiscriminately: “That will not do,” said one, “for the ass is in no respect adapted to the labors of the husbandman.” “What of that plied Antisthenes ; “when you elect mag istrates, do you ever pay attention to their capacity or incapacity to govern? No: all you think of is to elect them.” And so it is among us, at the present day. All we care for is to elect our candidates, without the previous enquiry, is he hon est, is he capable, is he a firm supporter of the constitution and the laws, and a sincere friend to the Union ? We teg leave to impress on the minds of our readers the necessity of a judicious selection of men for offices, by an analogy as familiar as it may be found just. Most of our planters employ overseers on their plantations. When a planter wishes to employ an overseer, does he not require that he should be honest, industrious, in telligent, sober, and possessed of a good knowledge of the planting business ! If the overseer does not meet the expecta tions-of the employer, he is discharged; and another employed and tried, if the employer is satisfied, he keeps the over seer, and pays him well. Now, the over seer on a plantation is governor, legisla tor, and judge. He is governor, to see that the commands of the planter are well executed and administered. He is a leg islator, to adopt laws for the goverment of the plantation; and he is judge, to try and punish any infraction of the regula tions. If as governor, legislator, or judge, the overseer discharges his duties faith fully, is not the employer benefitted ? Does not the overseer himself establish the reputation of an excellent officer ? If he is just and intelligent, firm and impar tial, does not the plantation prosper, and do not the hands on it respect him, and even love him ? Do not the hands work with tetter spirit, if they are convinced that their overseer does not require more labor from them than they can perform? If this overseer wants to quit his employ er, will not this employer prefer to choose another who may ha' e teen brought up with the one with whom he was so well pleased, who has the reputation to be equally industrious, honest and correct in principles? Would not such an one have the preference? Most assuredly. If the people choose a good man for govern or, good men for legislators, and good men forjudges, who are to be benefitted ? The people certainly. If the laws are well executed; if wise laws are enacted; and if justice is well administered, what are the effects? That there will be no need, no talk, of relief laws, stay laws, and exor bitant taxes. Would not such a governor, such legislation, and such judges, be res pected, and chosen again and again for the same stations? Most assuredly. And when such officers wish to retire from publie life, is it not a natural consequence to endeavor to find men of similar qual ifications to succeed them: men who who think alike ; who entertain the same principles; who have teen brought up and taught in the same school ? Most assuredly. And is not a natural conse quence also, that the party to which such good officers belong, should be respected, increase in numerical stfength, and its popularity become invulnerable ? The following article presents so just a portraiture of the great man it refers to, and embodies so much of our own views and sentiments, clothed in a dress peculiarly felicitous, that we cannot deny ourselves the pleasure of placing it in the columns of the Democrat. From the N. Y. Morning Post. John C. Calhoun. From the earliest period in which we took an interest in politics, we have watched the course of Mr. Calhoun with deep and unabated attention. We saw in him a man of mighty genius, original, bold, unconquerable ; yet somewhat er ratic. We saw that he was a man exert ing, and destined to exert, a powerful in fluence over the destinies of his country. He seemed to be swayed by few or none of the influences of the time his feel ings were his own without regard to the dictation of parties fearless of ri vals superior to selfish motives — the master of circumstances and of his own movements. That ho find intollort of thft highest, order, his worst enemies were compelled to confess. It was an intellect at once acute and comprehensive. Compact, log ical, sagacious, and daring, it penetrated the most abstruse subjects, grasped the most broad, stopped at no conclusion however unusual, and shrunk from no truth, let it be ever so fearful. Joined to this, was an indomitable energy of char acter, clear aims, strong purposes, and a will as firm as the rock. Nor did these iron qualities of resolution abate a parti cle from the enthusiasm and generosity of his sentiments. He was full of heart. His favorite doctrines were of the most literal cast, looking to the good, not mere ly of a single district, but of the whole country, nor of one man or of ten men, but of all men. His sympathies, in spite of certain unfavorable influences of edu cation, attached themselves to the multi tude, and impelled him perpetually, tho’ often unconsciously, to a career of the widest beneficence. Through the whole of his political life —and he has lived in the stormiest times —he has teen open, direct, fearless and invincible. Asa rea soner, as an actor, and as a man, he lias proved himself equally worthy of confi dence and esteem. Wr said that Mr. Calhoun appeared at first view somewhat erratic. It was noth ing more than appearance. Because he trusted to the dictates of his own mind and heart, because he has never bowed down to worship the idol of the hour, but “kept right on his way,” he has presented himself, at a time when neither his char acter nor motives were understood, in a strange and eccentric aspect. But time has set that matter right; and the more closely his career is scrutinized, the more convinced will an honest independent in quirer become, that he has ever teen gui ded by a far reaching sagacity and pro found patriotism. His worst doctrine as many will consider it the doctrine of nullification, is but the doctrine of state rights carried to the final conclusion. It is a doctrine, sustained entirely by the resolutions of Madison in 1798, and so far from being destructive and dangerous to the Union, is the very safeguard of its integrity—an extreme, but appropriate and rightful remedy for the abuses of a tyranical and exacting federal Govern ment. The rapid strides which central ization has recently made, are beginning to instruct the nation into its vital impor tance. At present, Mr. Calhoun is the leading man of the day. He is just the man for the times. The affairs of this country have approached a period, when bold and stringent measures are necessary to its advancement. Our politics require an original and impulsive leader. On the questions of the currency and of the ta riff the questions which lie at the bot tom of all our difficulties the people are ripe for a radical, thorough and cor rective course. We want a tetter cur rency ; we want a free trade. No man is so’well qualified to work important re forms m our legislation, respecting these matters, as Mr. Calhoun. Both by opin ion and character, is he fitted for the task. He has studied the theory of our Consti tution, and of the constitution of Amer ican society, more profoundly than any other man ; his convictions are clear and emphatic ; he is no trimmer, no mere pol itician ; a friend of retrenchment and re form, he fights under the glorious ban ner, spoken of in the great speech on our outside of “Free-trade ; low duties; no debt; separation from banks ; economy * retrenchment, and u strict adherence 'to the Constitution.” Having said thus much, it would be idle to conceal that Mr. Calhoun has our preference as a candidate for the Presi dency. We believe him the test man be fore the public. He has a deep lodgment in the hearts of the people. But we on ly speak our own sentiments we know of no factions. We mean no disrespect towards other candidates,(and we shall abide cheerfully, by the decision of a Na tional Convention ; yet foremost of all, we are attached to John C. Calhoun. From the Boston Courier. Mr. Clay’s prospects in Massachusetts* We published a few weeks ago, a para graph from the New Bedford Bulletin, in timating that the editor of that paper was disposed to have the positive nomination of Mr. Clay, by the Fanueil Hall Con vention, rescinded. We have now to re cord a similar sentiment from another part of the State. The Hampshire Ga zette, printed at Northampton, has an arti cle headed “ The right Course,” from which we make the following extracts : “We are constrained to admit, that there is no inconsiderable strength of opposi tion among the Whigs of this State as to the nomination of Mr. Clay. So strong and so extensive, indeed, is the repug nance of sentiment and feeling in refer ence to this nomination, that, in our opin ion it would be worse than vain, under present circumstances, to attempt to unite the party in its support. In the next place, however judicious that nomination might have teen regard ed at the lime it was made, the develop ments of public sentiment since, most clearly indicate the inexpediency of con tinuing to urge its support upon the whig party of this State. * # * * # • We are pleased, therefore, to observe the prevailing disposition of the whigs in this State, as indicated by the party jour nals, to improve the occasion of the meet ing of the general Whig Convention in June, tojidopt a course'of policy which shall relieve the party from its present unfortunate position,and ultimately unite as one man, in support of a Presidential candidate, who shall represent its princi ples, and ably and honorably sustain the high interests of the nation. From the Boston Tost. The great whig meeting! which the Atlas begged for so Imrd on Friday morn ing, turned out on the evening of that day, to be a very meagre assemblage. The president,George Morey, Esq., called Governor Morton a hypocrite ; some vio lent and ridiculous resolutions were adop ted ; J. C. Park and Jona. Chapman, Esqrs., made speeches ; “the author of the first Harrison song” made a motion ; 140 delegates to the Worcester Convention were elected, and thus ended the first whig earthquake for the campaign of 1843. The Times says “ Upon the whole it was a spiritless affair —at the hour of meeting, 7 1-2 o’clock, there being only about sons in the hall, and on calling the meet ing to order the house was not one-third full.” The Caledonia brings us a sketch of the debate which occurred in the House of Commons, on a motion for a vote of thanks to Lord Ashburton, for the nego tiation and conclusion of the late treaty between this country and Great Britain. In the ttotirse of his speech, Sir Robert Peel made the following declaration : “ He believed that the Oregon dispute would he settled ere long, as well as that of the right of search ; and, notwithstand ing the efforts of individuals to excite an imosities, he was satisfied that the Treaty of Washington would lead to relations of amity and good will between the two countries.” There is a parody going the rounds, calling ladies’ bustles ‘all a fleeting show,’ and speaking ill of them in various ways upon which the New York Mercury bursts out in the following style : “ Bustles are not an empty show For man's illusion given ; They’re filled with bran or stulTed with tow, They stick out 'bout a feet or so, And look first-rate, by heaven!” Caution. Miss Maria Clark has recovered in the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, $1054 damages against a young man, for a breach of promise of marriage; that is ted enough, but it seems the promise was only inferable. The young man rode and walked some with Miss Clark, and set up with her once or twice. This ver dict, if it grow into a precedent, will have a sad effect upon amusements. Woman's Superiority That woman is the superior of man, two to one, is wittily established by a fair correspondent. “Sophia” argues: — Why term the fair the ‘weaker sex 1’ (A foul as|>crsion, falsely cast!) Behold, when worldly storms perplex, How bravely they can hide the blast! •Lord of creation,’ lower thy creat! Strive as you may do what you can Woman, with all her Oulu contest, Must still be double rot', O Man!"