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The picture drawn of the children ot
England iu Lord Ashley’s speech is a
disgrace to a nation ca’ling itself civili
zeffi We are aware—we write it with
regret—that in our land, in many of our
states, their is lamentable ignorance—a
suicidal neglect of the all-important cause
of education. There have been individ
ual cases of juvenile crime, and enquiry
commissioners might find in our cities
an amount, large enough, of juvenile de
pravity. But it has never been our lot
to read of such details as are here pre
sented. If the people are true to their
trusts, such never can be presented.—
But it is well to look at these exhibi
tions fully, and profit by the warning
they afford. If ignorance and crime
have not reached the extent of that of the
old countries, it may be well to remember
that the same evil principles, imported
into this country from the old world,
have worked, and will continue to work,
evil. While all that we enjoy of real
prosperity and progress as a nation can
be traced to a free spirit, guided by a high
toned morality, seeking equal laws tor
the orencral good. And it New England
has risen aliove other portions ot our
land in intelligence, comfort, and real in
dependence of thought and action, it is,
as much as to any one cause, owing to
its early adoption of, and persevering ad
herence to, the noble principle that ev
ery CHILD HAS A NATURAL RIGHT TO
AN EDUCATION, AND THAT PROPER I A
SHOULD PROVIDE THE MEANS TO SE
CURE it. And every town —every dis
trict -that dots our wide territory, ought
to furnish its few zealous individuals
who are willing to devote a portion ot
their time and powers to see to it that tins
principle is not frittered away by heed
lessness or parsimony.
From the Boston Post.
Children of Knslnnd~Cau«es— Remedies.
Millions of the children of England,
whose looks should speak health and
vigor, whose every motion should indi
cate cheerfulness, whose natural right is
as clear to food for body and mind as i
is to the air they breathe, have their lot
cast as we have seen, in ignorance and
drunkenness, debauchery and crime !-
Why ‘s it so ? What arc the remedies ?
Os course the degradation of the off
spring springs from the degradation ot
the pTirent. What causes tins . I o as
cribe such a state of things to the multi
plication of the powers of production to
the advancement of science and the arts,
to the extension of commerce or m histry,
is an abuse of terms. It is to say, that
in proportion as the comforts of life arc
increased, its miseries are. increase. .
These arc the elements of civilization ;
and to say this, is to affirm that in pio
portion as these become developed man
becomes degraded. Nor will it do to as
cribe this state of tilings to the natural
features of the country or its natural fa
cilities for the employment ot capital.
The coal formations, the mineral produc
tions, the climate and territory, all point
out England as a manufacturing country.
In seizing upon these great advantages
her enterprising people have but fulfilled
the order of Providence in turning na
ture’s agencies into vast laboratoiies loi
the supply of human wants.
The cause ot this degradation lies in
a different direction. It is as deep-rooted
in its origin as it is ill its nature. It is
the development of evil principles that
lie at the foundation of the political fab
ric. In Great Britain, more than in any
civilized country on the face of the globe,
the strong, by means of vicious institu
tions, seize upon the earnings of the
weak—property' is privileged, while la
bor is crushed. The foundation of these
institutions being laid in injustice, the
superstructure is a monument of wrong.
The oligarchy who rule the destinies of
Great Britain have a keen scout for what
ever will tend to perpetuate their wealth
and power. Its royalty—established
church—pensions—system of entails—
class legislation—unequal representation
—close suffrage—nobility —national debt
all are necessary for this end. Its con
stant horse-leech cry is give—give.—
This cry is a command that must be
obeyed. And hence the enormous taxes
to sustain the taste and the church. It
is this taxation, in all its hydra shapes,
hat degrades the mass of the nation, for
ultimately it comes out of the laborer.
It is too much for him. Hence his de
gradation and that of his children. No
thing will account for the misery of the
ten tnillions of the population of Great
Britain who live on oatmeal and potatoes
that does not look this fact full in the
face. It has taken ages to produce such
misery and wealth—side by side—as ex
ists in England; generations must elapse
before it can even be sensibly mitigated.
Such being the causes of the degrada
tion of the mass of the British nation,
what are the remedies ? The probe
must go to the bottom of the wound, or
it will but trifle with it. Half-way mea
sures are not the things for such a “ deep
rooted” disease. The necessity of some
action the aristocracy feel and acknowl
edge. A do-nothing policy, says Lord
Ashley', in twenty years would “bring
on a general convulsion and displace
ment of society.” The proper remedy
is to give track to the people their rights
—to acknowledge, in practice, the demo
cratic principle, and to go for the adop
tion of such measures as this principle
demand l Here would be reform. 1 ,ord
Ashley has made a fine speech : British
journals, tory and whig, are fujl of his
praises—he is benevolent, zealous, able
and willing to do for the people ; ny,
but is he willing to let the people do for
themselves 1 What is the measure of
this “ noble lord's” “ benevolence P Is
he, with some few hundred others situa
ted like him, with titles, wealth, power,
and intelligence, willing to subject mon
archy and peerages, the established
church and the crown revenues, the roy
al palaces and royal stag hounds, the
pensions, places, national debt and taxa
tion —in u word, all that makes up the
compound known as the “British consti
tution”—to subject all to the discussion
and decision of a delegated l.od\ r of men
elected by the freemen of Great Britain?
No, not lie nor they. Whatever is done
must be done by the oligarchy as a gra
cious boon, not by the people as of right.
Lord Ashley and Lis compeers, by virtue
of the existing political organism, claim
the right to bind the noble but suffering
Jack "Cades, whom they place below
them, in all cases whatsoever, and to pro
scribe also for their diseases. The pre
scription now offered is “ moral awl re
ligious education and this, too, with a
nice regard to the claims of the establish
ed church! They would send the school
master and the priest to children who are
in want and misery ! The spelling-book
and the catechi’sm for those who are suf
fering the {Kings of hunger ! AN hat a
mockery for a remedy. This suffering
mass of children arc not in a fit state
even to ask this, and they' do not need
this first. They need their rights and
their future labor shall be made their
own, so that when they arc of age they
can take possession of the one, and reap
the fruits of the other. It is for Lord
Ashley and his compeers to deil with the
fathers of these children. They are
men , made of as good stuff as lords are
made of—men, until society corrupts
them, as highminded, of as good capaci
ties, as open to the bountiful blessings of
a bountiful Providence—men, having
just as good a right to govern Lord Ash
ley as Lord Ashley has to govern them.
And these men ask but for tne right that
includes all other rights, that of self-go
vernment, and they will see to the rest.
Is Lord Ashley willing to grant this?—
So far from this, the chartist who attends
public meetings to advocate such a rem
edy is indicted for sedition and treason,
and sentenced, if not to Tyburn, at least
to a dungeon—a proceeding as disgrace
ful to England to-day' as was the detest
able career of Judge Jeffries in other
days.
The Children of England*
AA'c have been surfeited, until llic heart
sickens with accounts of the degraded,
suffering condition of the working popu
lation of Great Britain. From the agri
cultural, manufacturing, and mining dis
tricts comes the same general report
poverty, misery', crime, and ignorance, in
appalling statistics. The disgusting de
tails spread abroad concerning the facto
ries and collieries excited every where a
shudder. These details are not confined
to such individual instances as may be
found in every country ; they apply to
whole districts, to whole classes; the
numbers whose condition is thus charac
terized are thousands yea millions.
Another exhibit, of the same general
character, has been recently made by
Lord Ashley, in a speech in the House
of Commons. It is upon the state of the
children of England. Not the state of
the children of the favored population
of the few hundred thousand of the no
bility or wealthy classes —but the state
of the children of the toiling mass of mil
lions the men who create the wealth,
fight the battles, and support the splen
dor of Great Britain. This speech is im
portant in its character. It is a matter of
fact speech. Its details concerning chil
dren will vie with the same sort of de
tails we have had of men nnd women:
they are made up of information from au
thentic sources from reports of com
missioners instituted for inquiry, of sher
iffs, of police officers, of overseers of
houses of correction, of clergymen, of
justices, and from other like sources.
After stating some general statistics,
not very definite, in which the number
of children without daily instruction in
England, and Wales is set down at about
one million, Lord Ashley' goes into de
tails. By such means he arrives at a cor
rect view of the nature of the “ vast un
cultivated waste” that is spread over the
country. He begins with the police re
turns of Manchester. In six months, up
to July, 1542, there were taken into cus
tody 8,341 persons; males, 5,510; fe
males, 2,531. Os those who could nei
ther read nor write, there were 3,09S
males; females, 1,'19 ; total, 4,017. Os
these 2,300 were between 15 and 20
years of age, and 005 between 10 and 15.
The number of beer-houses, (709,) broth
els, thieves’, and other houses, are then
given. Similar statistics, also, are given
respecting Birmingham and Leeds) In
the latter case, Lord Ashley goes into de
tails — loathsome enough, in this town,
“the early periods of life furnish the
greatest portion of criminals.” Setting
aside early drunkenness, thieving, and
; ignorance, we find statements that seem
I hardly credible concerning early' prosti
j tution. This is promoted by the multi
i tude ot beer houses, which have apart
ments in the upper stories devoted to this
i purpose. One of the police officers says
"there are many beer-shops which are
frequented by boys only, as early as 13
years ot age. The girls arc, many of
them, loose in their conduct, and accom
pany the hoys.” Air. Raynor, superin
tendant of the police, say's “ Lads from
12 to 14 years of age constantly frequent
beer-houses, and even at that age have
their girls with them” AVe give but
one more extract. It is from a clergy
man. He says “ the most revolting fea
ture of juvenile depravity is earl
tamination from the association of the
sexes. The out-skirts of the town are
absolutely polluted by this abomination.”
Such is a sample the most decent
of two columns of such statistics ! Shef
field. Wolverhampton, AYillenhall, AVed
nesfield, Dariston, are then dwelt upon.
| At th j latter place evidence stated that
there were one thousand men who “did
not know their own names, but only their
nick-names.” Then follow Bilston,
I where the girls “drive coal carts, ride
astride upon horses, drink, swear. liMit,
smoke, whistle, sing, and care fbrno
bedy.” Scdgelev, “ the district es fe
male blacksmiths,” as loathsome in hab
its as in details already given AYarring
ton, the district of the potteries, where
“more than three-fourths of the persons
cannot read nor write.” Nottingham,
where it is stated “ immorality prevails
to an awful extent” —in all these, details,
similar to those we have quoted, are given.
But I/nd Ashley is more general still;
lie says “ this state of things prevailed
more or less throughout the whole king
dom.” There is evidence, direct, that it
runs over the coal and iron fields of Brit
ain and AVales. From the east of Scot
land, the evidence was as follows : “ The
condition of the lower classes is daily be
coming worse in regard to education.”
(if North AVales it is said : “ Not one col
lier boy in ten can read so as to compre
hend what he reads.” Os South AVales:
“ Alany are almost in a state of barbarism.
Religious and moral training are out of
the question. I should certainly be with
in bounds by saying that not one grown
male or female in fifty can read.” Os the
west of Scotland : “A large portion of the
colliery and iron-work hands are living
in an utterly depraved state.” But we
find the whole summed up in a letter
from a person “ whose opportunities of
observation were unequalled.” He be
lieves that “ the middle-aged and rising
generation” are “ worse and more de
based than any previous generation for
the last 300 years.”
After such details of early depravity,
Lord Ashley passes to the evidences in
his possession respecting drunkenness.
These consist of the common but too
true statistics of the effects of this habit
in bringing upon a community wretch
edness and ruin in filling lunatic asy
lums, jails, houses of correction, and pris
ons with inmates. Their only variation
is, that children are the subjects of his
terrible story, rather than men. He then
dwells upon the effects of such debase
ment upon the physical organization and
inefital capacities of the children. Os
course, it deteriorates the former and
weakens the latter. His conclusion is as
follows: “The criminal tables and
criminal statements, furnished evidence
that the evil was deep rooted and increas
ing, and that if something were not done,
twenty years would not elapse before
there would be a general convulsion or
displacement of society.”
Bodou Newspapers.
AYhat a revolution in our periodical
journals has taken place within less than
a quarter of a century ! llow many jour
nals, that were as familiar to us as house
hold names, have sunk their identity, or
what is worse, have been annihilated, and
how many new ones have usurped then
place ! Y\ here are the Chronicles, the
Patriots, the Palladiums, the Ccntinels,
the Gazettes, the Galaxys, that in by-gone
days ministered to our instruction, and
catered for our amusement? Echo an
swers, where ? Not only have they gone
to the tomb of tlic Capulcts, and many of
their editors followed them, but scarcely
is a tear shed to their memory. Os the
secular papers which boast a green old
age, we can recognize but three at pres
ent in our midst, the Daily Advertiser,
Courier, nnd the Evening Gazette ; and
long may they be perpetuated ! Os the
religious papers, the Register nnd Recor
der occur to us among the most venera
ble, and associated in our minds with the
recollections of the past. All else is com
paratively new, nnd of recent date; and
while we would not underrate the labors
or the talents of our present phalanx of
editors, we would not be unmindful of
the obligations we owe to those veterans
of the profession —such as Russell, Minns,
Young, Gardner, and others, who acted
as pioneers in the cause.
Home Affections.
The heart has memories that cannot
die. The rough rubs of the world can
not obliterate them. They are memories
of home, early home. There is magic
in the very sound. There is the old tree,
under which the light-hearted boy swung
in many a summer day, yonder the river
in which he learned to swim, there the
house in which he knew a parent’s love,
and found a parent’s protection now
there is the room in which he romped
with brother or with sister, long since,
alas ! laid in the yard in which lie must
soon be gathered, overshadowed by yon
old church, whither with a joyous troop
like himself he has often followed his
parents to worship with, and hear the
good old man who gave him to God in
baptism. Why, even the very school
house, associated in youthful days with
thoughts of ferule and tasks, now comes
back to bring pleasant remembrances of
many an attachment there formed, many
an occasion that called forth some gener
ous exhibition of the traits of human na
ture. There he learned to tell some of
his best emotions. There, perchance, he
first met the being who by her love and
tenderness*in after life has mode a home
for himself, happier even than that which
his childhood knew. There are certain
feelings of humanity,and those too among
the best, that can find an appropriate
place for their exercise only by one’s own
fireside. There is a sacredness in the
privacy of that spot which it were a spe
cies of desecration to violate ! He who
seeks wantonly to invade it, is neither
more nor less than a villain: and hence
there exists no surer test of the debase
ment of morals in a community, than the
disposition to tolerate in any mode the
man who disregards the sanctities of pri
vate life. In the turmoil of the world,
let there he at least one spot where the
poor man may find affection that is disin
terested - where he may indulge a'confi
dencc that is not likely to be abused.
The reign of incredulity is as fatal to
the temporal interest of religion, as that
of superstition is: it will lie the best un
derstood in an ago when good sense con
ducts dispassionate inquiry.
1D333H OYTALa.'VA.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 41, 1843.
FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
JOHN C. CALHOUN,
FOR VICE PRESIDENT:
LEVI WOODBI'RY,
FOR GOVERNOR,
MARK A. COOPER, OF MURRAY.
FOR CONGRESS,
JAMES 11. STARK, OF BUTTS.
We marked the birth-day of our !
Journal, by unfurling to the breeze
the broad banner of Democracy, and
inscribing upon its bright field the
stainless name of John C. Calhoun,
the American Aristides, as our First
Choice for President of the United
Slates; and for the Vice Presidency ,
the name of that u ise, honest and able
Statesman and unswerving Patriot ,
Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire:
Subject, of course, to the decision of a Na
tional Democratic Convention:
The Delegates to be chosen directly
by the People —to convene at Balti
more, May, 1844, and there individu
ally express Faithfully, the will of
their Constituents. We as/c but a fair
field and fair play —and then “ God
defend the Bight.”
Why his the American Democrat been estab
lished at all T Why in this City ?
To these reasonable queries, a general and very
truthful reply may be made by stating the following
undeniable facts—that from a considerable time back,
a desire has been prevalent in our community to have
an additional journal. For, though our Whig neigh
bor has a dashing editor—makes judicious and taste
ful selections, is capitally printed and on the whole
a very creditable publication (always, saving and ex
cepting its po-li-tics, “bad manners” to them, as fa
ther Tom used to say) still folks, as in almost every
thing else, like variety in their newspapers. Many
also believe, that full competition in production, ne
cessarily tends to improve the articles on which it
bears and at the same time to lower their price. An
other motive, also existed, viz: the urgent desire
of many members of the Democratic party, both
in Macon and tho surrounding country.
Macon was chosen for the place of publication from
tlic ccntricity of its position "in a widely extended
and [densely peopled section of the State.
We consider many of the contests which have
heretofore divided the people of Georgia, as de
rogatory to the good sense and high dignity that
should always characterize a free people, because,
the fiercest and the worst of them, have had
generally no better foundation, than a cant catch
word, a political nickname artfully disseminated
among the people, to advance the selfish interests,
or gratify the false or mischievous ambition of indi-s
viduals, or secure unmerited honors and emolument
to their tools and adherents—such contests are de
grading to freemen, and tend inevitably to destroy
their institutions.
Ail that is good, kind and noble in man’s heart —
all that is dear to the sincere, disinterested patriot
the genuine democrat, demands that every tiling
connected with the former unhappy discords among
our citizens, to which we more immediately allude,
should be consigned to ever during oblivion—and
any attempt to drag tho expiring bale fire from the
dark recesses of prejudice, and fan its all but extin
guished embers into life and activity, should be met
by the withering contempt of every honest Georgi
an, and the sternest rebuke, that Patriotism inflicts
upon treachery. If there be any honest and respect
able men who through mistaken views, or soreness,
from supposed, or the actual unmerited neglect of
their services, wc beseech them to pause before
they lend their countenance to the pernicious ma
neuvers, hints and whisperings, about new and old
panncls, Ac. Ac. they all go, inevitably, to scatter
dissatisfaction, distrust and division through the ranks
of the Democratic party, and place it under the feet
of the enemy, overwhelmed in humiliating and un
pitied discomfiture. To others of a different stamp,
who are engaged in this labor of love to the Demo
cratic party, appeal would be useless, they are in
their vocation—they must live—though it might be
difficult to detect any natural connection between
that and the welfare of society. It would be assuming
a “ virtue we have not,” to pretend wc have not been
highly pleased by the approbation in several instan
ces bestowed on the tone and spirit of our labors, not
only by our friends, but by our liberal political op
ponents —for the marked manner in which the South
Carolinian of the 30:h ult. and other Democratic
journals, of high standing for talent and patriotism,
have spoken of the Democrat and its editor, we
should be unjust to ourselves did we not acknowl
edge their kindness and impute it to the warmth
with which, when a generous mind approves, it ex
press its approbation. It has already been shown,
that in getting up the Democrat no design or wish
was entertained of competing with, or impairing the
interests of any other paper. Such results were not
reasonably to be anticipated. The Democrat, if
found useful and amusing will be sufficiently pat
ronized. This place, formerly, with a much smaller
population had two democratic presses. Ollier pa
pers have made a choice different from ourselves,
be it so—we have made ours—what then 7 Why
nothing—we are all pledged to support the nominee
of the National Democratic Convention.
4\ e call upon all denocrals to prove that they are
worthy of the name, by cxreiting themselves in
goodjaith and in earnest, to cement and consolidate
the union of the Democracy of Georgia. In the
next great struggle, they will need their whole
strengih—their foe will be formidable. The Demo
cracy to win, must present an unbroken front —charge
the enemy in solid column, foot to foot—shoulder to
shoulder —their cry— For our Country.
Our position, respecting the Candidates for
Nomination by the National Democratic
Convention.
They arc Calhoun, Vau Curen, Tyler, Buchanan,
Cass, and R. M. Johnson. The arrangement is made
without any- invidious reference to the supposed fit
ness, or unfitness of any of them for the high office
he aspires to, but simply to the chance, according
to our best and most deliberate judgment, he
has of success. The American people should
feel a sentiment of lofty exultation of eleva
ling pride, at having so noble a field from which
to make their selection.
Os Mr. Calhoun and his prospects, we have already
expressed our opinions and expectations so fully-,
repetition is unnecessary. These opinions and ex
pectations, have been formed after a wide, deliberate
and (as we think) impartial view of the whole ground,
and we have been compelled to the conclusion, that J.
C. Calhoun is the only man, who can concentrate
the heart, mind and strength, of asa fe majority of
the great Democratic party of the Union the only
man embodying in himself, all the peculiarities ot
mind ind character that constitutes him the man ot
the crisis the man of destiny—the Redeeming
spirit of our country, he is equally able and disposed,
aided by the noble hand who rallied round him in the
Senate, to restore our national government to its
pristine republican simplicity and economy, its im
partiality and unimpeachable integrity, from which
it is sad and humiliating to think, how widely within
the last twenty-five years, it has deviated.
In that period the disorders affecting the adminis
tration of the national government, have been rapid
ly augmenting and are of such a character, that if
not timely arrested and the deadly taint thos
oughly removed from the system, they naturally
and inevitably tend to a fatal termination. The
disturbing action of our national legislation, on
the Financial, Commercial, Agricultural and even
on the rnanufacluring concerns of this country, have
been deplorably pernicious.
A formidable national debt now exists, liable, if
the present course be persisted in, to large yearly
additions—within the period above stated, the ex
penses of the government, have increased in the
proportion of three to one, compared with the increase
of our population —this flagrant enormity has been
occasioned, by the unnecessary multiplation of offi
ces, with shamelessly exorbitant emoluments annex
ed—too often the rewards or bribes for political cor
ruption. Is it wonderful, the U. S. government h g
j been embarrassed, bankrupt and disgraced! It is
silly to contend about who at, or who perpetrated
most of these treasons against the penple—the nui
sance exists and must be abated, or the Union is a
rope of sand.
To no guidance can this great reforming move
ment be so safely, so securely entrusted as to that
of John Caldwell Calhoun for additional to the
aptitude for such a task, wc have stated as his, he
has shown by his whole legislative career a familiar
ity with the golden maxim, “ that all great changes,
to secure the maximum of good and the minimum
of evil, must be effected gradually.
We believe, the non-nomination of that gentleman
by the National Democratic Convention, would be
the deadliest wound ever inflicted on the Free In
stitute, the Union and the future prosperity of this
country —and to the democracy tantamount to an
act of suicide.
We again solemnly aver, that now, as previ
ously, we have spoken not for the man, but for our
country.
We regret that a want of space does not permit us
to do the justice, wc arc eager to accord to Mr. Van
Buren : scarcely to notice a great misapprehension of
our views and feelings respecting that eminent dem
ocrat. The pungent animadversions upon that gen
tleman, that through inadvertance, found their way
into the columns of the Democrat, are entirely at
variance with our scnliments; and among his warm
est friends, none think of him more kindly than our
selves.
President Tyler.
We hold the opinion, that whoever casts an unne
cessary aspersion on the President of the United
States, or attempts to degrade him, or any other
high public functionary in the pul lie estimation,
weakens unnecessarily, the confidence of the peo
ple in their own form of government, lowers the
character of this country with foreign nations, and
degrades himself to tho same extent, as an indi
vidual member of the Slate. Shall we forget our
own self-respect, and sink tho character of gen
tlemen into tho mere wrangling partisan 7 shall party
spirit in this country like some wandering demon
dismissed from the world below, hold nothing hon
orable or sacred in the land 7 shall we forget the great
political maxim, “that character is as necessary to a
Slate, a3 to a private man, and that the glory of a State
is the common property of all its citizens 7” heaven
forbid.
If Mr. Tyler is the liar, scoundrel, villian and trai
tor —if he deserves these “ soft impeachments," and
tho various other gentle and delicate appellations
applied to him if he is no gentleman and unworthy
of Col. James Watson Webb’s notice —it follows
that this must be a nation strangely and hopelessly
demented, or that the people must have been under
some great moral hallucination when they voted for
him as one of the first “Old Virginia” gentlemen
one of the purest statesmen and patriots of the times,
or else we must be a very corrupt and unprincipled
nation, to have conferred any important office on
such a notoriously- bad man.
Although tho Democratic party did not elect Mr.
Tyler, and cannot be justly considered accountable
for any of his acts good or had, yet they feel in duty
bound, to sustain such measures of his administra
tion as may be in accordance with their principles
and the good of the country. They arc, also under
inestimable obligations to him for the Roman firm
ness and great moral courage with which he resisted
in the face of every danger to himself, a re-charter
of the Bank. If every other act of his administra
tion had been stamped with stupidity and folly, if
this were his only merit—if he had rendered no ser
vice to his country but his vetoes — if he had been
unknown before, like Leonidas, the work of one day
covers him with unfading laurels. The vetoes, like
the glory of Thermopylae, although but the history
of a day as it were, will place the name of John Ty
ler high in the list of his country’s benefactors.
The unsparing and malignant abuse lavished on
Mr. Tyler, by the N. Y. Courier and Enquirer, and a
number of other prints, we consider as injurious to
the national character as it is degradiug to them
selves —as unequivocally condemned by the public
mint), as it is unnecessary and futile ; for, however,
strange it may appear to them, he has conclusively
shown that there is very little probability of his be
ing driven from his position, or headed by such
means. It is certainly very little to the credit of any
man in the community, to prove, were it possible,
that the highest officer in the Union, was one of the
greatest scoundrels in existence.
There is a very preposterous notion entertained
by some, that the office of editor of a newspaper,
carries with it a carteblanche to lavish, with licensed
impunity, the most indiscriminate abuse on anv and
every body, from the highest dignitaries of the Gov
ernment, down to thchumblest citizen.
And dire is the hue and cry, which is raised about
the head of the luckless individual, who attempts to
resist this gross and mischievous fallacy, truly aston
ishing to the community at large, and amusing to
those who arc in the secret, that is in some cases, the
contemptible insignificance of those who raise the
clamor.
W hen wc think of the high and noble purposes
for which the printing press was designed, and the
almost sacred character of its mission, which is to
disseminate the truth to all men, and then of the
cowardly and base uses to which this powerful en
gine is applied, we are forcibly reminded of Croby’s
powerfully descriptive lines, where he speaks of
“ Vipers that creep where men disdain to climb,
And having wound their loathsome track to the top
Os some huge mouldering monument,
Hang hissing at the nobler man below.”
Sundersvil e Teh scope.
We congratulate our friends in that neighborhood
on the banquet of fun and fancy to which they arc
weekly invited by that sprightly paper, aud arc sorry
for ourselves, not having an carl.cr opportunity of
forming an acquaintance with it. If all its numbers
are charged with good things to the very muzzle, aa
that now lying on our table is, it will blow the veter
an joker, Joe Miller, the Repository and Encyclope
dia of wit, Ac. Ac. clear out of the field, and when a
bon-mot, or jcu d’esprit is let off, the Telescope will
be quoted in prefer authority.
lu those days of grave faces, when so many things
concur to produce something like the caricature of
a laugh on the wrong side of the mouth. The man
who, by his wit and humor produces a genuine, full
grown cachimation, on the right sides, should be
viewed as a benefactor.
We advise those who appreciate justly the advan.
tages, moral and physical of such salutary excite
ment, to peep through the Telescope and be merry.
[For the American Democrat.)
There appear to be strong exertions making on
the part of our opponents, to create a division in our
ranks by stirring up the old Troup and Clark feud,
knowing that their only hope of success is the divis
ion of the Democratic party. But thanks be to heav
en, the spirit of Democracy anticipates every thing.
However we may differ among ourselves, about lo
cal matters, as Rail Road Banks, taxes, or about the
claims of our friends to this or that office, our maxim
is and ever will be, a cheerful acquiescence to the
will of the majority, and a hearty support of our can
didates, whose success is so necessary to carry out
those great principles which are contained in the
Constitution of our country.
The ensuing campaign is to be fought on elevated
ground; our flag is now unfurled to the breeze, and
on its bright field arc inscribed, Free Trade ; Low
Dudes; No Debt; Separation from Banks; Econo
my; Retrenchment; And a strict Adherence to the
Constitution —with this for our motto and a gallant
leader to bear our flag aloft, victory will again perch
upon our banner.
The Old Ship Constitution, now proudly rides upon
the bosom of the deep, with an able commander and
patriotic crew, with her sails all spread, and her deck
cleared for action. All have confidence in the skill
of their commander to conduct them safely through
the storm.
The watch-word is onward, and swearing on the
altar of our country, never to slrikc until the Consti
tution has been redeemed, and the principles of 76
and 98 again triumphant. Where is the Democrat
that is so lost to the great interest of his country’s
good, that will not enlist and render good service
for the benefit of himself and posterity. Let all
heart-burnings and dissentions be laid aside for the
good of our common country, and rally to the rescue
and the victory will be complete.
[CO.MMUNICXTKJ).]
Odd Fellowship.
Odd Fellowship commenced its career in the Uni
ted States, under the disheartening influences us
obscurity, distrust, and persecution yet it only re
quired to be known to be appreciated —and the re
sult has shown that
~ “ Like a true gem, it brightens in the wearing.’*
But little more than twenty years have elapsed
since its establishment amongst us, and behold the
happy change in its prospects. From the ice-wrap
ped hills of Maine, to the burning plains of the far
South, bands of faithful brothers meet to embrace
and carry out its benign and god-like purposes.
Men of all nations, professions and creeds, abandon
ing petty jealousies and local prejudices, surround
the same altar, and arc united by the bright links of
Friendship, Love and Truth.
It is a beautiful attribute of our institution that it
calls forth the best and warmest impulses of the hu
man heart that the fraternal affection which its
members so sedulously cherish towards each other,
is not selfishly restricted within the limits of tho Or
der, but beams its heart-cheering warmth over all
upon whom the chilling flight ol soriow has fallen
the afflicted arc ever our brothers.
“Wide and more wide, the o’erflowing of tho mind
“Takes every creature in, of every kind
“Earth smiles around, with boundless bounty blest,
“And Heaven beholds its image, in its breast.”
This is a hasty glance at the rise and progress of
Odd Fellowship amongst us. Let U3 turn to con
template it« prospects in Georgia. In the early part
of the present year, some five or six men, personally
unknown, recognized and hailed each other alone
by the mystic signs peculiar to the Order— and uni
ting in a common cause and common interest, diffi
dently petitioned the Grand Lodge, at Baltimore, for
a charter, and with many discouragements, small
means and smaller influence—instituted Franklin
Lodge, No. 2, at Macon, on the 27th of Jan. 1843.
To their delight and astonishment, in less than one
month, ninety brothers had rallied around them, and
the cry is still “They come,” for at the present
time, June Ist, we count upwards of 130 members,
and are without a halt spacious enough to accommo
date them when called together on important busi
ness. The Order is advancing with rapid strides, and
many of our mo3t valuable citizens have already en
listed under its banner. The voice of benevolence
and good will to man, is uplifted and eloquent in our
midst, and we are united in the sweet bonds of Cov
enant affection and Fraternal Love.
On the 13th of last month, the citizens of Macon
were gratified by witnessing the first public celebra
tion of this society in their city; on that day ninety
two members, the elite of the place, assembled at
an early hour at Odd Fellows Hall, where, after ar
ranging themselves in full regalia, a procession was
formed under the direction of the Chief Marshall,
Capt. Holmes, assisted by brothers Freeman and
Howell, accompanied by a band of Music. They
marched through Cherry, Second, Walnut and Mul
berry Sts., to the Presbyterian Church, where 4 the
services commenced by a prayer from the worthy
chaplain of the day, Br. Ellison, after which an ad
dress was delivered by the Hon. E. A. Nisbet, in a
manner both honorable to himself, and gratifying to
his audience, a3 the marked attention with which it
was received sufficiently testified. Several appro
priate pieces of Music diversified the performances
which concluded with a prayer from the Rev. Mr.
Hooker, and the benediction from Br. Ellison.
The proceedings of the day were viewed with
manifest interest by all classes of the community,
and the fine appearance of the procession received
high commendation. The banner particularly, which,
on that occasion first waved its silken folds above
them deserves a passing notice. It was composed
of rich materials, and tastefully adorned with allego
ric paintings, executed on a pure white ground.
Upon one side appeared the vestibule of a temple
beneath which was an altar with the huly scriptures
lying open upon it, above this, the words “In God
wo trust,” were printed in golden letters, whilo the
“all-seeing eye” shed its rays over the whole. On
the reverse, a dove was seen descending to earth
with a scroll in his beak bearing the characteristic
motto of “Friendship, Love and Truth,” beneath
him appeared the emblematic clasped hands, and
under all a sketch of a landscape representing the part
ing scene between David and Jonathan, as de
scribed in Kings, 20th chap., and the bow of the cove
nant is here introduced in perspective.
This celebration will long be remembered by the
brethren, as an event of unusual interest. It was in
every respect creditable to the Order, and calculated
to promote its respectability and influence.
“ Lochhat t"*> Spanish Ballads.”
We have noticed with pleasure, that Mr. Boar dm an