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r Jlie most perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least —Costs seast —Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None. —BENTHAM. VOL. I. ' DR. WM. GREEN EDITOR. AA£3F.I3A£7 DSIICOP-AT, PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY W. A. & C. THOMPSON, MULBERRY STREET, MACON, GEO. AT TWO DOX.LAR3 P3H AMHU3I!, B - IN ADVANCE. -OI Rates of Advertising, &c. One square, of 100 words, or less, in small typo, 75 con's for the first insertiou, and 50 cents lor each subsequent inser tion. All Advertisements containing more than 100 and less titan 200 words, will be charged as two squares. To Yearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made. 713=- N. U Sales of LAND, by Administrators, Executors, or Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the mouth, between the hours of 10 111 the fore noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Coun ty in which the property is sittia cd. Notice of these must be given in a public Gazette, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the day of sale. Sales of NEGROES, must he made at public auction, on the first Tuesday of the month, between 1 lie legal hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the let ters testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall have been granted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously given in one of the public gazetis of this State, and at the door s»f the Court House, where such sales are to I c held. Sales of I'EItsSONAL PROPERTY, must h * advertised in tlir* stun ' manner, FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Cieditors of an Estate, must be pub lished FORTY Days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordi nary, for leave to sell LAND, must be published FOUR MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for FOI R MONTHS, before any order absolute shall be made th -reon by the Court. All business of this nature, will receive prompt attention, at the Office of the \M ERIC AN DEMOCRAT. REMITTANCES BY M YIL. —‘‘ A I* »stmaster may on close money, in a letter to tliJ publisher ot a newspaper, to pay the subscription of a thir l person, an l frank the letter, tl written by himself.” A/u-i K-tulti!'. 1* M(S COMMUNICATIONS ai Ire-sed to tile Pro 1.1 sli sits— Pjst P 0 KTRY. TO THE REFORMERS OF ENGLAND. BY JOHN U. WHITTIER. Go t bless ye, brothers! ln the fight Ye're waging nmv, ye cannot fail, For better is your sense of right Than king-craft’s triple mail. Than tyrant’s law or bigot’s ban More mighty is your simplest worJ ; The free heart of an honest man Than crosier or the sword. Go let your bloated Church r, hearse The lesson it has learned so well; It moves not with its prayer or curse Tile gates of Heaven or hell. Let the State s-aTol I rise agiin Did Freedom die when Uussoll died I Forget ye how the blood of Vane From earth’s green bosoui cried ! The great hearts of your olden time Are beating with you full and strong; All holy memories an I sublime And glorious round ye throng. The bluff, bold men ..f Runny mead Are with ye still in times like these: The shades of England’s mighty dead, Your cloud of witnesses ! The truths ye urge arc borne abroad By every win I and every tide; Tlie voice of Nature and of Go I Speaks out upon your side. The weapons which your hau ls have found Arc those which Heaven itself lias wrought, Light, Truth, and Love; —your battle ground The free, broad field of Thought. No partial, selfish purpose breaks The simple beauty of your plan, Nor lie from throne or altar shakes Your steady faith in man. The languid pulse of England starts And bound 1 beneath your words of power; The healing of her million hearts Is with you at this hour ! And Thou who, with undoubting eye, Through present cloud and gathering storm Can’st see the span of Freedom’s sky And sunshine soft and warm Oh, pure Reformer! not in vain Thy generous trust in human kind; The good which Mood-shed could not gain, Thy peaceful zeal shall find. Press on! ihe triumph shall lie won Os common rights and equal laws, The glorious dream of Harrington, And Sidney’s Good Old Cause. Blessing the Colter and the Crown, Sweetening worn Labor’s bitter cup; And, plucking not the highest down, Lifting the lowest up. Press on! —and wo who may not share The toil or glory of your light, May ask, at least, in earnest prayer, God’s blessing on the Right! MUSIC: FROM THE GREEK. T. W. SIIELTO.V. Oh ! why, when the heart was blithe and gay, At tlie joyous fast, on the festal day, Did tbc foolish bards of tin olden time Charm the gay crowd with their notes sublime I And ally did the heavenly sounds advance, On the raptured ear in tlie giddy dance I Better, far better, coul.l Music’s power Lend its sweet aid in the trying hour, When the soul on the billows of grief is tossed, And all that is dearest is lost is lost. When the heart is tortured with agony, Oil! then would the sounds of Music lie A cordial drop in tlie bitter bowl, Making the wounded spirit whole. But when with other raptures gay The throbbing pulses madly play, Wliut need of Music can there be To swell the wild torrent of oestaev I DEMOCRATIC BANKER FREE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; NO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT; AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION.—./. C. C.//-UOI.V. From ihe Madisonian. 3lr. John Minor ilotts. Sufli h ;s been the headlong and, by the cool and dispassionate, universally condemned course of this notorious personage towards the President, tor the last eighteen months, that we frankly confess, when his last attack, published in the Richmond Whig of the 10th May, first made its appearance, we deter mined to leave him in quiet, to the reprobation of ev ery honest and moral member of society; without re ply. Kven now we are not aware of any respectable and decent journal in the country, having soiled its columns with the mass of trash and profanity with which Mr. Butts furnished the public through the Richmond Whig. Nor would we for one moment condescend to honor such siulf with a single remark, but for the fact, that it contains ray much the same matter with which the /'resilient was charged by the ultra members of the Whig party in ’4l the PE GULIARISTS, whose scavenger Mr. Botts has con tented himself to be. We took the most charitable view which we could of his conduct, and ascribed to it the consummate folly and cocknicd conceit of a braggart, whoso talents did not enable him to dist n guisii between notoriety and fame, and the summit of whose ambition, in his own very exalted estimation, was to he obtained by a conflict, as he presumed, with the President of the Ux. ted States. By such a conflict his name, however ingloriously, or Eroslratus-like, would at least lie handed down to posterity —and though forever to be execrated, yet to be remembered, from its forced connection with a worthy and much revered object. In this view we deemed it best to let him alone in his profligacy, to abide the calm auJ effectual judgment of his coun trymen. Since we have reflected further, and had placed in our possession important papers which throw light upon the eventful period of 41, and which the cause of truth and jus ice demands tiiat we should make j public, we have thought proper to renew the subject, j The American People have an interest in the fair j fame of their public servants, and above all in that of j their Chief Mig Ist rale. The cause of liberty suffers | by the imputatio 1 cast upon her institutions through | which there has been placed at the head of the Gov- j eminent a Chief represented as a demon in human shape— a man devoid of honesty abhorred of vir tue, and denounced by truth monarchists and au tocrats and all enemies of free government who despise the People and dispute their capacity for self-government, find in such aspersions new cau se- for deriding Republics, and ne.v incentives for magnifying the horrors of H n wracy. The fabri cations of Mr. John Minor Botts, therefore,should he exposed, not for the purpose of sinking him to any lower death of infamous notoriety than that which , he already occupies, but for she purpose of letting the “good men and true” of all associations in the coun try .understand h jw detestable has been the falsehood how loathso ne the calumny that a portion of a political party has been willing to employ against the object ofthoir hatred. But why has Mr Botts and his associates thought proper to enter into such wholesale and barbarous denunciation of President Tyler 1 what were the s mtiments entertained by them towards him during all previous time to tlie Bank vetoes 1 It may be a little curious to see. In a review of tlie past we of ten find wisdom and correctness, and Sometimes are restored to that proper train of thought which ena bles us to do justice to the present. In the records of the past we find these expressions of opinions at the time of Mr. Tyler s accession to the Presidency. Tile Richmond Whig, says: “John Tyler is now elevated to the head of the Whig party and the American People. Ills own merit an I the decree of fate have placed him in the first place among men. That he will worthily dis charge it that he will pursue with unfaltering steps the good of the country, we have no shadow of doubt.” The Courier and Enquirer, says: “John Tyler is a high-minded, honorable and frank gentleman, and a Whig, whose talents secured for him the nomination and support of the people for the second station in the world,” &c., &c. The Intelligencer speaks of “ his high, character, known sentiments, and unspotted patriotism. ' The New York Evening '- tar, says: “President Tyler is an old and tried Republican, in whom the public may place the utmost confi dence.” Tlie Boston Atlas, say'3 : “if any thing could console us for the severe be reavement under which we are now languishing, it wool I be the reflection that the succession to the Chief Magistracy falls upon one who is every way worthy to fill the high station to which he has been so unexpectedly called. The exalted character, supe rior attainments, and eminent scrcices ot the Hon. John Tyler, are asulfinent guaranty to the people, &c., &e. He is a Virginian of firm and unbending principles, of sterling integrity, and unwavering at tachment to tlie Constitution.” The Massachusetts Spy, says : “General Harrison is succeeded by John Tyler, of Virginia, an able and honest statesman .” The II trlfo.-d Courant, says : “Those who are acquainted with Mr. Tyler, think well of his talents, principles, and character.” The Alexandria Gazette, says : “We have now at the head of the Government a high-minded, true-hearted, patriotic Virginian.” The Baltimore Patriot declared that Mr. Tyler, of all others, was the man to assume the mantle of the dead President; and the publisher claimed the credit of being the first man in America who had proposed the name ot “honest Juhn lylcr fur the 1 resi dency. The N. Y. Journal of Commerce, says: “In reviewing Mr. Tyler’s political career, it will he found replete with instances of sturdy indepen dence, of patriotic disinterestedness, of circumspec tion and toleration. His private life lias been marked in a no less eminent degree by strict justice, scrupulous honor, amiable sentiment, ahd moral parity." These arc merely some few extracts taken from tlie mass of applause of John Tyler by the Whig pr-ssu ion his accession, baaed upon their knowledge of his past chancier. The sentiments of approba tion up m the appearance of his Inaugural, the In telligencer states, swept ov- r the Union. Asa sam ple,wc give the following from tlie Richmond Whig: “The course which President Tyler will pursue is no.v before the country; wc anti cipate for it the hearty and enthusiastic approbation of the American People. The hacks of faction may cavil; dema gogues and envenomed partisans may sneer, {Ho c f, ii lr 1!V„V wort's ' corrupt anil unworthy of MACON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 21, 1843. fice-holders, who have abused their trusts, may tremble in their shoes at the sword suspended over their heads. Federal sinccurists and men who study to make a tiring by plundering the people, the bone and sinew of the land, will applaud and rejoice." (How true.) “The ship of State, under a fearless, trustworthy, and in corruptible commander, is once more careering gaily over the glad waters, and hastening to realize the patriotic hopes of a great and liberty-loving People.” True! true! true! All true, Mr. Pleasants. The Courier and Enquirer also says : “The feeling which pervades Ihe address is that of a sound statesman and a high-minded and honorable man. It is impossible not to see and acknowledge in every line the pure heart of a patriot." And so on of the rest. We could fill a volume with such like quotations, but tbese are enough to show the estimation in which Mr. Tyler was held by the whole Whig press and the Whig politicians of the country. The question now arises, and that which we pro pose to examine is, why shoul 1 this general estima tion of Mr. Tyler as a “patriot.” “firm and true to the constitution,” an “enlightened statesman,” a “pure and intellectual politician,” a “high-minded, lofty, and noble man ;” virtuous, just, and honest,” an 1 all else to be respected, esteemed, and admired have been so suddenly changed to that of “perfidious wretch,” “nefarious traitor,” “unprincipled man," “the accidency of an accident,” “the miserable thing at the head of the Government,” “a second rate county court lawyer,” &c., &c. 1 Was it for the sin gle reason that he did not approve the Bank of the United States —or was all the “justice,” “virtue,” “honor,” “talent,” “unflinching integrity,” and “ex alted patriotism,” which a man could possess, sum med up and embraced in the single idea that he was in favor of sanctioning a Bank of the Uniled States 1 If so, then none other than a bank man could, in their estimation, possess “honor,” “justice,” “talent,” or “integrity.” And yet Air. Tyler, as we shall see, has ever been opposed to a bank. And those who indulged in their encomiums of him, all knew his history politically and privately, and if denunciations fro.n them followed upon his vetoes of the bank bills, the facts prove falsification and treachery upon them. Let ns, for a moment, review these facts. Tlie Pre sident, from his first entrance into political life, was opposed to such an institution, and so the public re cords bear testimony, viz: In 1819, not very long latter his iniatiation into Congress, he was placed rupon the committee tin n appointed to examine into the condition of the United States Bank, and wc find him rising upon the motion of the Hon. J. C. Spen cer to issue a scire facias against the institution, and thus declaring his opinions : He said “Thequestion whether it would be proper to direct a scire facias against the Bank divides itself into two heads of inquiry. First, whether the charter has been so violated as to ensure a forfeiture 1 And if so, is it expedient to exact the forfeiture 4 The decision ! of the first would preclude me from an inquiry into the second. For, sir, inasmuch as 1 believe the crea tion of this corporation UNCONSTITUTIONAL, I cannot, without a violation of my oath, hesitate to repair the breach thus male on the Constitution IT WHEY AY OPPORTUYITY PRESEYTS 1 TSELF OF DOING SO! without violating the public faith. But believing also, that it is EXPEDI ENT TO PUT IT DOWN, and other gentlemen feeling themselves at liberty to follow up that inquiry, 1 propose to express to you my views on that sub ject.” “I think that the incorporation of the U. S. Bank was calculated to delay the resumption of specie payments on the part of the State Banks. “For one, 1 enter my protest against the Banking system as conducted in this country; a system not to be supported by any correct principle of economy. A gross delusion the dream of a visonary —a system that has done more to corrupt the minds of society than any tiling else which has introduced a struggle for wealth, instead of the honorable struggle which governs the actions of a patriot, and makes ambition virtue— which has made the husbandman spurn his cottage, and introduced a spirit of luxury at variance with the simplicity of our institutions. “1 call upon the warm advocates of banking, now to surrender their errors. Shall 1 take them by the hand, and lead them through our cities 4 Bankruptcy meets us at every step; ruin stares us every where in the face. Shail Ibe told of the benefits arising to commerce from the concentration of capital 4 Away with the delusion. HAS EX POSED ITS FALLACY.^ “I protest against the idea that the Government cannot do without this Bank. We are not dependent on this corporation. Wretched indeed would be our situation if such was the case.” Yo language can be more explicit none more powerful in opposition to a Bank of the United States. Again, in 1833, when a member of the Senate of the United States, when the bill to re-charter the Bank was before that body, we find him voting against the charter. “The question being on the passage of the bill ‘to modify and continue the act to in -corporate the sub scribers to the Bank of the United States;’ those who voted against the bill were ‘Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Brown, Dickerson, Dudley, Ellis, Forsyth, Grundy, Haynes, Hill, Hill, Kane, King, Mangum, Marcy, Miller, Moore, Tazewell, Troup, TYLER, W hitc. Sec Niles' Register, rot. 43, page 394. Acain his public speeches and letters during the canvass of 1840, prove his opposition to a Bank. On the third day of October, he thus expressed himself j in reply to the of the Henrico Committee. ; That relating to the Bank was thus framed: “Should General Harrison be elected President, j almost at the age of three score and ten years, there is no extravagance in supposing that the four years’ term to which ho has been pledged by himself and friends, may lie anticipated by the course of nature, j and the Executive power be thereby devolved on you. In contemplation of such a casualty, and yielding to ; a sincere anxiety to preserve our liberty and happi ness, we take leave to request of you prompt aim ex plicit answers to the following inquiries” I “5. Do you believe the Congress of the United States to be vested with power, by the Constitution, ;to charter a National Bank 4 Would you consider sti -h an incorporation, though wair nted by the C.institution, as mischi-vous in its cileets upon the pursuits and habits of our people, .and, from the in fluence it would be capable of exerting, upon the in dependenoe of our elections 4 Would you veto a bill chartering a National Bank 4” To this question Mr. Tyler returned the following answer: “3. In reply to the first branch of your inquiry, 1 quote and adopt the language of General Harrison, in bis speech delivered at Dayton : “There is not in tlie Constitution any express grant of power for such purpose; and it could never he constitutional to exer cise that power, save in the erenl the powers granted to Congress could not he carried into effect without re sorting to such an institution.” The latter branch of your inquiry is fully answered by my answer to the first part. The Constitution confers on Congress, in express terms, “all powers which are necessary and proper” to carry into effect the granted powers Now if “the power granted” could not be carried into effect without incorporating a Bank, then it becomes “necessary and proper,” and of course expedient a conclusion which 1 presume no one would deny who desired the existence of the Government pre served. and kept beneficially in operation. Whether I would or would not cxeit the r do, it will be time enough for me to say when 1 am either a candidate for, or an expectant of, the Presidential office— neither of which I expect ever to be. If your ques tion had been so varied as to have inquired of me what coarse l would pursue if derated to the I ’ice Presiden cy, and I should be called upon to rote upon a bill for the incorporation of a Hunk, you should here had a di rect and emphatic answer. As- it is, l hare only to re fer yon to my sjieech delirered in he House of Repre sentatives of the United States, in 1819, on the question of a scire facias against the Rank, and my rote giren in the Senate of t'le United States in 1833, on the question of re-chartering the late Rant:." It has been seen that in 1819 tlie vote to which Mr. Tyler alludes, was given by him in favor of res uniting the Bank charter. The speech ho then delivcied was against its constitutionality and expediency. And it has also been seen that his vote in 1833 was against the renewal if the Rank charter. On the sth October, 181), whi'e in O'.iio, the Democratic citizens of Steubenvill e addressed him the following question: “Do you believe in the constitu tionality of a Bank of the United States V‘ To which he thus answered: “My opinion of the power of Congress to charter a Bank of the United States remains unchanged [from that of 1819 and 1832 J There is not in the Constitution any express grant of power for such a purpose, and it never could be constitutional to exercise that power, save in the event the powers granted to Congress could not be carried out without resorting to such an institution.” Such necessity Mr. Tyler declares, in an alter letter to a friend, he believes “not yet to have arrived.” And again, in 1840, Mr. Tyler emphatically de clared his opinion against the constitutionality of a Rank of the United States, to the Democratic citizens of Pittsburg, in answer to a similar question to that proposed to him at Steubenville. The history of that letter Mr. Wise thus gives to the Intelligencer: “During the session of 1839 and 1840, Mr. Tyler addressed to me, in Washington, a letter from Will iamsburg, Virginia, saying that a meeting of the Democrats of the city of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, had called on him especially to say whether he would, in any event, sanction the incorporation of a United States Bank; he enclosed me the proceedings of their meeting and their resolutions, and sent to me his reply, with instructions to submit it to the leeding members of the Whig party for them to determine whether it should be transmitted to Pittsburg, and be published, or not. The substance of the reply I re member well—it was spirited and explicit. After examining the right of all citizens to call for his sen timents on all public questions, and stating that the fair object of all such calls should always be to enable the clec'ors to cast their votes intelligibly, according to their own conviction of right, after knowing tbc true opinions of candidates, he expressed the opinion which he had ever entertained, that a Bank of the United States was unconstitutional, and that he could not sanction the incorporation of one, inthopt an a'tcra tion of the Constitution. He then emphatically asked those who addressed him, if these were their senti ments, whether they would maintain them at the polls, or whether their object was to divide tlie Whig party by publishing them to the country 4 This re ply thus given, I did submit to several Whig mem bers of Congress whose opinions 1 thought most en titled to respect and deference, and they decided it was impolitic to give it publicity, that Mr. 'l'ylcr s opinions icere already known, and that it was unneces sary to array them directly against those of many who were in favor of a Bank —and all who made the Bank a test could ascertain his sentiments in the past ■which had never been recanted, and no one could plead that they either had been concealed or that any de ception was practiced. I accordingly returned the papers to Mr. Tyler. This was after the nomination, and before the election. The leaders here could not pretend that they did not know what he would do with respect to a Bank.” However, much the Whig press and party may declare that these facts were not sufficient to convince them of his opposition to a Bank, or else they would not have lavished upon him such encomiums as we have quoted, we assert that they were enough to have satisfied any sane person of such opposition and we moreover declare, that these very men were satisfied of this hostility on his part, and knew it at the very time that they changed their tone from the highest applause to the basest and lowest denunciations. We prove it by these facts. The “ Boston Atlas,” (and no paper has been more virulent against the President for the last twelve months,) of the middle ot April, 1811, says “ Air. Tyler remained in the Senate his entire term of six years. In 1833, he was re-elected —up jo which time he had been a moderate, although a decided supporter of the administration of Andrew Jackson. Mr. Tyler was opposed to the rechartcr of the late U- S. Rank." And in the “ Richmond Whig,” of April, 30th, 1811, than which Botts himself has not been more abusive, we find this language in its leading edi torial : Virginia and the Administration* Should Virginia, in the elections just passed, have returned a majority of opponents to the new Admin istration, it would be a singular commentary upon lier professed devotion to the will of the People, and a singular instance of the blindness and rage of fac tion triumphing over reason, patriotism and common sense. In the first place, 19 States and ail electoral n a,o - iiv of 171, the largest known to our history, have in stalled the existing Administration. AV as no defer ence due to the voice of so immense a majority ot | our countrymen —no respect to the decision of 19 s States 4 Nay, was nothing due to the old reputation of Virginia for steadiness, principle and integrity 4 Must she, of all others, set the example of rushing into faction opposing an Administration before it was formed —an Administration headed by her own son —and arraying herself against it before its policy was developed 4 It is in vain to say that the AP PREHENSION OF A I?ANK TO WHICH VIRGINIA IS OP POSED, JUSTIFIES TIIE PREMATURE HOSTILITY. It IS NOT CERTAIN THAT THE ADMINISTRATION WILL AP PROVE a Bank. Join Tyler has beentrne through life to HEn doctrines the leaders of the other |virty, one and all, what ever they now profess, have been false and faithless whenever the opjiortunity presented. Wc challenge the recorJs ! As it respects Van Buren, Benton, Buchanan, Calhoun, and all of them—we affirm that they have been false ands itliless all, as to every Virginia doctrine icliilc John Tyler has never aban doned one of them, in a public career, running now through fire and twenty years ! How absurd then, how factious, how unworthy of hir better days, is the conduct of Virginia, if she means at this time to array herself against the Ad ministration! 4 And the National Intelligencer of the 17th August, 1811, in its article upon the Veto, says : “ We knew that in times past the President had, in both branches of the National Legislature, declared his personal conviction of the unconstitutionality of a National Bank.' Further evidence will be seen in the letters of Generals Thompson and Green, which we shall pre sently give. These facts prove that the encomiums bestowed upon President Tyler, were elicited in the same manner in which the correspondent of the Bos ton Atlas, in his letter of the 1 Gilt A j ril, 1841, from Balti more, states his nomination at Harrisburg to have been, a iz : “ The nomination of Mr. Tvler at Harrisburg was urge 1 and obtained solely upon the estimate formed of his character, as it appeared from his acts as a pub lic man, and from the peculiar position of the Presi dential canvass of 1839.” Those acts, so far as the Bank question was con cerned, we have seen always to have been in opposi tion, and never once in favor of that measure. They prove, moreover, that the denunciations which have been indulged in from the same sources were based upon a deeper intent than any which co:.l I have orig inated in the Veto of the Bank bills on his part. ln deeJ, if we chose we could strongly question whether the Bank question was involved in the contest of 1819. In Virginia, if the authors of the Whig ad dress are to be believed, it certainly was not; lor what is their language 4 It is this : “ But if opinions upon the Tariff, Internal Improve ments, and the Bank or a Bank, be the tests of Re publicanism, how stands Geneial Harrison in com parison with Mr. Van Buren 4 We answer, that upon the Tariff and Internal Improvements, he can not be worse than Mr. Van Buren,’’as we haveshown you ; and as to the Rant, lies UNQUALIFIED dec l.ration that it nets UNCONSTITUTIONAL is be fore you, and there is no reason to bc’ieve tluit he is in favor of a Bank in any form, for he is openly op posed to a Government Bank. As far ns wo know or BELIEVE, General Harrison has but one opinion about the Rank, AND THAT IS AGAINST IT; and in conclusion, of Mr. Tyler, it is said, against such charges we shall not attempt to vindicate one whom you have so often pronounced a REPUBLI CAN.” And in an article entitled “ ‘Views’ of the Rich mond Enquirer revieweJ,” answering a disquisition of the Enquirer, upon the subject of a Bank of the United States, the “Intelligencer,” the great central paper of the Whig party in 1840, has the following pass igc: “ Though the question of a Rank is not now before the country, anJ is dragged into the present discussion only to help the Enquirer out in a weak cause by on appeal to well-understood prejudices in its own State, we have no objection to the discussion into which the Enquirer leads the way. We shall reverse the order, however, which that print pursues, and con sider General Harrison’s relation to thequestion first, lest in the wide range into which the Enquirer’s his torical view of the subject may lead us, we should lose sioht of what little connection it has with the quali fications of General Harrison for the office of Presi dent of the United States. It is a fortunate circum stance that the name of General Harrison has not been so mixed lip with the question of a National Rank as to make him obnoxious on that ground to any reasona ble practical man.” This naturally leads us to the inquiry, What were the real intentions and motives of the Clay Whigs in their violent denunciations of the President 4 With the knowledge of the facts which we have given as regards the known opinions of the President through life on the question of a Bank, and the position of the Whig party in relation to it during the canvass of 1810, it is in vain to say that the hue and cry raised against the President upon his vetoes of the Bank bills, arose from a sincere desire of the Whig party in Congress to have a Bank, or because they for one moment supposed the President guilty of “ treachery and perfidy,” as they charged. Other and more potent causes must have existed, and did exist, to account for their conduct. They are to be found in the deliberate plot or conspiracy, which is in our belief they formed, to place the President in such a situation as would either cause him to commit an act of high moral turpitude, and thereby render himself unworthy the public favor, or else subject h imself to the censure of the whole Whig party, and thus to force up on him a RESIGNATION of his office. We are warranted in indulging in this belief from facts, which to our mind are conclusive, for instance, the first which strikes our attention is the refusal of Mr. Clay, at a personal interview with the President, to receive or listen to any com; ronise upon thequestion ot a Bank from tlie President, and his rejection of Ew ing’s bill. Thus, at the outset, bringing about by his personal action, that very disunion and d.s ord which the President, it will be seen, in the letters of Green and Thompson, stroveso h-.rd to avoid through the loftiest and most patriotic considerations. But Mr. Clay saw distinctly that nothing eouIJ prevent the re-election of Mr. Tyler if the currency question was settled. As General Green states, it was abso lutely necessary to keep that question iqieii, in order to insure the slightest chance of success to any other man than Mr. Tyler. m Secondly. Mr. Botts, in his Coffee House Letter, of August IG, 1841, thus writes: “ Our Captain Tyler is making a desperate ofl'ort to set himself up with the LocoFocos, but lie’ll be headed yet, and i regret to say it will end badly for him. lie will be an object of execration with both W. A. Sc C. THOMPSON PUBLISHERS. ■ NO. 6. parties —with one for vetoing our bill, which was bad enough ; with the other for signing a worse one; hut ho is hardly entitled to sympathy. He has re fused to listen to the admonitions and entreaties of his best friends, and looked only to tlie whisperings of ambitious and designing mischief-makers that have collected around him. “ The veto will lie received without a word, laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. To night we must and will settle matters as quietly as possible, but they must be settled. Yours, &c. “JNO. M. BOTTS.” “ P. S. You'll get a Bank bill, I think, but one that will serve only to fasten him, and to which no stock will be subscribed; and when he finds out that he is not wiser in banking than all the rest of the world, we may get a better. The excitement here is tremen dous, but it will be smothered tor the present.” Here wc have the object only avowed of "fasten ing” the President. Thirdly. A gentleman of the strictest veracity, on the same day, thus wrote the I’rcsident: “ The caucus last evening, after much disagree ment, came to the resolution to pass a Bank hill on Mr. Ewing’s plan. The object seems to be your de struction and a dissolution <f the Ca'inet. They say that you and the Cabinet stand (lodged to support that scheme, and that you cannot now assent to it “ergo,” a veto of that would place you fully in tho arms of the Locos, and vour Cabinet would abandon you. This is the calculation. Mr. Russell and Mr. Taliif rro, of the House, are my informants. 1 un derstand you were denounced in the most unmeas ured terms, by Mangum and Holts particularly. It is asserted confidently that Mr. Crittenden will re sign.” Fourthly. We have Mr. Butts again: “ House of Representatives, Aug. 10, 1811. My Dear Sir : I feel that our relations, resting on political associations for some years (east, ar.d tho warm personal regard 1 have always entertained for you, and the interest 1 have felt and manifested for your individual and poli ia 1 welfare, will plead my apology, if not justification, for addressing you on a subject, the probable consequence of which 1 lock upon with the most awful apprehension. It is generally understood that you arc to veto the Bank bill. If it is so, have you contemplated the consequences in all its bearings 1 Can your Cabinet sustain you in the veto 4 Will they not be compelled to resign 4 lor whatever may he your views of the principles upon which you came into power, it cannot bo denied that those upon which they have been sus tained by the country, require at their hands an ear nest support of the measure that has been demanded by tbc People, through Ihi ir Representatives, by a majority exceeding tlie entire representation of Vir ginia and South Carolina, the two States in which the strongest opposition is supposed in exist If the present Cabinet should be dissolved on that ground, could yftu assemble around you another from the NVh'g party 4 You certainly could not! Could you from the utlier party 4 It is equally clear that you could not, if you were disposed, and I hope, equal ly sure that you would not if you could. They could not sustain you in the scheme of a Bank to which you have committed yourself already! Nor could they support you in tbc Distribution bill: nor, indeed, in any of the principles you profess, and upon which you have been supported by the great boJy of the American People. You would then he thrown back upon the fragment ofsecedcrs —“the Republican portion of the Whig party,” os they style themselves. Now, let me ask you, could you rally around you a Cabinet of such iiieu from that party, so distributed through, or se lected from the different sections of the country, as would command the cunfiden e or respect of the country 4 But if you could, what measure could be adopted for carrying on tha financial operations of the Government 4 The Sub- Treasury i; repealed, anil Ike deposite sys tem of ’3G, is also repealed in one house anil will pass the other. Congress will not consent to take the plan suggested by the Secretary of the Treasury. WILL YOU NOT, UNDER THESE CIRCUMSTANCES, FIND IT IM POSSIBLE TO CARRY ON THE GOVERN MENT, AND WILL NOT A RESIGNATION BE FORCED UPON YOU 4 On the contrary, if you car. reconcile this bill to your stfi all is sunshine and calm : your ad ministration will meet with the warm, hearty, zealous support of the whole Whig party, and when you retire from the great thea tre of National politics, it will Le with the thanks, and plaudits, and approbation of your countrymen. Take these suggestions my dear sir, into consider ation ; take them particularly, I beg you, in the spirit in which they are offered, and ascribe them to the ar dent zeal of one who feels a deep solicitude*!for your own fame and happiness, and for the harmoiij.y and piosperity of our common country, and belieWtoe, with UNAFFECTED SINCERITY, Your friend, JOHN M. BOTTS. To the President Os chc CntceJ .males. Mr. Botts here distinctly states that in case tho President vetoes the Bank “his resignation will be forced upon him.” Here let us compare the first and second pictures presented by Mr. Botts, with his after declarations, made in his speech in the House of Representatives upon the second Bank veto. In the first place, in that speech, he denies haring written the President a '■friendly letter ” about the time that he wrote the Coffee House letter, and declares that the assertion to this effect is a “falsehood .” The date of the one is August the 10th —and of the other August 10th. In the one, he swears he will head the President. In tho other, he declares himself to bo with “ unaffected sincerity his friend.” Upon this point, then, it appears that Mr. Botts has deliberately ...and knowingly declared to an Again, in his speech of September 10th, on the se cond veto, he says “ He, the President, asked for more time to consummate his mischievous designs with the ‘ opposition party’ within the short space of twenty days, with a view to secure his own re-elec tion, he detached himself from his friends and his party and t hrew himself into the arms of the opposi tion.’ &c., &c. What says he in his letter of Au gust 10;h that it would tc impossible for him to rally around him a Democratic Cabinet, and the party could not and icoi-l l net sustain him Strangs-, then, that the President should have played a game to become attached to a party which would not sustain him, and which could not elect him. He must certainly have been verv “ambitious,' at least, to be defeated. It