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Horrors of Waterloo.
The late Sir Charles Bell, in a
published in the Memoirs and
pondenceof Francis Homer, gf 08 the
lollowing harrowing account' 1 ' IIS sur
gical practice on the wouiu al 1116 bat
tle of Waterloo : _ , „ ,
July, 1815.
« My Dear — I write this to
you, after havingK oll *»« days at home,
engaged in my** sua l occupations, and,
con iequently disenchanted of the horrors
of the battl/ of Waterloo, I feel relief in
this. lor/Ctainly if 1 had written to you
from Russels, I should have appeared
very extravagant. An absolute revolu
tion took place in my economy, body and
eight hours sleep, found first three hours,
and then one hour and a half sufficient,
after days of the most paii.ful cxcitemei t
and bodily exertion.
“ After I had been five days engaged
with the prosecution of my object, I
found that the best cases, that is, the most
horrid wounds left totally without assist
ance, were to be found in the hospital of
the French wounded. The hospital was
only forming; they were even then bring
ing these poor creatures in from the
woods. It is impossible to convey to you
the picture of human misery continually
before my eyes. What was heart-rend
ing in the day was intolerable at night;
and I rose and wrote, at four o’clock in
the morning, to the chief surgeon Gun
ning, offering to perform the necessary
operations upon the French. At six o’-
clock I took the knife in my hand, and
continued incessantly at work till seven
in the evening; and so the second day,
and again the third day.
“ All the decencies of performing sur
gical operations were soon neglected:
while I amputated one man’s thigh, there
lay at onetime thirteen, all beseeching to
be taken next; one full of entreaty, one
calling upon me to remember my prom
ise to take him, another exec rat in r. It
was a strange thing to feel my clothes
stiff with blood, and my arms powerless
with the exertion of using the knife ; and
more extraordinary still to find myself
calm amidst such variety of suffering;
but to give one of these objects access to
your feelings was to allow yourself to be
unmanned for the performance of a duty.
It was less painful to look upon the
whole, than to contemplate one object.
“ When I first went round the wards
of the wounded prisoners, my sensations
were very extraordinary. We had every
where heard of the manner in which
these men had fought, nothingcould sur
pass their devotedness. In a long ward,
containing fifty, there was no expression
of suffering, no one spoke to his neigh
bor. There was a resentful, sullen rig
idness of face, a fierceness in their dark
eyes, as they lay half covered in the
sheets.
“Sunday. I was interrupted, and
now I began to perceive I was falling in
to the mistake of attempting to convey to
you the feelings which took possession of
me, amidst the miseries of Brussels. Af
ter beiug eight days among the wounded,
I visited the field of battle. The view of
the field, the gallant sotries, the charges,
the individual instances of enterprise and
valor, recalled me to the sense which the
world has of victory and Waterloo. But
this was transient, a gloomy, uncomfort
able view of human nature is the inevit
able consequence of looking upon the
whole as I did, as l was forced to do.
“It is a misfortune to have our senti
ments so at variance with the universal
sentiment. But there must ever be asso
ciated with the honors of Waterloo, to
my eyes, the most shocking signs of wo ;
to my ear accents of entreaty; outcry
from the manly breast, interrupted by
forcible expressions of the dying, ancl
noisome smells. I must show you my
note books, for as I took my notes of ca
ses generally by sketching the object of
our remarks, it may convey an excuse
for this excess of sentiment.”
Faithfully yours,
C. BELL.
A Speech by O’Connell,
The repeal affair in Cork was very
brillaint. It is said that upwards of 500,-
000 persons were congregated on this oc
casion. A Cork paper says
“ The procession alone, occupied ex
actly three hours and five minutes in
passing the Liberator’s carriage, from the
higher to the lower rood, when tremen
dous cheers were given for the Liberator.
When the procession passed, the Libera
tors carriage immediately followed : the
roads throughout were lined with horse
men, cars, and carriages ; the field and
heights were occupied by countless thous
ands, whose enthusiastic shouts rent the
air, the Liberator echoing them by cries
of ‘ Repeal !’ ‘Old Ireland !? The car
riages then followed, with a train of cars,
divisions of equestrians, &e., which oc
cupied several miles of the road. At
Gian mire, the window frames were all
removed. Well dressed ladies occupied
the windows, and cheered and waved
handkerchiefs as the procession passed.
The procession reached the Chamber of
Commerce at seven o’clock.”
In the evening a grand banquet took
place at Batty’s Circus. Nine hundred
persons sat down to dinner. We subjoin
a portion of O’Connell’s after dinner ora
tion :
“ Next comes out my Lord Brougham,
[Loud and continued hisses.] \\ hy, h e
agrees with my esteemed friend and rela
tive, Mr. Fagan, that the country most
naturally productive is Ireland. I say
to him, I admit she has natural advanta
ges, but why not have tlie benefit of them?
But, mind you this, my Lord Brougham,
and this is die secret, she has not been
governed by herself. [ClieersJ Lord
Brougham talks of ‘ coercionit is a
very nice thing to talk of. But who is
tae man that threatens us ? [Hear.] It
is Brougham. [Loud hisses.J He tried
coercion before, and detsroyed the whigs.,
The bill he brought into the Lords was
infinitely worse than that brought into
the Commons. It containe Ia clause al
lowing the government to take a man out
of any county in Ireland, charged with
libel, and bring him to England there
to trv him. [Oh, oh !] Oh, it was the
most atrocious and despotic measure ever
contemplated. [Hear, hear.] Lord Broug
ham ! [Groans.] False to his friends,
treacherous to his party, fawning to those
in power—the disgrace to literature, the
foul stain on talent, the reproach of eve
ry thing like patriotism—[Hear]—selfish,
grovel l?ng, submissive to those in author
ity, and opposing every person who had
nothin? on his side but virtue and right.
[Prolonged cheering.] Well, next to
Brougham, who is our opponent ? Why,
the Duke of Wellington, to be sure.
[Groans.] The poor man says he is
much abused here in Ireland ; now, that
is not the fact; he is only laughed at, and
so ought. Next comes Sir Robert Peel.
[Groans.] And he repeats the assertion
of the corporal. [Laughter and groans ]
He repeats the blunder anJsays he would
not listen to all Ireland, were she to ex
claim — ay, were she to exclaim, she
would do so in vain [oh, oh]—but
lie must and shall hear us. As Voltaire
said of Mahomet, ‘He began hv impos
ing religion on others and ended hy im
posing it on himself.’ Peel is that Ma
homet. [( ’heers ] What do we care for
him? [Cries of ‘Nothing.’] We vio
late no law—we transgress no statutes.”
Tl»" Wealth of Antiquity.
We find in antiquity some instances of
splendid wealth. While writing mag
nificent treatises upon contempt for rich
es, Seneca had contrived to amass a for
tune of 85,000,000 francs. An astrolo
ger named Lentulus, was content with
5(5,000,000 francs. When Tiberius died,
642,000,000 francs were found in his cof
fers—not a franc less. In less than a
year good Caligula spent the whole of it;
there remained not an as, not a quad
rant. The debts of Milo amounted to
120,000,000 francs. Ctesar had not 49,-
000,000 francs, but 49,000,000 creditors
before be obtained any public office ; the
poor fellow was soon enabled to present
Cario with 12,000,000 francs, and Lucius
Panins with 7, 00,000, in order to de
tach them from the party opposed to
him; he one day begged Servilia, the
mother of Brutus, to accept a trifle in the
shape of a pearl, worth 550,000,000 francs.
Mark Anthony’s house was sold to Mes
alla for 10.000,000. A fire destroyed
Scaurus’s villa ; the loss was reckoned at
22,000,000 francs. When Crnssus sup
ped with Lucullus, the cost of a sans
ceremonie meal amounted to between 40
and 100,000 francs, and after the death
of that refined consul the fishes that swam
in the pond of his country house were
sold for the trifle of 700,000 francs.
Otho spent 26,000,000 on the finishing
of a wing of a palace commenced by Ne
ro. One of the Caligula’s dinner cost 1,-
800,000 francs. Heliogabnlus was more
parsimonious ; one of his breakfasts only
required 500,000 francs. ./Esopus swal
lowed a pearl worth 200,000 francs —a
gastronomic example also set by Cleopa
tra. The JSsopus we advert to, (his son
hy the bye, melted precious stones to
drink at his entertainments !) was not us
you may well suppose, the jolly fabulist
and Greek hunchback whom every hody
is acquainted with ; but Claudius iEso
pus, and actor on the Roman stage, very
intimate with Cicero; this opulent his
torian earned in one day more than eight
hundred Stoic, Pythagoric or Peripateti
cian philosophers could pocket in a year.
Api us, the most celebrated gourmet of
the ‘eternal city,’ devoured (we use the
proper word,) 14,000,000 francs; he then
examined his financial situation, when
the poor creature found that all that re
mained was 1,950,000 francs ; foreseeing
that he must die of hunger, he committed
suicide. Crassus, when he went to fight
the Partitions, and lie killed by them, was
the possessor of landed estates worth 40,-
000,000; his slaves, furniture and trink
ets were fortunately of a little more val
ue.— Sears' Family Magazine.
We republish the following 1 compilation of ex
tracts, not to fix the charge of inconsistency or ter
giversation upon any hotly, but as a proof of the old
maxim, “that people who live in glass houses should
not throw stones.” That is, they should not so in
discriminately charge every body who happens to
differ from them, with the gentle crimes of incon
sistency, tergiversation, treachery, rcnegadeisuiatid
treason.
Beauties of Whiggery.
The Whig papers express much as
tonishment, because of the old Union
party having adopted Mr. Calhoun as
one of their candidates for nomination to
the Presidency. We liave selected a few
“ elegant extracts” from tlie Whig diary,
which the pure and spotted soi disant
whigs are at liberty to “read and circu
late.”
“ Mr. Clay has long since forfeited all
claims to the suffrages of the South, by
his zealous support of the Tariff; anti
his advocacy of the Force Bill, will af
ford an additional reason for his receiv
ing the determined opposition of the
State Rights Party.” —Georgia
Journal, Dec. 25, 1838.
“We can never support the distin
guished Orator, whose powerful elo
quence, has in many instances been di
rected against the interests of the South.
We can never support an advocate of the
“ Force Bill”—we cannot support “ Har
ry ot the West.”— Georgia Journal,
Feb. 26, 1839.
“ We were among those who believed
Mr. Clay was icedded to a IJ. S. Bank,
but events its they have transferred, con
vinces us that we were in error,” “H e
are pleased that he bus abandoned the
project and sincerely ho, e that the ener
gies of his great and powerful mind, will
be directed to the support of what we
conceive to be more btnencial to the
country.”— Georgia Journal, May 28,
1839. ’
“ The opposition which is made to
Henry Clay by the State Rights Party,
is one of principle. They have no pre
dilections for him as President of the U
nited States, nor love for his political
creed. He has always been the open
and avowed, but generous opposer of
iheir doctrines. They cannot, to be con
sistent, cast their suffrages in bis favor,
and opposition to his election, will be as
firmly persevered in, as will be the op
position of the same party, to Martin \ an
Buren.”— Georgia Journal , June 11,
1839.
“ We will strive to promote the cause
of State Rights, by placing before the
people, the acts and opinions of a distin
guished son of Georgia, (G. M. Troup,)
in contrast with those of Martin Van Bu
ren and Henry Clay.”— Georgia Jour
nal, July 9,1839.
“ Mr. Clay has identified himself with
a course of policy on the part of the Fed
eral Government which is in our opinion
no less unjust than injurious to the best
interests of the Souih ; against his views,
we have warred hitherto, and shall con
tinue to war uncompromisingly.”
Southern Recorder, April 3, 1838.
“ We consider that a choice of either
(Van Buren or Clay,) would be a great
evil; therefore we shall choose neither.”
Southern Recorder, May 7,1839.
“ Our correspondent with all liis zeal,
cannot arrive at the forced cons'met ion,
that we, necessarily, because Mr. Cal
houn is in favor, and Clay and Webster
opposed to the Sub Treasury scheme, are
tinctured with Clayism, Websterism,
Federalism, the American System and
Abolitionism. Os these sins we have
never been accused hy our enemies, and
it is too late in the day for us to be cate
chised hy our friends.”
To answer our correspondent categor
ically, we have to say that we are neither
a Clay nor Webster man, and so far as
the Sub Treasury is concerned we are
not a Calhoun man.— Georgia Mes
senger, April 26, 1838.
“ As to the other charges of minor con
sideration, but no less false, viz :
That the Georgia Whigs, are in favor
of a National Bank.
That the Georgia Whigs, are in favor
of Henry Clay.
That ihe Georgia Whigs, are pane
gyrists of Daniel Webster.
We would express our denial in a very
emphatic monosyllable, were not the use
of it offensive to “ enrs polite.” Geor
gia Messenger, August 23, 1838.
To the Editors of the Georgia Messenger, July 24, 1939.
“ My best reflections and most careful
investigations have confirmed the opin
ion that Congress has no power to char
ter a Bank.”
“ Opposition to a National Bank lies
deep in the elements of our party organ
ization. We shall in vain expect the re
spect due to consistent politicians, if we
become the anvocates of a National
Bank.”
“ I belong neither to ihe House of
York cr of Lancaster. My principles
will not permit me to support either Van
Buren or Clay.” E. A. Nesbit.
Addressed lo Committees , of the citizens of Taliaferro
and Franklin Counties, Sept. 13, 1938.
I am requested to make known my
choice for the next President, between
Van Buren, Clay, Webster, and Harri
son. These men all stand charged with
a long catalogue of unpardonable politi
cal sins against the South. They were
all advocates and supporters of the Tar
iff’, or American System, as it was called.
They were in favor of the Force Bill,
and the doctrines of the Proclamation. I
They entertain the opinion, that Con- j
gress has power under the Constitution,!
to abolish Slavery in the District of Co
lumbia— and the right and is in duty
bound to receive abolition petitions.”
“He, (Mr. Clay,) has recently hoisted
the flag of a Fifty Million Hank. This
is his last great move for the Presidency.
He says in language not to be misunder
stood, to the Commercial Manufactuiing
interests of the North, make me Presi
dent and I will give you a Bank of fifty
millions. He was the father of the A
merican System, and now seeks to be the
father of a National Bank. Such a prog
eny leagued with such a parent, would
consolidate this Union into an unmitiga
ted despotism, or break it into fragments.” I—
!Thomas Butler King.
An article in the Georgia Journal signed Cluintus,
and another in the tteeorder signed Yours Respect
fully, remind us of a eapttal article, somewhat relative
(o this matter, published in the Savannah Georgian,
and which we intended lo transfer to ur columns ere
this. We recommend it to our readers as having
disposed of the subject, in a complete, yet plain and
unsophisticated kind of a way, that we all can readily
understand.
From the Savannah Georgian.
Hold ou Ciow.
Mr. Editor : I haint got much lar
lin, but when I went to school, we used
to read in a little book called “AS-sops’
Fables,” and I'll tell you what Mr. Edi
tor, you may think what you please, but
don’t say there haint a heap of lornin in
that same book. Among tin: Fables, was
one about the Fox and the Crow—if you
have forgot it, Mr. Editor, the Crow had
a nice piece of cheese in bis mouth, and
the Fox wanted it, but the Crow was not
come-eer/-ahle, so Mr. Reynard thought
he would flatter him up a little tell him
what pretty little Crows the young Crows
were, and what charming voices all the
Crow family had ; hut it wouldn’t do, for
poor Crow wouldn’t open his mouth, and
poor Fox didn’t get his cheese.
But, perhaps, A.r. Editor, when you
read thus far, you will say to yourself
Well, what have I got to do with this
Crow business ? If you do, I’ll tell you,
not much ; but some how or other t’other
day, when 1 was reading the Republican
newspaper, I see’d a piece about tire De
mocrats taking up Calhoun and Cooper,
and when I got about half through 1
thought of this fable, and unconsciously
said to myself, “hold on Crow.” The ve
ry next paper that came out, I see’d the
same thing, and I said again ‘ hold on
Crow, that fellow is after your' cheese.”
But perhaps I am wrong, Mr. Editor, and
the Kepubican may have the interest of
the Republican Democratic party at heart,
and if he has, he must have mine ; but
he’s too deep for me,and if he has, I can’t
sec why he wants them to fall out so
just bceause Calhoun andCooper dropped
the Whigs, because they didn’t think
they were of the right stuff for him to
want us Democrats to drop them ! But,
Mr. Editor, the Republican, I think, don’t
understand ‘‘Democracy,” and with your
permission, I will give him an insight
into our principles. “We go for mea
sures, not men,” and when we find a man
that will carry out our measures, we go
for him llind, but keep a our eyes wide
open on those men whose measures are
opposed to ours. The Republican Edi
tor talks about Union men and Nullifi
ers—perhaps he didn’t live in these parts
those days, or he would have known
what divided both parties; there was the
same difference as now, between Union
men and Federalists, as between Nullifi
ers and Federalists. The tariff was then
the greatest question —and both parties
agreed that it was an abomination, and
ought to be cut down. There was a dif
ference in principle : the difference was
the best means for the accomplishment of
its downfall; or, perhaj s, the Editor don’t
understand the word principle, so I will
explain and illustrate the two parties, so
that he can’t fail to understand. Two
men have determined to go from Savan
nah to Charleston go they must —one
is a Nullifier, he is a hap-hazzard sort of
a be-in-a-hurry fellow, and don’t stand at
trifles —so he is for starting off in the
I Clinch, and taking his chances on the
j ocean, so as to save time; t’other is a
I Union Man —he is bound also, and de
termined to go to Charleston, but he
thinks a sea voyage risk, and prefers go
ing by land even if it takes a little longer.
These men, Mr. Edi:or, Were differing
only as regards the route, were they not !
So with Union men and Nuilifiers; these
latter gentry were forgoing it with gun
powder— but the Union men were for
trying argument a little longer, and leav
ing gunpowder for a last resort. And
now, because we oppose the use of gun
powder, then we are to oppose the men
who were willing to use it in defence of
our principles ; and support whom ? why
every man who was the main instrument
in fixing on us then, as now, the same
odious tariff ? Mr, Editor, if a man says
he is going to lick me, I shant stop to ask
him whether he will do it easy or hard,
it is enough for me to know that he has
the inclination. So with the tariff—l
know Mr. Clay is in favor of it, and be
ing so, if he gets a chance wont be so par
ticular as to spread the butter on the
smallest side of the slice.
But the editors ot the Republican* like
other Whig editors, want to make us be
lieve that we are in a quarrelsome state,
and all split up. ’Taint so, Mr. Editor ;
the Democratic party are like man and
wife, and if they do quarrel it won't do
for others to interfere, unless they want
a broken head. There may be a little
difference at present in the choice of men
to carry out o .r principles, and I like to
see it; it puts me in mind of the time I
went courting ; 1 saw one or two gals I
thought would do, but it took me some
time to pick out the right one— but I got
her at last, and now like her better than
lasses. Just so, Mr. Editor, with our
party; when the National Convention
picks out the man, we will all be found
pulling on the same end of the rope.
Principles, .as I said beforp, bind us to
gether ; but is it so with the W’higs? Just
look here, Mr. Editor, these editors of the
Republican claim to be the official mouth
piece of the party—if it had not been lor
their strenuous exertions in the cause,
Central Bank money would now be
worth but 5 cents in the dollar, instead of
S7 1-2 ! There is another Whig editor
in the country, who claims a little of this
credit to himself; and more, has been the
main cause of resumption of specie pay
ments in the State ! The country editor
goes his death for a National Bank the
editor of the Republican don’t care a six- i
pence about one—(some of his Whig!
friends would give him a half a dollar if
he would get one.) This is a small sam
ple of which end of the rope they pull,
and if you can find room for this, the
first time I feel like it, I will give you an
extended W’hig rope with the different
pnllersi and if you don’t see hard work
for them ahead, then I’ll give it up.
Cracker.
tVe copy the following from that sterling Demo
cratic prim, the New Hampshire Gazette. It will be
| recollected that a great outcry was made, not long
: since, that the Granite State had expressed a pre
ference f..r Mr. Van Burcn.
“ At the Democratic State Convention,
which met yesterday, Hon. John H.
Steele, of Peterborough, was nominated
for Governor having 151 votes, to some
70scattering on the first ballot, lion 11.
Hubbard chosen a delegate at large to
the National Convention, and the selec
tion of live others was referred to the
Counsellor Conventions, as previously
practised in this State. The question of
nominating, subject to the decision of
the National Convention, Mr. Van Buren
for the Presidency, excited considerable
debate, involving the policy of the nom
ination by the State Convention of any
candidate, but admitting that Mr. Van
Buren is the choice of the Democracy of
New Hampshire.” N. 11. Patriot.
The above, appearing in the N. H. Pa
triot, on the tlay after the Couvenlt m,
went the rounds of the papers, and was
taken lor granted abroad, that the Con
vention by tts own act hud admitted that
Mr. Van Buren is the choice of the De
mocracy of New Hampshire. The par
agraph Was so framed with the intention,
no doubt, to give such an opinion cur
rency, and many distant editors so under
stood it, until the proceedings of the Con
vention appeared, which put a different
face upon the matter. If Mr. Van Bu
ren haJ been decidedly the choice of the
Democracy of New Hampshire, or in
deed of the Convention, there is no ques
tion but the resolution offered by his
friends, (as a substi'ute for one of the of
fered resolutions,) expressing that opin
ion, would have passed. There was no
thing to prevent its passage but one thing,
and that was, plain enough, the w r ant of
a prevailing sentiment concurring in the
fact. °
The Charleston Mercury published
the above paragraph, but on the succeed
ing day, published a part of the resolu
tions, with the following remarks :
“ A substitute was offered for the 20th
resolution, affirming that Mr. Van Buren
was the first choice of the Democracy of
New Hampshire, and presenting him in
their name to the country, as tht ir candi
date for the Presidency. The substitute
was earnestly urged upon the Convention
by a number of leading men, & warm
ly opposed by others, & among them was
Mr. Woodbury. The substitute was re
jected, and the resolution given as above,
passed. It is difficult to account for this’
if the convention were as decidedly in’
favor of Mr. Van Buren as some of his
friends, out of N. Hampshire, have sup
posed. It is very possible he might have
had a majority there, hut it was not a
very resolute or confident one— and the
proceedings are full proof that the ques
tion of who is the favorite of the people
of New Hampshire, is still to lie deter
mined.”
The Mercury is right, [continues the
Gazette;J it ‘the proceedings are not
full proof that the question of who is
the favorite of the people of New Hamp
shire, is still to be determined,’ they are
proof of nothing else, unless it be that
Mr Van Buren is not the favorite. If the
same resolution had been offered, substi
tuting Mr. Calhoun’s name for Mr. Van
Buren’s, and had met with precisely the
same fate, we dare say it would have
been taken by the Patriot as a death blow
to Mr. Calhoun’s hopes in New Hamp
shire, and would have been bruited forth
as such, in the most exulting strains.—
T. he I atriot is attempting to back up this
alledg< and preference to Mr. Van Buren,
and to make the public believe if, but it
is no go. They only prove that in their
opinion and that of a few others, he
ought to be the favorite, That’s all.
Ue confess, that' prior to the State
< onvention, we did not expect to see mat
ters and things quite so favorable to Mr.
Calhoun as they now appear; and
though we have been convinced he has
been gaining ground rapidly, we did not
doubt but in the late convention the
friends of Mr, Van Buren would have
been able to have carried a very dccidi and
expression in his favor; our conclusion
now is, that as they have failed in this
attempt, they will 'fail ultimately; for
they never can be stronger, nor more able
to concentrate their forces, than they
were at the late Convention. Their open
denunciations of Mr, \\ oodhury, prior
to, and at the time of the meeting of the
Convention, as shown up in a communi
cation we this day copy from Hill’s Pa
triot, prove that they are anything but
satisfied at the result. We say not this,
as reflecting on, or disrespectlul of Mr.
V an Buren, we speak only of certain men
who take upon themselves to be leaders
in his support.
The Globe says : “ The press has no
pnpnl power. It cannot excommunicate
a man. nor can it grant him absolution.”
\\ hat will become of the excommuni
cations of the Boston Patriot and Burke’s
Spectator, pronounced on John White,
John Page, James Clark, Israel Hunt, Jr.
and Abner Green leaf, and last, though
not least, what becomes of their excom
munications of Isaac Hill }
From the New York Ileral 1.
Approach of the Milieu ilium*
It is a blessed truth th.it genuine worth
doesn’t always go unrewarded. There
has been terrible grumbling, since the
days of Job, about the ingratitude of the
world to its benefactors; but there’s a
great deal more pathos or bathos than
truth in the accusation. The judgment
of mankind is, alter all, tolerably discrim
inating and just. It knows what’s what,
and gives to the great actors in the drama
of public life an oppropriate position, and
laurels of suitable greenness.
The people of the United States are pre
paring, to our great satisfaction, to vindi
cate themselves from the opprobrious
charge of neglecting the reformers of the
nineteenth century. The editor of the
organ of Charles Fourier tire zealous,
steadfast, interested advocate of the doc
trines of association—the mouth-piece of
Henry Clay and Albert Brisbane has
been nominated as a suitable candidate
for the Vice Presidency of this republic,
it is well worth one’s while to consider
for sixteen seconds the claims of this new
candidate lor popular favor.
Eve 17 body will admit that this world
is as much in need of regeneration, as a
tattered and shaking dragoon from the
swamp of Florida, or a country parson’s
coat that has done service for twenty-four
months of Sundays. Who is there,
though, that has told us of it, with the
punctuality of the rising sun, lor nearly
two years past ? Who but Hoiace Gree
ly, ol the j ribune ! By his paper and
Ins tongue —by precept and example—
this man has been laboring, day uf.er
day, in behalf of Fourier—the great
ajiostle of the system, which is to ouite
rate lor ever the corrupting intiueuce of
tire devil aud the Uesh, and create an uni
versal Eden, in which even “o.d maids”
are to be graciously received, “wuhout
uote or coimueut.” |
If it had not been for the Tribune the
Fourieritcs, in this country, would lona
since have been reduced almost to a con
dition as impotent as that of a scrofulous
devourer of bran-bread. The Tribune
has of a verity breathed life into the nos
trils of the sect; and such procreative
love is surely not to be sneezed at. We
rejoice then, that the disciples have disco
vered themselves to be worthy of the de
votedness and zealous regards of their en
lightened and influential patrons. We
shall watch this new Fourier movement
with all imaginary interest. Horticulture
is a very attractive study.
The following is part of a letter from a member of
the Convention, to the Hon. Isaac Hill, in Hills N.
H. Patriot.
These men assume to have the entire
care of Mr, Van Buren’s interests in New
Hampshire. If so, well may he exclaim,
“ Save me from my friends !” If Mr. Van
Buren can only rise in New Hampshire
on the ruins of Levi Woodbury, he must
be content not to rise. In asking of the
Granite Democracy the sacrifice of her
noblest son, he asks too much. If the
car of Mr. Van Buren is to be a Juggar
nant, beneath whose wheels such men ns
Levi Woodbury are to be crushed, the
bone and muscle of the Granite Democ
racy will never be harnessed to that car.
This was distinctly enough enunciated
by the result of the vote on Hibbard’s
resolution nominating Van Buren for the
Presidency, which was voted down by
more than four-fifths of the (’onvention.
{Such a rebuke “Harry the Little” never
received before since he assumed the
lead and control of the democratic party.
The resolutions actually passed by the
Convention, whatever they may be, no
body save a majority of the committee
can be responsible, since they were read
in so low a tone that nobody could hear
them. It may be that Democrats are
read out of the party again, (for I could
not hear,) but if so the Convention did
not pass them, since they never heard
them. In conclusion let me say that I
see light ahead that a returning good
sense is doing its work among the people,
and consigning, as it certainly w ill, those
who so grossly abused the people’s con
fidence to their merited infamy. God
speed the right.
A Member of the last Convention.
From the N. Y. Herald.
Mr. O’Connell and the Cause of Ireland*
At a recent repeal meeting in Balti
more, a scene of great confusion occur
red, in consequence of difference of opin
ion respecting the best course to be adop
ted in relation to Mr. O’ConneU’s vexa
tions speech. Thus will it be all over.
The app'e of discoid has been cast
amongst the band of the patriotic friends
of Ireland, and by the very hand which
will enable it to create, to the fullest ex
tent; the sad fruits of dissension and dis
aster.
One good result willow from this reac
tion movement. An accurate opinion of
Mr. O’Connell’s character, and the value
ofhis leadership, will become moie ex
tensively prevalent. We have no hesita
tion in saying that the cause of Ireland—
a cause in which all the genuine friends
of liberty throughout the world, must feel
the deepest interest,and the warmest sym
pathy— has repeatedly been greatly re
tarded by the policy and the .agitation of
O’Connell. He wants that purity of soul
that moral dignity that genuine pa
triotism, which can alone give to any
leader of the people the influence, and the
pow'er, which guide the efforts of the peo
ple to success and triumph. Like the
herd of political speculators amongst our
selves, who prate eternally about liberty
and popular rights, but are as heartless
and selfish as they are dishonest, the re
cognised leader of the oppressed Irish
people, has a faithful regard for one in
dividual only of the masses, to the vindi
cation .and extension of whose rights as
men, and as members of a great social
body, he professes to be devoted. Un
surpassed in cunning well and long
versed in the modes of conciliating and
retaining the favor of the Irish people
conscious of a firm hold on their affec
tions, Mr. O'Connell has been enabled,
time after time, to serve his own purpo
ses, by sacrificing the interests of those
w r ho sustained him, in a manner which
would have aroused the crushing indig
nation and reproof of the people, had the
betrayer been less gifted as a demagogue
less skilled in the trade.
The value of the services of Mr. O’-
Connell has been immeasurably over
rated. To the moral force of a great peo
ple, united in the determination to be free;
and to the growing might of civil and re
ligious liberty have been owing those
concessions from the British Parliament,
which Mr. O’Connell is perpetually pro
claiming as his individual achievements.
All that is now wanted on the part of the
Irish people is united peaceful exertion.
l<et them get rid of the demagogues. Let
them refrain from foolish swaggering
about appeals to physical force. Their
cause is the cause of truth and liberty,
and it must be successful. But it must be
managed with discretion, and under the
guidance of pure-minded, disinterested,
faithful leaders men worthy to do and
suffer in a work sanctified by the blood of
Emmett.
On Dit.
Van Bnren is greatly enraged at the
Plebian and Globe on account of their
foolish attacks upon the late patriotic and
national celebration of Bunker Hill.—
Vans prudence has always been in ad
vance of his honesty and virtue. He
cares as much about the principles which
shed a halo of glory about that festival,
as lus organs uo r but '.he old fox has a
great deal more cunning. The “ young
tilts'’ are not .-o well drilled as the old
practitioner in humbug and dishonesty.,
if they con t learn something now,, there’s;
no Virtue in the birch. —A. Y. herald .