Newspaper Page Text
From the JUabvitW L'cioa.
ORIGINAL RECITATION.
BT MB. WHir.VF.T.
Th« following grand and powerful verse* will be
feeited by Mr. Whitney in his Farewell Recitation
on the night of tile Fourth of July. To whatever
part? the render or hearer may be attached, or in
whatever path of life his footsteps may stray, if he
have a lov e for all that is pure and elevated in bu-’
man nature, he will thrill beneath the musical modu
lations and exalted sentiments in thesc'lines:
COLONEL RICHARD M. JOHNSON.
tugbe's k STAB in the west.
There’s a star in the West that shall never go down,
Till the record* of valor decay,
We must worship its l.ght though tis not <.ur own,
For liberty bursts in its ray.
Shall the name of Johnson ever be hearj
By a freeman, anJ thrill not his breast ?
Is there one nut of bondage that hails not the word,
As the Bethlehem Star of the West.
War, war, to the knife! be enthralled or ye die!
Was the echo that waked in the land ;
But it was not his voice that prompted the cry,
Nor his madness that kindled the branJ.
He raised not his arm —he defied not his foes,
While a leal of the olive remained,
Till goaded with insult his spirit arose,
Like a long baited lion unchained.
He stru t with firm courage, the blow of the brafe,
But sighed o’er the carnage that spread ;
He indignantly trampled the yoke of tire slave,
But wept for the thousands that bled!
Tho’ he threw back the fetters anJ headed the strife,
Till man’s charter was fully restored ;
Yet he prayed for the moment when freedom and life,
Would no longer be pressed by the sword.
Oh! his laurels are pure, and his patriot name
In tho page of the future shall dwell,
And be seen in nil annals the foremost in fame
By the side of an Emmett and Tell.
Revile not my so ig, for the good
Among Britons have nobly confessed,
That his was the glory, and his was the blood
Os the deeply stained fields of the West.
A Puzzling Question.
Rousseau asks his humane, moral, and
enlightened reader, what he would do if
he could enrich himself, without moving
from Paris, by signing the death warrant
of an innocent old Mandarin of China,?
A consciencious old Frenchman might
urge that we have no right to do wrong
in order that good may come of it; hut
he would at the same time moot the ques
tion, whether it would he wrong to put
an old Mandarin out of his misery, taking
it for granted, that he must be in a wretch
ed state of health from the inordinate use
of opium, supplied to him by the unfeel
ing and unprincipled English. And the
pious Gaul would further argue, that,
though it would be scandalous to procure
the death of a fellow creature to enrich
himself, he was bound, as a father, to
consult the interests of his children ;
whereupon a tear of parental love worlltl
start into his eye, and he would sign the
death-warrant with a sentimental ejacu
lation.
“ What ! hare I not always been
taught to make money—honestly if I
could, but at all events to make money
—and are not the Chinese our enemies,
whom we are bound to destroy by every
means in our power ?”
“ True,” might be rejoined ; “ but this
poor old Mandarin is a non-combatant;
lie has never done you any harm, and it
would hardly be in conformity with the
laws of religion and humanity to put him
to death for nothing.”
“ But,’ r retorts John Bull, “it would
lie in perfect conformity with the laws of
war. Besides, I don’t put him to death
for nothing, l should scorn such a mean
end cruel act —I do it to enrich myself.
Had I been but a physician, 1 might have
done the same towards scores ot my fel
low countrymen, only the warrant would
have been written in Latin—so give me
the pen.”
Let us imagine the same question sub
mitted to the decision of a poor devil of
an author.
“How—what!” he would exclaim—
“get suddenly rich by my own writing,
and none of the money to go to the pub
lisher ? Done —done! Where’s the pen
and ink—where’s the paper ? As to the
Mandarin, he need not shake his gory
locks at me. The day of his death shall
be the happiest of his life, for I’ll write
his Epicedium, and immortalize him by
publishing it in the New Monthly Maga
zine.
Presidential.
The Concord Patriot is under a very
great mistake in saying that “ the Ports
mouth Gazette is making itself unhappy,
because we [theyj have declared that Mr.
Vaa Buren is the choice of the Democrats
of New Hampshire.” We do not permit
ourself to be made happy of unhappy by
.any course that paper or any of its man
agers may please to take. It is a matter of
the coolest indifference to us, whom they
support, or for wi.om they declare the pre
ference of N. Hampshire to he. We care
as little about their declarations as we do
about them, and that, God knoweth, is
precious little. If. as they conend, the
preference for Mr. Van Buren is so deci
ded in New Hampshire, why could they
not gel an expression of that preference
in the State Convention so recently held
at the very calling of the Patriot? A
convention of delegates chosen, so far as
we can understand, without the interfer
ence of those whom the Patriot is pleased
to call the “ conservatives.” Failing in
the convention, it appears they have call
ed together a chosen few ; a meeting, it
is called, of the “democratic members of
the legislature.” Here was a sort of at
tempt to reverse the procsedings of the
convention. A resolution was presented
to recommend Mr. Van Buren as the
choice of the people of New Hampshire.
Gov. Hubbard volunteered in its support,
and mad > a speech of half an hour, ad-
W'tmg the claims of Mr. Van Buren
with much warmth, and declaring his
intention to go for him at the Baltimore
convention in 1844. At this caucus they
made Out, stf far as we learn, but by a
lean majority/ to push their resolutions
through. :
Now by what seeming authority could
these men, as democratic members of the
assume Jo run counter to the
proceedings of‘n State'convention so re
cently held, and pass a resolution, as ex
pressive of the sense of New Hampshire,
which the State convention had acted
upon, and decided not to pass ?
AY as it modest and unassuming—was
it dignified, in Gov. Hubbard thus to vol
unteer in attempting to counteract the
proceedings of the convention ? He had
just been chosen a delegate to the nation
al convention by that very State conven
tion which had refused to express a
choice or preference for Mr. Van Buren ;
ought he not to have declined acting as
a delegate under the authority of that
State convention, before he attempted to
counteract its measures by getting up a
forced expression which the proceedings
of that convention did not warrant ? By
what authority can Mr. H ibbard now
assume to act as a delegate under the
State convention, after so contemptuously
treating its most deliberate decisions?
• But to return to the Patriot. If it lie
not “making itself unhappy,” it seems
confoundedly nettled at our support of
Mr. Calhoun. “He is supported,” they
say, “in this State by such a crew” &c.,
“ that undeserved prejudice is undoubt
edly attached to him.” And yet they say
“ it is impossible he can be the first choice
of the democrats of the State, as against
almost any of the prominent democratic
candidates,” and finally represents him
as a dangerous man, on account of some
opinions they “understand him” to en
tertain regarding the Rhode Island ques
tion, which, by the way, want further con
firmation thanjhe say so of the Patriot.
Yet, they they have, not long since, spo
ken of him in exalted terms, and prom
ised to support him very cordially if nom
inated ! Out upon such hypocrisy !—-
They are Janue faced fellows, both to
wards (’alhoun and Woodbury. That’s
a fact and no mistake.—TV. H. Gazette.
From ihe Portland (Maine) American.
John C. Calhoun.
We had not intended, at present, to en
ter into the Presidential discussion ; but
the late action of the Democratic State
Convention leaves us no other alternative.
Regard for the great interests of the De
mocratic party torbids any longer silence.
How fur the vote of that body in favor of
“ Mr. Van Buren as the first choice of
the people of Maine,” is to be regarded
as authority, each man must judge for
himself. We are neitlier inclined to ad
mit nor dispute it. The facts are brieliy
these:
'Pile number of delegates reported to
be present was 327. The vote for Mr.
Van Baron was M l to 74. So it seems
that when the question was taken, IUU
members had lett the Convention. Why
was this ? A few undoubtedly had been
compelled to return home ; but the body
of them we are informed, were still iu
Bangor. We ask again, why was this?
The answer was a plain one. The call
of the State Committee made no such
issue, and a majority of the delegates
avowed themselves unacquainted with
the sentiments of their constituents on
the question —they were not sewt there
for that purpose, and were not prepared
to vote.
So the resolution was passed by a small
minority of the whole number of dele
gates present m Bangor.
The delegates to the National Conven
tion were chosen by a vote of 129—about
one third the whole number of members.
These are the simple facts. Whether,
therefore, the latter clause of the resolu
tion, in favor of Mr. Van Buren, is a true
exponent- of the views of the people of
Maine, admits of some doubt. We be
lieve the popular mind is not sufficiently
settled to justify any authoritative decla
ration of their “first choice.” Judge
Preble, in his eloquent speech before the
Convention, truly said that they were in
a transition state.
No occasion seems to have called for
an avowal before, of our preference for
the Presidency. We believe it would
have been better to have left this whole
matter to the sound reflecion and “ sober
second thought” of the people unbiassed
by newspaper influence, or conventional
action. But we can no longer remain
silent without dishonor to ourself, and
recreancy to the Democratic party.
Our first choice of a candidate for the
Presidency of the United States, for the
next term, is—beyond and above every
other living man in the Union—that great
Southern patriot, JOHN C. CALHOUN.
We shall, hereafter, enter into a full
discussion of the advantage to the De
mocratic party in nominating this gen
tleman for the Presidency. We have
room now but to make a comment or
two.
Mr. Calhoun is known throughout the
country as of irreproachable moral char
actor. He has no political chicanery
himself, and doubts its existence in oth
ers without the fullest evidence. Indeed,
had he possessed a little more of what
the hackneyed in public life call political
sagacity , but which often approximates
to political roguery, he would long ere
this have been President. But ho has
relied rather upon his own established
reputation as an honest statesman, a tho
rough scholar, and a sound moralist, than
npon greatness acquired 'by accomplished
wirepulling. Talleyrand ism lie has al
ways repudiated as unworthy of a free
people. . ,
Mr. Calhoun is also known as the old.
indefatigable, and consistent advocate of
a cheap gove iixment —not merely the
oretically cheap, hut practically so. We
have no doubt that four years of Mr. Cal
houn’s administration would reduce the
expenses one half. Salaries would be
trimmed down—useless ornamental offi
ces abolished—and sinecurists, who now
leisurely pick their teeth over fat pay
without labor, would have to seek some
other means of living.
We hardly need say that Mr. Calhoun
is known as a Democrat. No one denies
it. His whole; brilliant political career
is before the people. It stands boidly
out, like the sun in’mid-heaVeri. As an
ex|>ositor of the philosophy of human
rights, where lives his equal on the whole
surface of the twenty-six States ? As the
ardent, consistent, eloquent advocate of
Democratic measures, who has excelled
him ? Who has waged nobler battle for
the rights of man ? And who, in the
strife of Senatorial controversy—wlieie
iron-jointed giants grapple together —has
left the floor with more or greener lau
rels?
Mr. Calhoun is a radical Democrat,
and, were he in the Presidential chair,
would do more than any other man could,
for the elevation of the masses. On his
free trade doctrines, the South and West
go for him like a whirlwind, while we
believe he would also have nearly all of
New England.
It cannot be concealed that, if we are
to succeed in the next Presidential con
test, it must be by additions to our ranks
from our opponents of 1840. If we can
not secure those additions, we must con
tinue in the minority. Now, Mr. Cal
houn’s views on free trade, and his oppo
sition to a a high tariff, will secure the
votes of the great body of the more De
mocratic of the Whigs—votes which no
other but Mr. Calhoun can command.
The masses of the people—by whetev
er party name they may be called—are
essentially right. They are the sincere
advocates of human equality, without
distinction. In short, they, are the anti
monopolists, fully, strongly, honestly.
And this will be the actual issue before
the nation in 1844. John C. Calhoun is
every where known as the avowed ene
my of monopolies. His position, in a
conlest on such a question, would insure
the most triumphant success.
Upon this matter we wish to be fully
understood. We do not press Mr. Cal
houn’s claims to the Presidency. No
man has a claim to that office, and those
who use the word show but little knowl
edge of the real nature of our free institu
tions. We shall urge Mr. Calhoun’s
name upon the attention of the people of
Maine upon the ground that he is a pro
found statesman and an honest Democrat
—and that, under him, we shall be more
certain of victory.
For Mr. Van Buren we have the most
exalted respect, both as a man and a Dem
ocrat. We worked for him in IS4U as
we never worked for man before, and
should he receive a renomination, we
should do all in our power to reseat him
in the Presidential chair. Blit we should
enter upon the work under great doubt
of ultimate success. The hundreds of
thousands of Democrats who left him in
1810, wrongly as we think, will never
rally again under his name. It has with
them tost all power. But give them a
neic name, and that mighty force will act
with us again almost to a man.
We have thus stated one preference,
and barely alluded to a few of the rea
sons for it. But this preference is ex
pressed, subject to the decision of a Na
tional Convention whenever held, wher
ever held, and however voting.
The Tral3 ii Lo.tves and Fishes.
The other day meeting a piece of old
English wisdom in Sir Edward Coke,
and wishing to contribute our share to
the good advice thrown away in the
nineteenth century, we extracted it pref
acing it with a recommendation to those
who administer the Government to take
note lhereof. Believing the maxim just
as good now and just as little likely to be
attended to as when we first set it forth,
we give it again.
“ By the Law of England,” savs Sir
Edward Coke, “it is provided that no
officer or minister of the King shall be
ordained or made, for any gift or broc
age, favor or affection. Nor that any
other who pursuelh, by himself or any
other, privily or openly , to be in any
manner of office, shall be put in the same
office or in any other, but that all such
officers shall be made of the best and
most lawful men and sufficient :—A
Law worthy to l e written in letters of
gold, but more worthy to be put in due
execution.”
The Madisonian sees in this attack
on President Tyler—having no notion
that a political newspaper can mean by
“ the present times,” a wider space than
the current year or by “ the powers at
Washington,” anything more general
than the Cabinet of the current month.
We are not in the habit of making spe
cial attacks on Mr. Tyler—there are
newspapers enough already whose espe
cial vocation it is—and though there
may have been a time when two could
put ten thousand to flight, there never
wits nor by possibility could he a time,
when ten thousand could gain any hon
or by defeating or out-voting, or out
clamoring two men. JMr. Tyler stands
without a party, and therefore to join in
any systematic party opposition to him,
would have been out of the question,
even had there been less than there has
be<>n, which met our approval in his ad
ministration.
The Madisonian quotes our little ar
ticle, and begins to comment thus:
“The Mercury occasional delights to
indulge in such gratuitous, ungenerous,
and unjust remarks as the above; and
avc deem it a duty to set the editdr right
on the subject.”
The etui is like unto the bemnnimr—
O o
as thus :
“ In brief, we think the Mercury does
not well in reading such lessons to the
President as that at the head of these re
marks. He is doubtless already quite as
deeply read in'such maxims of duty as
the astute editor himself.”
So much for quoting Coke and advis
ing the Administration to seek out hon
est and capable men for office !
But if we wanted proof ot how deeply
this sin of office hunting is rooted in the
heart of the nation, and how widely it
has overshadowed'and darkened the pub
lic morality, we might find it in the very
remarks of the Madisonian, vindicating
Mr. Tyler from the charge which we
have not made against him. We make
another extract:
“One day a Mr. Burke charges the
President with appointing Clay men and
“ Hill apostates the next, a Clay paper
charges him with appointing Webster
men ; the next, a Benton man charges
him with appointing none but Calhoun
men; and finally, a Calhoun paper
charges him with appointing only Van
Buren men to office I Surely, suraly, if
there be any truth in all these charges,
the people will acquit the President of
any design to secure the support of any
particular party by corrupt means.
Wtll not the people attribute such
charges as the Mercury makes, to a de
sire to monopolize every thing, rather
than to a well founded conviction that
the favors of the Administration are not
impartially distributed among the true
Republicans of the country, without re
gard to the selfish Interests of this or
that prominent individual ?
We have marked the passage with ital
ics—that the reader may note how read
ily it is taken for granted that all men in
all possible situations, are hungering af
he a share of the spoils of office, and that
tsey are ready to resort to all manner of
thifts and base tricks, to lying, and pan
dering and calumny, to attain the object;
that all morality, all talk about applying
a plain rule of honesty and common
sense to the selection of public officers, is
of course a mere blind, and that to advise
the President to appoint good and effi
cient men, is of coitrse, only another
form for—“ appoint me and my friends. ”
Such symptoms of the decay of public
morality, seen everywhere, apparently
extending to the smallest regulations of
our cities, and showing themselves un
consciously in every page of every polit
ical newspaper, are enough to make all
men of sense—honest or dishonest
shudder for the consequences to the sta
bility of our social fabric.
But we have no notion of letting the
Madisonian off with a specimen of our
moralizing. Without attributing the fault
to Mr. Tyler, or to anything but the nat
ural alacrity of every vice to go on mul
tiplying in extent, and deepening in taint,
we believe that never so much as now
was the public purse generally consider
ed a fair subject of plunder, and that ne
ver before were there so many persons
seeking after office who believed that the
sole consideration in return for the living
gained by it, was to shout lustily on the
side of those who liestowed it. We have
a little bit of proof of Ibis, in the two fol
lowing extracts from two leading Tyler
papers'/ which we commend to the Mad
isonian.
“ The President has been greatly de
ceived by a horde of selfish, creeping,
crawling, wincing, whining, craven
hearted, double-faced, sycophantic, hyp
ocritical, lubberly puppies, who prowl
around him, seeking a fat place in the
nation’s pantry ! Hundreds of this class
have not only sought, but obtained lu
crative situations.”— Miamian.
The above paragraph, from that able
administration paper, the “Miamian,”
published at Dayton, Ohio, contains as
much truth as poetry —perhaps more.
There is no use in denying the fact, that
many of these double-faced political hyp
ocrites have succeeding in deceiving the
President, and obtaining place under the
government, some of whom we shall take
special delight in exposing, in due time.
We have an eye to the men, and when
we open our batteries there will be no
let up till the truth prevails. If the suc
cess of political humbuggery cannot be
checked otherwise, vve are prepared to
take it by the horns, and expose tue mis
erable trickery of its practitioners to the
public gaze. We mean what we say.—
TV. Y. Aurora.
There now ! As the wolf said when
he caught the Shepherds dining on mut
ton, “if/had done that, what ad—l of
a rumpuss!”
Portraiture of Federalism and its Objects.
SKETCHED BY TIIE HAND OF A MASTER.
DINNER SCENE.
Parties Present.— Thos. Jefferson —
Jr. Adams, Alex'r Hamilton.
Read, reflect, compare, and ask yourself, candid
reader, whether the Ethiopian has chnaged his color,
or the Leopard his spots? Or whether Federalism
has not, ever since, been in the process ascribed to
the foxes cub, (every day older two days worse.)
“August the 13th, 1811.
“Notes of a Conversation between Alex.
Hamilton and Thos. Jefferson.
“Thomas Jefferson mentioned to him
a letter received from John Adams, disa
vowing Publicola, and denying that he
ever entertained a wish to bring this coun
try under an hereditary executive, or in
troduce an hereditary branch of Legis
lature, &e. See his letter. Alexander
Hamilton condemning Mr. Adams’s wri
tings, and most particularly Davila, as
having a tendency to weaken the present
government, declared in substance as fol
lows : ‘ I own it is my own opinion, tho’
I do not publish it in Dan or Beershebn,
that the present government is not that
which will answer the ends of society,
by giving stability and protection to its
rights, and that it will probably he found
expedient to go into the British form.—
However, since we have undertaken the
experiment, 1 am for giving it a fair
course, whatever my expectations may
be. The success, indeed, so far, is great
er than 1 had'expected, and therefore, at
present, success seems more possible than
it had done heretofore, and there are still
other and other stages of improvement,
which, if the present docs not succeed,
may tie tried, and ought to be tried, be
fore we give up the republican form alto
gether ; lor that mind must be really de
praved, which would not prefer the
equality of political rights, which is the
foundation of pure republicanism, if it
can be obtained consistently with order.
Therefore, whoever by his writings dis
turbs tire present order of tilings, is real
ly blameable, however pure his intentions
may be, and lie is sure Mr. Adams’s were
pure.’ This is the substance of a declar
ation made in much more lengthy terms,
and which seemed to be more formal than
usual for a private conversation between
two, and as if intended to qualify some
less guarded expressions which had been
dropped on former occasions. Th : Jef
lerson has committed it to writing in the
moment of A. Hamilton's leaving the
room.”
“December, the 25tb, 1791.
“Colonel Gunn, (of Georgia) dining
the other day with Colonel Hamilton,
said to him, with that plain freedom lie is
known to use, ‘ I wish, Sir, you would
advise your friend King to observe some
kind of consistency in his votes. There
has been scarcely a question before the
Senate on which he has not voted both
ways. On the representation bill, for in
stance, lie first voted for the proposition
of the Representatives, and ultimately
voted against it.’ ‘ Why,’ says Colonel
Hamilton, ‘ I’ll tell you as to that, Colonel
Gunn, that it never was intended that bill
should pass.’ Gunn told this to Butler,
who told it to Th : Jetlcrson.”
From the Georgia Messenger.
FOURTH OF JULY.
We hastily made up and published last week, a
sketch of t lie proceedings of our citizens on that day,
to whieh we wdl now add such sentiments given at
the Dinner of the -Macon Volunteers, as have been
handed us. Also those offered at the table of the
Bibb Cavalry and Floyd Rifles (who united as all
brother soldiers should) iu the celebration of this
day.
We last weak omitted to mention, as part of the
proceedings of our citizens an oration delivered in
the Methodist church, at night, by Francis Hill, of
the William Wirt Society. We were not present,
but have heard it highly rtpoken of, by all who heard
it, as very creditable to the young gentleman, and
the association to which he belongs.
'Pons's given by the Macon Volunteers.
By Capt. Ilolmcs. —The Day.— While the politi
cal demagogue is bowing to the shrine of party for
getful of the day which ushered into existence a na
tion, we as a hand of brothers, forgetting all party
feelings, have assembled to do it honor, and those
bold spirits who achieved it.
By Lieut. Shelton. —The fair donors of our splen
did Banner.— May their recollection ever remain ns
green in the hearts ofthe Macon Volunteers, as the
lawn on which it was presented.
By Scrgt. Birins. —A synopsis of tire politics af
the Macon Volunteers.—A desire to excel every
thing at home—a disposition not to be excelled n
broad.—An ardent ad Valina to their country’s good
with a watch-word that will incite to gallant deeds—
-1 Our Flag and its fair donors.
By Scrgt. IK. Freeman. —Capt. Bowen, of the
Savannah Volunteer Guards.—We hail him as the
sincere and generous friend of the Macon Volun-
leers.
By CorporalXroeomb. The Bibb Cavalry and
Floyd Rifles. — Each equally valuable arms of the
public service—may they rival each orher in nothing
but military discipline and efficiency.
By James 4V illiams. —The memory of our form
er Commander, Capt. Newcomb—a virtuous citi
zen, and efficient officer.
By James C. Edicards Capt. Bowen, of the
Savannah Guards. —Were vve to embody the full,
unbounded hospitaliy ofthe world in a single thought
and give that thought expression in a sin de word—
that word would lie “ Bowen.”
By F. F Lewis. —Our former fellow soldier, R.
G. Earl.—When in Florida always ready to vol
unteer to take a post of danger—we should ever
recollect him at our first night’s camp from Fort
Drane.
By K Pyner —Tlie fair of our sister city Savan
nah.—Who could doubt the success of citizen sol
diers when cherished by their smiles and benevo
lence 1 The ana of honor and chivalry will ever
support them.
By J. A. White.— Repeal.—In the hands of an
honest man, a potent weapon for good —for evil, in
the li.lists of Daniel O’Connell—a means for swind
ling his poor and unfortunate countrymen.
Sent by Capt. Hass, ofthe Floyd Hijles. —The Ma
con Volunteers.—The parent stock from which the
Floy Rifles sprung—may harmony of feeling ever
characterize both.
By Capt. Holmes, of the Volunteers. —The Ma
con Volunteers, when asked for tbe jewels, will
point with pride to their daughter, the “ Floyd Ri
fles.”
Sent by 11. F. Young, of the Alelripolitan dreys. —
The Macon Volunteers the pride of their city and
ornament of thp Sta'.e.
Ilj G. P. Kagnon of tit e Floyd Rifles. —A bright
wreath on the brow of Georgia—the Macon Vol
unteers.
Ily S. Rose. —Our worthy honorary member James
It. Butts —always a liberal friend to*the Volunteers.
—and a benefactor to the city as the first successful
navigator of the Ocmulgce by steam. AVc wish his
craft always u full river and prosperous trips—and
that he may never he interrupted by the snags and
sawyers of misfortune.
By B. R. llarcr. —The makers of our Flag,
the Misses Bowen, of Savannah—their patriotic spi
rits are inserted in needle work in the heart of every
Macon Volunteer.
By P. Stubbs. —Our honor :ry member Judge
Tracy—honest anti capable, may his salary !>e raised
and pronqAly paid in specie funds, and he be retain
ed in office.
By Private Kimberly. —The Bibb Cavalry, Floyd
Rides, and Macon Volunteers—A Trio in Military,
uniting this day Without distinction of Party in cele
brating a Nation's Freedom. So may they unite in
maintaining it.
By Kee'and Tyner.— John Tyler—An honest
man, and an incorruptible [tatriot: Neither the lures j
of false friends nor the menaces of avowed ene
mies will deter him from the performance of his
duty.
By I.ieut. Connor. —The Governor of Georgia.— ;
AN e all know him ns a neighbor: For his excellent
qualities as a citizen he is entitled to our highest
respect.
By M rton. —Tho Orator of the TaMr
Pc ter of OH, keeps the Keys of Heaven : Our Peter
has the keys of our hearts.
By Capt. Holmes —The patriotic members of our
corps who have this day contributed so much tu our
comfort and amusement : Good men and true.
By Lieut. Connor. —Klam Alexander.—May the
workl always be as libera! to hi.n as he has tern to
the Macon Volunteers.
KUGULAK TOASTS.
By the F.cyd Pijles and Bibb Cavalry.
1. The day we celebrate! memorable in thp histo
ry of man, as giving Liberty to the Western World.
2. The thirteen Stars, that glitter to the name of
the 11 old thirteen," May they ccdtii.ac to shine with
undimmed effulgence.
3. Washington.
4. The feigners of the Declaration of Independ
ence.
5. The Soldiers of the Revolution! The memo
ry of the dead—we venerate the living! the link of
the past and present, still linger among us, as if to
watch the acts of their children, and remind us of
our liberty,—they leave us at rapid intervals— each
bearing t slimony io oOr vigilance and fidelity, to
the trusts commuted to us; and when the last of
that hoary hand shall be summoned from his post,
to join his comrades, may lie bear with him the grate
ful intell.gcnco of us, all is well.
0. Pile Bunker Hill .Monument. —At last the hal
lowed pile , points in prayerful acknowledgment to
Heaven—the eternal memorial of a (rations grati
tude. There let coming generations, make their
annual pilgrimage, and its sacred shrine, feed tile
festal fire that was kindled t>y the first martyrs of
freedom.
7. Jefferson. —He reposes beneath the shades of
Monticello—yet his great spirit still lives, and wilt
continue to live in all lands and climes, where the
genius of universal -ighls lias taken up her alaxle.
8. John Aelitms and Juhn Hancock. —The very
chief of Rebels, whom his Majesty George 3rd,
thought it an offence against “Church and Slate”
to pardon.
9. Pat Army and Nary. —The arms of the Re
public—tbe one has cousecraled the soil of every
State from Maine to Georgia, with the most thril
ling associations —the other has made the ereat
highway of Nations, familiar with its wonderful tri
umps.
10. Georgii. —Lapping the Seaboard and the
Mountains—her sea-|>url seems to lie the mart lor
the exchange of the wealth ofthe one, and the com
merce of tho other —nothing but a suicidal stroke,
can disappoint the destiny which nature has every
where written on her face.
11. Homan.—the weakest and strongest—the last
and first boon of Heaven.
12. Piie memory of IF. IK. Gordon. —Although
a victim to the insatiable archer, in the prime of
his day3, and in the zenith of his usefulness—ho
had erected a durable monument to his memory —in
that gigantic work—the Central Rail Road— (Silent
honors.)
13. Hugh Sicinton I.egarc. —those who fondly ho
ped to deck his brow with the laurel wreath, have
tlie melancholy duty to shroud his tomb with the fu
neral cypress. It is a consolation to know that ho
sank to rest', by all his country wishes blest. (Silent.
Volunteer Toasts,
By Lieul. Hay. Dr. Murphov mul Ireland.
(Dr. Murphey having retired, at an early hour,
was not present when this sentiment was given, but
it was received with great applause.
Lieut. A. L. Luce. Savannah and Macon—uni
ted together by bonds of iron, may their connection
be as prosperous toeacli, as il iiu.st be inscpcrublc.
By J. J. Jones. The memory of the departed
Statesmen and Warriors ofthe Kevoiutim! though
dead they yet speak ; the sound of their voice is heard
in the Antics, and reverberates from the mountains
ofU recce.
By The late assemblage of revolutiona
ry heroes at Bunker Hill! the patriotism of these ven
erated heroes, seems to be as a.dent now as whim
' they shed their blood, 17th June, 1173.
By Dr. Jas. .17. Green. The Banner of the
Floyd Rifles —the Stars and blri[ios, the nobles*
standard ever consecrated to liberty, by the blood of
patriots and heroes.
By Lieut. Prentiss. The City of Macon! unri
valled in its natural and artificial advantages—situa
ted in the centre of a lcilile region and at tile bead'
of navigation, it is connected with the mighty Mis
sissippi V alley and the broad Atlantic, by gigantic
Rail Roads, though still suffering flora the commer
cial tornado of leioO, what may not be expected from
the enterprise and perscveiing industry of her citi
zens.
By Capt. Ross of tbe Floyd Rifles—he
bears well the character of the citizen soldier, may
liis command always, as now, lully appreciate his
services.
By John P. Lovett. Agriculture the ground work
of our prosperity—May a us, icious seasons, good'
crops, remunerating prices and a good currency a
bundantly reward the husbandman f.r bis toil.
By Capt. Hylandcr. Woman—ln the sphere
slio was destined to fill, as mother, sister, friend —
the dearest companion and sweetest solace, in our
pilgrimage, from the cradle to the grave.
By Lieut. J. 11.. Morgan. The AI aeon Volun
teers, the first in discipline as in drill, and wilt
doubtless be first in the defence of their country.
By C. IK. Pope. r l he Bibli Cavalry, and the
Floyd Rifles—may wo feel as brethren of the same
I>and, as did those veterans whose fidelity, gave im
portance to the day we celebrate.
By Scrrl. II . P. Wasrnon. NVomnn —as moth
er, we behold her in her holiest character—ns the
nurse of innocence, the director of the first princi-'
pies of mind—the guardian of an immortal being,
who will write upon the pages of eternity, how she
fulfils her trusts toman.
Py Private Godwin. The Bibb Cavalry and
P loyd Rides, may a hand of friendship be this day
cemented between them which shall never be broken.
By Scr-st. F. Horne. They have a good head to'
contrive , and a good body to execute —Victory must
ever, and will, perch upon their banner.
By Private G. A. Smith. The Bibb Cavalry
brave in War, gallant in Peace’, among the first 1
to repel the aggression of the savage—may their
future course be as pros[ierous, as their present is 1
generous.
liy F. Ij. A iron. The Ladies of Georgia, —
graceful in appearancp, easy and winning in their
manners—they yield to none in the quality of their
virt nos.
By Solomon R. Johnson-. The Fair Sex May
their bewitching eves, and enchanting smiles, Icssen
tbe ranks of old Bachelors !
The Patriot says we are “attempting”
to place Mr. Woodbury in a position au
tagouistica! to tlie democrats of the State.
This is false. We show him up in the
position in which he places himself, in*
Itis public speeches and letters, and from
them we have taken chapter and verse,
to show what his opinions are on the
mooted questions of the day, and we
prove that they do not materially differ
from our own. If this be placing him
in a position, antagonistical to the demo
crats of the Stete- why, then, make the
most of it.— N. H. Gazette.
Death' from Kreosote. —Doctor Board man, 1
whose death is recorded in the It art ford Courier,
lost Itis life from taking this dangerous nostrum'
fur the tooth-ache. A particle of it got into the
hrr.it! ing passage. If a regular physician cannot*
safely hike it himself, certainly it is a dangorour arti
cle fur ct'iers In use.