Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

IMillili ilMOiSlf g r ilie most perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least—Costs least —Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None.—BENTHAM. VOL. I.i DK. WM. GREEN-EDITOR. ■&.H3P.IOA:: DSHOOP.AT, PUBLISHED WEEKLY, IIM THE REAR OF J. BARNES’ BOOKSTORE. MULBERRY STREET, MACON, GEO. at two dollars per ANNUJC, 03- IN ADVANCE. -Cli Rates of Advertising, &c. One square, of 100 words, or less, in small type, 75 cent for the hr si laseriioi., and 50 cents for each subsequent inser tion. All Advertisements containing more than 100 and less than 200 words, will be charged as two squares. To Yearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made. N. B tSales of LAND, by Administrators. Executors, or Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the hrst Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the fore noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court House in the Coun ty in which the property is situa ed. Notice of these must be given in a public Gazette, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the day of sale. Sales of NEGROES, must be made at public auction, on the first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the lel «ers testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall have been granted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously given in one of the public gazetis of this State, and ut the door of the Court-House, where such sales are to be held. Sales of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must be advertised in the same manner, FORTY I)AYS previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Cmliiurs of an Estate, must be pub lished FORTY Days. Notice ihat application will be made to the Court of Ordi nary, for leave to sell LAND, must be published FOLK MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for FOUR MONTHS, before any order absolute shall be made th reou by the Court. A I business of this nature, will receive prompt attention, at he Office of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT. REMITTANCES BY MAIL.—“A Postmaster may en close money in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, to pay the subscription of a third person, and frank the letter, if written by himself.” —Amos Kendall, P. M U. COMMUNICATIONS addressed to the EotTon Post Paid. THE BATT LE-GROUND. BY R. S. CHILTON. When Morn her goluen eye first opes, ll rests upon '.his tichl of 'em, Whose wavy boson gently slopes To where yon silent waters pass : Anil here the ye low sun beams sleep Throughout the long and sunny day, Till twilight's dusky shallows creep, To chase the golden hues away. How sweetly doth each rural sound, Mellowed by distance, strike the ear! While peace breathes from the very ground, That seems to sluuihcr gently here, Not such the scenes in days gone by, When Earth’s fair bosom, drenched with gore, Threw up to yon o’er-arching sky The black-mouthed cannon a deafening roar. Here raged trie batt'e fiercest; here The crimson life-blood thickest ran Fri.ii many a sturdy tnusquetper, From many a hardy rifleman; Changing from summer’s green to rod The dull and spiky grass, that stood Untratnplcd by the soldier’s tread, Like bristling bayonets dashed with blood. As hissed Ihe bullet o’er the ground, Bidding the heart’s warm current start, Through many a deep and ragged wound From the expiring aptriot’s heart; So many an eye with anger fired, Its quick, dark glance of hate would throw, Till closed in death, its light expired, That pioneered the deadly blow. While thick and fast the bullets streamed, And ihro :gh the smoky battle-cloud The musket's dull red flashes gleamed Like lightnings through their misty shrouJ, The wounded soldier from the plain Crept to the cooling river’s side, Till, madly writhing in his pain, Clutching the warm wet earth— he died ! But hushed the sound of battle-fray; No more o’er flelds of trampled grain The slashing sabre cleaves its way, Gashing the hot and dizzied brain: A gentle peace succeeds; a still And calm profound; no sound is heard, Save low of cattle on the hill, Or merry lay of forest bird. The river sparkles in the light Its bright face wrinkled, as with mirth, By gentle airs, that day and night Chase one another round the earth ; The black bird sits upon the stalk, Or sings amid the ripened grain, While high in air the wheeling hawk Describes his circle o’er the plain. A lovely scene ! ah ! never more Be heard War’s wild and mingled shout Among these hills, that old and hoar Lies calm and peacefully about: May never aught but plough or spade Disturb those fields of bearded grain; Nor ought but twilight’s sombre shade Darken these solitudes again. TO THE POLAR STAR. BY HANS VON SPIEGEL. Lone star that watched o’er the frozen sea With ray resplendent yet scarcely cold, Full of drop meaning comes thy light to me, As on life’s dreary voyage my Way I hold. For linked with thee in memory is one, Most tender, beautiful, and good withal, Whom I had fondly pictured as a sun, That with its radianee bright might cheer my soul While gliding onward to that bourne of rest, The silent grave. But now, ah me! I weep, And shrine pile Sorrow in my aching breast With ceaseless worship, while I wake or sleep. And I shall altcay chrrish this Jirst love MY Heart the sea, and that the stai above ! Utica, April, 1841. Furs.—The Omego arrived at Saint Louis, 31st ult. from Yellow Stone river, bringing eight hundred packs of buffalo robes, thirty packs beaver, and about twenty-five packs tongue.. DEMOCRATIC BANNER --TREE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; NO DEBT; SEPARATION PROItt BANES; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION.--./. C. tVI/./ioi.V OUR PROSPECTS. We publish with much pleasure the following letter from a distinguished Re publican of North Carolina, and take this opportunity of acknowledging our obli gations to him for his successful efforts to increase the circulation of our paper. Wash. Spectator. Raleigh, June 24, 1843. Dear Sir—l have just returned from a visit to the South, and having traversed in the course of my peregrinations a large portion of South Carolina, Georgia, Ala bama, Mississippi and Lousiana, I have thought my impressions of the slate of po litical feeling in that section might not be uninteresting to your readers. J have mingled freely with all classes, and I have not the least hesitation in declaring it as my decided conviction that Mr. Cal houn is the favorite of an overwhelming majority of the people in the States above mentioned. In some of them a show is kept up by presses and leading politi cians attached to adverse interests, and by appeals to State pride in naming Col. King and Gen. Walker, gentlemen who are most deservedly popular wherever known, for the Vice Presidency ; but the greater mass of the people think of no other person for President hut Mr. Cal houn, and expect most confidently his nomination by the National Convention. You may rest assured of his getting the votein Convention ofevery State south of Virginia, and should he be the nominee, I feel the utmost confidence in the suc cess of our ticket in those States. With any other candidate, the result in three of them, viz: North Carolina, Georgia, and Mississippi, will be extremely doubt ful. The Whigs are aware of this, and are making their calculations upon it; the more candid of them admitting that if Mr. (J. is placed in nomination their par ty will be most essentially used up. The people of the North have no idea of the enthusiasm associated with the name of John C. Calhoun in the minds of the Southerners. They love the man for his virtues, as much as they admire the statesman for his talents, llis identity of feeling and interest is also an addition al incentive to their attachment; and they feel that as the South, strictly speak ing, has never had a representative in the Executive chair of this Government, to whose support they have contributed so liberally, her claims will not be dis regarded by the other portions of the Confederacy when she presents her gift ed son, whose virtues and talents so pre eminently qualify him to grace that ele vated position. The proceedings of the New Hamp shire Convention have given much satis faction to our friends here, as we had hardly hoped for a result so favorable. My advices from Virginia hold out the most confident hope that ere long the “Old Dominion” will cast off the domi nation of the “sink or swim” politicians, who would keep her in the rear of a cor poral’s guard, and will take the position which by right of seniority and services in the Republican cause belongs to her. So mote it be. It is no wonder that, in the absence of well founded charges of inconsistency, the whigs, and especially the whigs of Georgia, should resort to Mr. Calhoun’s vote in 1810 in favor of the charter of the Bank of the United States. They expect to make capital out of that vote; but they will be greatly mistaken; the people of Georgia have too much intelli gence and good sense, to be taken in by such flimsy allegations. To enable our readers to understand the position as sumed by Mr. Calhoun, we submit to their consideration the following extracts, from the speeches delivered by that gen tleman in 1837 and 1816. It requires but to compare the views expressed at those two periods, to draw iheirresi tible conclusion that the whigs will have to invent some new charges against Mr. Calhoun. In a speech delivered on the 19th of September, 4837, in the Senate of the li nked States, on the Treasury Note Bill, Mr. Calhoun there states as follows: “ In supporting the Bank of ISIG, I openly declared that as a question de no vo, I would be decidedly against the Bank, and would be the last to give it my support. I also stated that, in sup porting the Bank then, I yielded to the necessity of the case, growing out of the then existing and long established con nexion between the government and the banking system. 1 took the ground, even at that early period, that so long as the connexion existed—so long as the government received and paid away bank notes as money—they were bound to regulate their value, and had no alterna tive but the establishment of a National Bank. I found the connexion in exist ence and established before my time, and over which I cou'd have no control. I yielded to the necessity in order to cor rect the disordered state of the currency, which h;id fallen exclusively under the control of the stales. I yielded to what I could not reverse, just any member of the Senate now would, who might be lieve that Lousiana was unconstitutionally admittid tiito the union, but who never i the less would feel compelled to vote to MACON, W EDNESDAY, JULY 2G, 1843. extend the laws to that state, as one of its members, on the ground that its ad mission was an act, whether constitution al or unconstitutional, which he could not reverse. “ In 1834 I acted in conformity to the same principle, in proposing the renewal of the bank charter, for a short period. My object, as expressly avowed, was to use the Bank to break the connexion be tween the government and the banking system, gradually, in order to avert the catastrophe which h;is now befallen us, and which I then clearly perceived. But the connexion, which I believed to be ir reversible in 1810, has now been broken by operation of law. It is now an open question. I feel myself free for the first time to choose my coarse on this import ant subject, and in opposing a bank, I act in conformity to principles which I have entertained ever since I have fully investigated the subject.” This is what Mr. Calhoun said in IS -37. He alludes to his declarations in 1810. Let us see what these declara tions were: The following are extracts from Mr. Calhoun’s speech, delivered February 20, ISIO, in the House of Representatives of Congress, on the bill establishing a National Bank, with a capital of thirty five millions of dollars. “ Mr. Calhoun rose to explain his views of a subject so interesting to the Repub lic, and so necessary to he correctly un derstood, as that of the bill now before the committee. He proposed at this time only to discuss general principles, without reference to details. He was aware, he said, that principle and detail might be united ; but he should at pres ent keep them distinct. He did not pro pose to comprehend in this discussion the power of Congress to grant bank charters ; nor the question whether the general tendency of banks was favorable or unfavorable to the liberty and prosper ity of the country; nor the question whether a national bunk would be favor able to the operations of the Govern ment. To discuss these questions, he conceived, would be a useless consump tion of time. The constitutional ques tion had been already so freely and fre quently discussed that all had made up their mind on it. The question whether banks were favorable to public liberty and prosperity was one purely- specula tive. Tlie fact of the existence of banks, and their incorporation with the com mercial concerns and industry of the na tion, proved that inquiry to come too late. The o lly question was, on -this hand, under what modifications were banks most useful, and whether the Uni ted States ought or ought not to exercise the power to establish a Bank. As to the question whether a National Bank would be favorable to the administration of the finances of the Government, it was one oil which there was so little doubt that gentlemen would excuse him if he did not enter into it. Leaving all these questions then, Mr. C. said, lie proposed to examine the cause and state of the dis orders of the national currency, and the question whether it was in the power of Congress, by establishing a National Bank, to remove those disorders. This, he observed, was a question of novelty and vital importance; a question which greatly affected the character and pros perity of the country. “As to the state of the currency of the nation, Mr. C. proceeded to remark that it was extremely depreciated, and in degrees varying according to the differ ent sections of the count.y, all would as sent. That this state of the currency was a stain of the public and private credit, and injurious to the morals of the community, was so clear a position as to require no proof. * * * * Gold and silver have disappeared entire ly ; there is no money but paper money, and that money is beyond the control of (longress. No one, he said, who referred to the Constitution, could doubt that the money of the United States was intended to be placed entirely under the control of Congress. The only object the fra mers of the Constitution could have in view, in giving Congress the power “ to coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin,” must have been to give a steadiness and fixed value to the currency of the United States. “ This, then, Mr. C. said was the evil. We have in lieu of gold and silver a pa per medium, unequally hut generally de preciated, which affects the trade and in dustry of the nation, which paralyzes the national arm, which sullies the faith, both public and private, of the United States—a paper no longer resting on gold, and silver as its basis. We have, indeed, laws regulating the currency of foreign com ; but they are under present circum stances, a mockery of legislation, because there is no coin in circulation. The right of making money, an attribute of sovereign power—a sacred and import ant right —was exercised by two hundred and sixty banks, scattered over every part of the United States, not responsi ble to any power whatever for their is sues of paper. The next and great in quiry was, he said, how this evil was to be remedied? Restore, he said, these institu tons to their original use ; caust | them to give up their usurped power cause them to return to their legitimate office or places of discount and deposite; let them be no lot.ger mere paper ma chines ; restore the state of things which existed anterior to 1813, which was con sistent with the just policy and interests of the country; cause them to fulfil their contracts, to respect their broken faith; resolve that every where there shall he a uniform value to the national currency. Your constitutional control will then prevail. “ How, then, he proceeded to examine, was this desirable end to be attained l What difficulties stood in the way ? The reason why the hanks could not comply with their contract was that conduct which, in private life, frequently produ ces the same effect. It was owing to the prodigality of their engagements, without, means to fulfil them; to their issuing more paper than they, could possibly re deem with specie. In the United States, according to the best estimation, there were not in the vaults of all the banks more than fifteen millions of specie, witli a capital amounting to about eighty-two millions of dollars. Hence the cause of the depreciation of bank notes—the ex cess of paper in circulation beyond that of specie in their vaults. * * # “ The indisposition of the banks, from molives of interest, obviously growing out of the vast profits most of them have lately realized, by which the stock hold ers have realized from twelve to twenty per cent on their stock, would be, he showed the greatest obstacle. What, he asked, was a bank ? An institution, un der present u es, to make money. What was the instinct of such an institution ? Gain, gain, nothing hut gain ; and. they, would not willingly relinquish their gain from the state of things, which was prof itable to them, acting as they did with out restraint and without hazard. Those \yho believed that the present state of things would ever cure itself, Mr. C. said, must believe what is impossible. Banks must change their nature, lay aside their instinct, before they will aid in doing what it is not their interest to do. By this process of reasoning, he came to the conclusion that it rested with Congress to make them return to specie payment by making it their interest to do so. This introduced the subject of the National Bank.” From the P »UL'hkeej.sie N. Y. Gazette. “THE OLD GAME.” It is with much difficulty we repress a smile, whenever we hear the whigs brand their President with the epithets ‘traitor,’ !or ‘Benedict Arnold,’ and a few other choice phrases to be found only in the whig vocabulary; and it is seldom done except under the old federal assumption, that the misses of the people are so ignor ant and swinish, that nothing is too gross for their stomachs. The truth is, that the managing l whigs at Harrisburg, when they nominated Gen. Harrison and John Tyler, intended to over-reach thg people of the United States, and in doing this they simply got over-reached themselves. The game was something in this wise. The nominating convention determined to publish no address, from which an outline of whig principles could be gath ered, and the nominees of the convention, it was agreed should make no.declaration of ‘principlesfor the public eye.” Under such circumstances, of course, the public had nothing from which they could gather the principles of the whig party as embodied in their representatives, but the opinion of those representatives them selves, as recorded in their former politi cal career. Here too, the whig managers took care to keep their mystery in a mea sure impenetrable ; the career of their candidate for the first office in their gift had been so obscure, and so perfectly dis connected with the leading questions of the day, that all he had left on record touching such questions, were so equivo cal and inapplicable, that they in reality afforded very little light on the subject; and his opinions were quoted, and it was I undoubtedly intended they should be, with equal authority on both sides of the question. With their second officer it was otherwise. Mr. Tyler had been more recently in public, and as a senator from Virginia,had been conspicuous prin cipally as an opponent to the democratic administrations of Gen. Jackson and Mr. Van Buren, which it was supposed would be sufficient, to trick the northern whigs into the belief that lie was heart and hand with them in their most cherished mea sure, the establishment, of a U. S. Bank. About twenty years before his late nomi nation. Mr. Tyler had unequivocally ex pressed his sentiments upon this subject, but it was not long ago, that the great body of the public had forgotten it; and it was no part of the then whig tactick* to refresh recollections oil “blincked” questions. Still, Mr. Tyler was known to lie uncompromisingly opposed to the establishment of a national bank; and as the southern portion of the “great whig party,” within the immediate sphere ol his influence were also known to be op posed to it, he was undeniably selected as a whiff candidate for the Vice Presi dency because he was opposed to a U. S. Bank; because this fact was well known to his southern constituents, and becrfiJse it was supposed that the notoriety of this fact would secure the votes of that por tion of the whig party who would not support an avowed bank man. Then as now, Gen. Harrison was represented at the south, as being hostile to such an in stitution ; while "Mr. Tyler was on the spot, in writing and orally, to assure his whig admirers that his opinions on the question had undergone no change. These declarations, however, were never permitted to meet the “public eye” of northern whiggery ; and what was called the candidate’s unifo.m whig course in the Senate, was quoted, whenever any officious Paul Pry started a doubt. Now, without wishing to obtrue ourselves be fore the public as the President’s defen der, we may be permitted to say, that this is the head and front of Mr Tyler’s “treachery.” Those who nominated and supported him, never took into account the very probable contingency, that he would be called upon to administer the affairs of the government, ns chief magis trate ; and had not the whig managers at Harrisburg themselves plotted and con templated a most stupendous act of treach ery towards the southern portion of their brethren, through the political influence and standing of their candidate for the Vice Presidency, the northern portion of the same party would not now be suffer ing under the acts of what they are pleased to call “Mr. Tyler’s treachery.” The bank question, it must lie remem bered, is the only matter of disagreement between the President and his quandam supporters. Finally, Mr. Tyler, as Pres ident,has acted precisely as he was bound to act in justice to that portion of his supporters with whom he was conver sant, and just as the Harrisburg mana gers knew how he would act should the administration of government devolve upon him. \V care led to these remarks, because we perceive from a late number of the Republican, published in Petersburg, Va., that the same disgraceful game is still being practised. The editor of that very able and truly democratic print, after sta ting that at the late election in Virginia, he had been appointed sub-elector in the metropolitan district, incidentally says: “Not one of those whom we met on the stump save John M. Bolts, avowed his support of a bank; and their great en deavor in variably was, to prove that Har rison was opposed to both bank and ta riff. We remember upon one occasion during a discussion, that one of the Har rison orators admitted that he agreed with us in opposition to a Bank, a Tariff, a Distribution,” &c. Opposed to Bank and Tariff, eh ! What do the northern (’lay whigs say to this ? Where is the treachery here ? From the Boston Statesman. WHIG GROANS—DEMOCRATIC DUTIES. The National Intelligencer doles forth Jeremaids, over the present political pros pectus, enough to give its readers the hypo. We extract the following from this journal of the 27th ult; “A dangerous discouragement, amoun ting almost to dismay, has seized upon the public spirit. The good find that the most unprincipled counsels but too often succeed ; the able, who will not consent to seek their support in every bad and shallow delusion, are dragged down and trodden over by every base competitor; while the public, continually deceived in its unwisely chosen favorites, is, because they whom it preferred have proved worthless, falling fast into the still more deplorable error of believing that all are corrupt alike.” It talks about “the beautiful letters of consideration and grief,” from two cele brated men of antiquity—alludes to the conduct of the Roman Senate after the battle of Cannae—and winds up as fol lows : “Unquestionably it is well to look after our private affairs, as so many of us have need to do. But what will it profit to have done so, if meantime we suffer those to take the sway whose success can give us nothing short of renewed ruin, public and private ? If, then, we go back to our fields, let it be as our ancestors did in In dian times, when every one ploughed with a rifle and shot-punch at his back. The entire safety of all we have, public or private, is at stake. It is a question, almost now, whether we are to be a so ciety or not; and every man should now work with one hand and fight Locofoco ism with the other.” The burden of this journal consists in the preponderance of democracy. The prospects of a division in the democratic ranks, so confidently predicted and so zealously fostered by the whigs, give it no reliefj because it knows there is no chance for its taking place. With few exceptions the republican press stand pledged to go ina mass for the nominee of the democratic convention. This is ttie rock of safety for the party. Hence the prospect of a complete democratic ad ministration in 1845. Hence the groans of the Intelligencer. lienee the “re newed ruin” cries. But, says the whig Rachael, “It is a question, almost now, whether we are to be a society or not, &c., &c. What cool | insolence in these whigs, who have sus | tamed, through thick and thin, the Uni , ted States Bank and the enormous swind- i ling credit system of which it was the natural centre, to talk in this style! Do they believe the cant themselves? Do they expect intelligent men to believe it? What have they done to entitle them selves to be called the conservators, par excellence, of the land ? Pitch impu dence is insufferable, 'i he advocates of national banks and promoters of specula ting manias should shut their mouths for ever upon the old, stale charge of laying “public and private men” to the doors of democracy. Once the question was, whether we were to be a republican so ciety or loyal subjects ruled by kings and senates for life : the very men who got up national banks were then in favor of monarchy. Fortunately the men in fa vor of republicanism succeeded. They have governed the destinies of the coun try under Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, and Van Buren, and the pros perity, “public and private,” that the peo ple have enjoyed, has been owing to the success ol their principles ; while, mean time, just such croakers as the editors of the National Intelligencer have been nearly the whole time groaning about the prospect of ruin. Jefferson was to spread Jacobinism and divide property, burn bi bles and pull down churches ; Madison was to sell our country to Napoleon ; Jackson was to play the tyrant; Van Buren, with his 40,000 office holders, was to riot in splendor and reduce wages, while the people were to eat soup and lose their liberties into the bargain. The next democratic president, hints the Na tional Intelligencer, will set about the radical business of turning society back into its original elements ! The question is, says this Daniel, whether we are to have a sociofy or not!! The whigs ver ily are hard pushed. Clay must furnish more ammunition, and pick their flints for them instanter. But these extracts announce an impor tant (act. It shows that the ultra wliigs are determined to contest every inch of ground. Now they know who their mas ter is, what his principles are, and what measures he will adopt. There is with them nothing of the availability policy. They are now fighting for a national bank, a high protective tariff, a distribu tion of the proceeds of the public lands, and an assumption of the state delts.—- Here are rallying points for vast money ed interests. The battle for them, on the part of the whigs, will be no boy’s play. Money will be spent freely to buy victo ry; stock-jobbers now occupy the place the U. S. Bank did in 1834. And the sooner the democracy realizes this the better. It will not do for a single man to sleep at his post. He must work with one hand, and fight federalism with the other; light it by fair argument, on the farm, in the workshop, in the counting room. This is the only course for it to pursue. Depend upon it a hard day’s work is ahead. It will require union and firmness; union against all efforts of the whigs to sow disunion— firmness against alt their efforts to produce corruption. Let the democracy, then, be firm and united, and frown down every attempt of disappointed office-seeking or private malice to overturn regular nominations, and it will again see its principles trium phant, and its defenders wieldingthe des tinies of this great country. lie who el evates self-obstinacy orself-interest above the good ofthc cause, should be drummed out of the democratic ranks. “As for history, I know it to be a lie,” was the observation of Walpole. Every body has read Robertson’s account of the abdication of Charles V. and his retire ment to the cloister, where he exercised the religious duties and austerities of the order to which he attached himself. Our accomplished Minister at Berlin whose pen is never idle, has lately transmitted, among other valuable papers, to the Na tional institute, one upon this subject. He pronounces, upon good authority, the whole of Robertson’s remarkable story an invention, and tears the veil of ro mance from one of the most interesting incidents of what has always been r<> garded as authentic history. Lowell. —They make nearly a mill ion and a quarter yards of cotton cloth at Lowell per week ; employ aboui 9,000 operatives (6,375 females) and use 434,- 000 lbs. of raw cotton per week. The annual amount of raw cotton used is 22,568,000 lbs enough to load 50 ships of 350 tons each, and of cotton manu factured 70,275,910 yards—loo lbs. of cotton will produce 89 yards of cloth. A NEW MOTIVE POWER. Dr. Drake, of Philadelphia, claims to have invented a machine to supersede the steam engine. Atmospheric air is allowed to pass into a cylinder through a tube, and when admitted there is rarffied by some internal chemical agent, and the piston moves accordingly." All pre vious experiments to employ air for this purpose have failed. In thirteen counties in the State of Michigan, there are no less than three hundred and eighty-six flourishing grist and saw mills. JNO. 11.