Newspaper Page Text
From the Washington Spectator.
MR. CALHOUN S SPEECHES.
The National Intelligencer is perform
ing a very acceptible service in rescuing
from oblivion such of Mr. Calhoun's ear
lier speeches as have been omitted in the
work recently’ published by’ the Meesrs.
Harpers. Imperfect as they evidently
are, they yet furnish glimpses of that ex
traordinary talent, which, even at that
early age, made Mr. C. a “ man of mark,”
and extorted the plaudits of the cynic
Randolph, ever more ready with his sneer
than his praise. We see no necessity’
whatever to suppose that “ gross decep
tion,” or “gross imposition,” (the some
what unusual and uncalled for language
of the Intelligencer) was intended by
the compiler or publishers in an omission
so palpable that its detection was inevita
ble, and are rather disposed to attribute it
to the difficulty of procuring authentic
copies of the speeches in question. The
mere fact that Mr. Calhoun’s present
opinions upon questions of public policy
are not the same as those he entertatned
more than a quarter of a century since
—a period in which mind as well as
matter has been accelerated with the im
petus of a locomotive, and in which po
litical economy has kept pace with her
sister sciences—should lie considered nei
ther a matter of accusation by Mr. Cal
houn’s opponents, nor of shame by his
friends. With as much propriety might
we make the man amenable for the crude
opinions of his childhood, and, discard
ingall the lights to be derived from learn
ing and experience, say to the human
mind, “ thus far shalt thou go and no
further.” Pertinacity in opinion is the
fool’s virtue, while the wise statesman
keeps pace with the onward and upward
march of human improvement.
While the Intelligencer is pursuing its
researches, it may not be amiss to remind
it. that there is still upon record a speech
of Mr. Clay, in which he denounced a
United States Rank as inexpedient and
unconstitutional, and that the arguments
he then advanced have never been con
troverted in any of his subsequent efforts,
simply because they are incontrovertible.
And to come still nearer home to the In
telligencer, in alluding to the course of a
distinguished statesman, whose language
its editors have adopted as their motto,
how often has Mr. Webster changed his
opinions upon the subject of a currency ?
As explanatory of the circumstances
under which the speeches upon the sub
ject of Internal Improvement and the
United States Rank were delivered, of
which sketches are given by the Intelli
gencer, we make the following extracts
from the very interesting “ Life of Mr.
Calhoun,” recently published:
* During the war, while the coasting
trade was interrupted, the whole internal
commercial intercourse, and the military
transportations and movements over our
widely extended country had to pass
through internal routes, then in a state
far less perfect than at present, and the
difficulties were immense. Great delay,
uncertainty and expense attended the
concentration of any considerable force
or supply on a point where the defence
of the country or an attack on the enemy
made it necessary. This greatly enfee
bled our military operations, and contri
buted much to exhaust the means of the
Government. So great were the expense
and difficulties, that it is estimated, for
example, that much of the flour delivered
at Detroit during the war cost per
barrel, and most of the cannon and ball
transported to the lakes not less than 50
cents per pound.
“At the commencement of the first
session after the war, while the recol
lection of these things was fresh, Mr.
Madison, in his opening message, among
other things, invited the attention of Com
gress to the subject of internal improve
ments, and recommended Congress to
call into exercise whatever constitutional
power it might possess over the subject,
and if that should not prove adequate, to
apply for nil amendment to the Constitu
tion granting such additional powers as
would lie sufficient. Mr. Calhoun, net
ting ns he supposed, in strict conformity
to this recommendation, reported a bill
at the next session, to set apart and pledge
the bonus of the United States Rank and
their share of its dividends as a fund for
internal improvement. It made no ap
propriation, nor did it intend to affirm
that Congress had any power, much less
to fix the limits of its power, over the
subject; but to leave both, as well as the
appropriations thereafter to be made, to
abide the decision of Congress, in con
formity with the President's views. Nor
did Mr. C. undertake to establish either
in his speech. He declined both, and
confined his remarks to the general ben
efit of a good system of internal improve
ments. When urged to assert the power
of Congress, lie refused, saying that, al
though he believed it possessed the pow
er to a certain extent, he was not prepar
ed to w'ixt limits it extend'd, lie
had not the least suspicion, in reporting
and supporting the bill, that he went be
vond the President's recommendation, or
that he would have any difficulty in ap
proving it, till the bill had passed both
Houses, and was sent to him for his sig
nature.
“It was Mr. Madison’s last terms, and
only a few days before its termination,
when the bill was sent to him; and
while h was still before him, Mr. Calhoun
called to take his leave of him. After
congratulating him on the success of his
administration, and expressing the hap
piness he felt in having had the opportu
nity of co-operating with him in its most
difficult period, that of the war, he took
his leave. When he reached the door,
Mr. Madison requested him to return.
He did so,, and took his seat; and for the
first time Mr. M. disclo ed to him his
constitutional objections to the bill. Mr.
Calhoiw expressed his deep regret, first
"hat he-should entertain them, and next!
flint he had not intiniati and them to him in
time, * vying, that, if he had, lie (Mr. Cal
houn) would certainly not have subjected
him to the unpleasant duty, at the very
close of his administration, of vetoing a
bill passed by the votes of his friends,
himself to having the weight of his
name and authority brought against him
on such a subject, lie then stated that
be had Introduced the bill, as he believed,
in strict conformity to his recommenda
tion, and if lie had gone beyond, it was
not intentional, and entreated him to re
cohsiderthe subject; but it was too late.
“ In this connection, it is due to can
dor to state* that although Mr. Calhoun
has never committed himself, in any
speech or report, as to the extent of the
constitutional powers of Congress over
internal improvements,yet his impression
like that of most of the young men of
the party at the time, was, that it was
comprehended under the money-power
of the Government. Experience and
reflection soon taught him this was an
error—one, in all probability, originating
with him, and others of his own age. in
the precedent of the Cumberland Road,
which may be regarded as the first de
parture by the Republican party from the
true construction of the Constitution in
reference to that dangerous power. Thus
much it has been thought proper to state
by way of explanation, and as due to
that portion of our political history, and
the part which Mr. Calhoun acted in re
lation to it.
“ The subject of the currency, as has
been stated, was particularly intrusted to
Mr. Calhoun. It was regarded as the
most difficult and important question of
the session. All the Ranks of the States
south of New England had, at an early
period of tha war, stopped payment, anil
gold and silver had entirely disappeared,
leaving within their limits ao other cur
rency than the notes of Banks that eith
er would or could not redeem them.—
Government was forced to submit, and
not only to collect its taxes and dues*
and make its disbursements, and nego
tiate its loans in their discredited and de
preciated paper, but also to use them, at
the same time as the agents of the Trea
sury and depositoriss of its funds. At
first the depreciation was inconsiderable,
but it continued to increase, though une
qually, ill the different portions of the
Union to the end of the war. It was
then hoped it would stop ; but the fact
proved far otherwise; fertile progress of
depreciation became more and more rap
id and unequal than ever. It was great
est at the centre (the District of Colum
bia and the adjacent region,) where ii
had reached twenty per cent, as compar
ed wiih Boston ; nor was there the least
prospect that it would terminate of itself.
It became absolutely necessary, in this
state of things, for the Government to
adopt the rn!e of Collecting its taxes and
dues in the local currency of the place,
to prevent that which was most deprecia
ted from flooding the whole Union ; for
the public debtors, if they had the option,
would be sure to pay in the most depre
ciated. Rut the necessary effect of this
was to turn the whole import trade of the
country towards the Chesapeake bay, the
region where the depreciation was the
greatest. Ry making entry there, the
duties could be paid in the local depreci
ated currency, and the goods then ship
ped where they were wanted. The re
sult of the rule though unavoidable. was
to act atf a premium for depreciation. It
was impossible to tolerate such a state of
things. It was in direct hostility to the
Constitution, which provides that “all
duties, imposts, and excises shall be uni
form throughout the United States,” and
that “all.duties, imposts, and excises shall
be uniform throughout the 11. States,”
and that “ no preference shall be given
by any regulation of commerce or reven
ue to the ports of one State over that of
another.” Thus the only question was,
what shall be done?
“ The administration was in favor of a
bank, and the President (.Mr. Madison)
recommended one in his message at the
commencement of the session. The great
body of the Republican party in Congress
concurred in the views of the Adminis
tration, but there were many of them
who had, on constitutional grounds, in
superable objections to the measure.—
These, added to the Federal party, who
had been against the war, and were in
consequence, against a bank, constituted
a formidable opposition..
“ Mr. Calhoun, whose first lesson on
tlie subject of banks, taken at the prece
ding session, was not calculated to incline
him to such an institution, was averse,
in the abstract, to the whole system; but
perceiving then no other way of reliev
ing Government from its difficulties, he
yielded to the opinion that a bank was
indispensable. The separation ot the
Government and tne banks was at that
time out of the question. A proposition
of the kind would have been rejected on
all sides. Nor was it possible then to
collect the taxes and dues of the Govern
ment in specie.
“ It had been almost entirely expelled
thecoutitry; there appeared to he no alter
native but to yield to a state of things to
which' no radical remedy could at that
time be applied, and to resort to a bank
to mitigate the evils of a system which
its then state was intolerable. This, at
least, was the view which Mr. Calhoun
took, and which he expressed iu his
speech on taking up the bill for discus
sion. It is said to have been one. of the
most elaborate and powerful he ever de
livered. Unfortunately, it is lost. That
published at the time is a meager sketch
of what took three hours in the delivery,
and such as it is, never passed under his
review and correction, and omits almost I
entirely all that does not immediately '
refer to the bank.
I lie passage' of the Bank bill was '
followed by the joint resolution of 181fi,
which prohibit, and, after a certain day, the
reception of the notes of any bank which
did not pay specie. It received the de
cided support of Mr. Calhoun, and was
the first step towards the separation of
the Government from the Banking sys
tem. Through the joint agency of the
two measures, the currency was brought
to the specie standard, and the evil rem
edied.”
THE PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATION’ THE
DC TV OF TIIE DEMOCRACY.
One by one the differences that seemed
to threaten division in the national de
mocracy upon the presidential question,
have disappeared, and there is now but
one real source of apprehension left; and
this arises from the zeal with which a
small portion of the friends of some of
those named as candidates urge the
claims of their respective favorites.
The support of this or that man for
the presidency before the final action of
the national convention, must not, shall
not, and never can, I e made the test of
democracy. The seeming attempt of
some portion of the press to make it so,
is the only obstacle now left to that union
of the whole democratic party which is
destined in 1844 to achieve as consolida
ted and complete a triumph as was ef
fected in the second election of Andrew
Jackson.
There must be no intolerance of opin
ions, no distrust of motives upon an hon
est difference as to personal preferences
in candidates. Our opponents, who can
have no strength but in our division,
have been watching and fostering dissen
sions among us with the vain hope that
now the democracy are all united on
measures, they can nevertheless he made
to sever on men. It is the first duty of
the democracy to disappoint them. The
time arid modes of holding and constitu
ting a national convention, were for some
time relied on as furnishing sources of
division that might be brought to a head,
but these have all been dispersed by the
instinctive sense of right and justice, and
the readiness to yield mere matters of
form to substantial union upon principles
that have never failed to concentrate the
democracy, upon every great occasion,
where success has depended upon mutu
al concession and earnest co-operation.
\\ e are ail now agreed that tire nation
al convention shall be held in May 1844.
This was the longest time proposed by
any portion of the party, and if the
friends of any candidate supposed it more
favorable to them than an early period,
•theentire benefit of it has been conceded
to them with a frankness which will en
sure that point of time being the only one
that will bethought offer tire nomina
tion. The whole democracy of the Un
ion will be represented in that conven
tion. The mode of selecting the dele
gates is now left by general assent to the
action of the democracy in each state,
w here of right it belongs, as an integral
part of the state right doctrine. The ni
tioti that a general ticket delegation was
desired by the friends of one candidate,
and a district delegation by another, and
that this was to be made a ground of ob
jection to the constituency of the conven
tion, has been wholly diss.pated. Thus
in Georgia, for instance, where a state
convention lias declared a preference for
Mr. Calhoun, a general ticket delegation
has been recommended, while in New
York, and some other states, where Mr.
Mr. Van Buren is known to be the pre
ferred candidate, a delegation by districts
is strongly urged. This last mode has
much to commend it as the surest and
safest exponent of the popular will, and
we hope will be generally adopted, but
the adoption of either mode will be made
no grand objection in the convention, to
the action of any state through its repre
sentatives in that body.
\\ liether the voting in the convention
shall be by individual delegates or by
states, has also been made a subject of
amicable discussion, but by universal
consent it is left to the convention itself,
which is the only proper pow er to decide
upon it, and there is no fear that it will
not decide wisely and harmoniously.
The only point left is the preliminary
canvassing as to particular candidates be
fore the meeting and final action of the
convention. This must be done in a
spirit of conciliation, and not in a tone of
denunciation. The right of preference,
and of opinion, and of discussion, is free
to any man, and to any press, and to any
body of men ; but no man, and no press,
and no body of men, have any more
rights in respect to their preferred can
didate than others have as to theirs. The
only standard the whole democracy will
recognise is this : The candidate so pre
ferred must be a democrat, and in har
mony with the great democratic party ;
but no man, and no press, and no state,
can have any higher claim to purity of
purpose, or devotion to the cause, or to
distinction with the democracy of the
country, for advocating the nomination
of Mr. Calhoun than for advocating the
nomination of Mr. Van Buren; nor for
advocating the nomination of Mr. Van
Buren than for advocating the nomina
tion of Mr. Calhoun ; and so of other
candidates for whom a preference may be
entertained - .
The right of preference and of express
ing that preference belongs to all alike ;
it is only’ iu the mode of exercising this
right that the danger of collision may
arise. In the zeal of one man or one
press for its favorite candidate, there
may be denunciation, intolerance, or dis
trust of those who exercise the same
right in regard to another candidate;
and this is the injustice against which the
sense of right of the great mass of the
whole democracy of the Union will pro
test with earnest firmness.
If any candidate is unreasonably and
dictatorial I y urged by his friends, it will
surely retard and not advance his pros
pects. There must he no ex cathedra
anathemas of this or that man, no read
ing out of the party of this or that indi
vidual or press, for preferring or oppos
ing this or that candidate, or for taking
sides with either. The distinguished
candidates themselves most desire this.
The people mean fairly, and they will
insist upon a full, fair, and frank consid
eration of tire merits of all candidates,
with as good right and as entire freedom
from distrust in the support of one as the
other, up to the moment of the expres
sion by it majority of the national con
vention ; and when that expression is
made, the test of fidelity will be, the hon
est support of that nomination ; and the
measure of merit, the zeal and efficiency
with which it is sustained and carried to
its final triumph.
So far as any influence of our press is
concerned, we have designed from the
beginning, to treat this grave matter of a
national convention to determine the
final preference for a candidate, in good
faith and all honesty of purpose toward
every section and every interest ; and
witliout urging our individual wishes
upon the people, to lead them to such
action as will insure a lull and fair ex
pression of the will of the democracy
through that convention, iu such form as
that no man who may lie disappointed at
the result shall have just grounds ot
complaint. After such a result, adhe
sion to the decision of that convention
will be regarded as the test of party fidel
ity, and disaffection and a refusal to ac
quiesce must be treated as open deser
tion.
This is the broad platform on which
we desire to stand, and we are content to
occupy no narrower space in the discus
sion of this question. It is a mistaken
view, if any entertain it, that special la
vor or particular consideration is to be
gained from the candidate who shall re
ceive the nomination, by those wflio urged
liis nomination beforehand. A man who
could act on such selfish grounds would
be unworthy the nomination, and we
know of no man among those upon whom
this high honor may be conferred, who
is capable of a view so narrow-minded
and unjust. The question will not be
who was foremost to press the successful
nominee, but wflio is truest, and most
faithful and industrious in aiding the
great purpose of that nomination, name
ly: the triumph of the national democ
racy, which then will become identified
with the success of the selected candidate
of the whole partyi
The democratic people demand fair
play and equal rights as to all the can
didates. They will insist upon a con
vention fairly chosen, and they will de
sire to see such a convention composed
of men full of the spirit of true democra
cy, coining together not to struggle for a
point in effecting a nomination based
upon individual preference or sectional
relations, but open to conviction, given
to conciliation, and determined to con
centrate in good faith and hearty resolu
tion upon the man who shall be the
choice of the majority.
While, therefore, we have no quarrel
with those of our brethren who choose to
urge the candidate of their personal pref
erence, no matter how earnestly, so long
as they do not denounce or disparage
others for not agreeing w ith them, we
prefer for our owtl course to maintain a
position best adapted to insure concilia
tion, a conviction ofsincerity and a hearty
unanimity in the final action of the con
vention—fully confiding, in the mean
time, in the sagacity of the democratic
people to select their true-hearted repre
sentatives to compose that convention,
and to give to them, whenever it may be
desirable, instructions to carry out the
individual preference of their constitu
ents faithfully in the first instance, but at
all events to co-operate with the majority
in a unanimous support of the candidate
wflio may lie selected, whether he be their
first choice or not.
We know and recognize no Calhoun
ism and no Van Bnrenism beyond this,
nor shall we do aught to array either of
these distinguished men or their friends
against each other. The worst enemies
that Mr. Van Buren or Mr. Calhoun
have, in our opinion, are those who are
over zealous in pushing the one and de
nouncing the other, and whose aim is to
make it a test of democracy to support
one or the other before the action of the
convention on their respective merits.
The danger is that, if those who take
this course shonld succeed in sending in
to a convention two strong and nearly
equal parties thus arrayed, both Mi*. Van
Buren and Mr. Calhrun might be ren
dered unavailable to the democracy by
the necessary election of a third less de
serving than either, but less obnoxious
to either section of the two divisions.
This state of asperity must not be en
couraged by the democratic people, for
this is the only cloud that now lies in the
otherwise clear horizon of democratic as
cendancy in the presidential election.
That cloud is fast dispersing, and we
cannot better conclude this article than
by quoting from the Washington Globe
the frank position that prominent press
has laid down as its guide, since the re
turn of its editor from a visit to the patri
ot ex-President—a position manly, up
right, and just to all, and upon which
all can stand in the harmony of firm
brotherhood. We will heartily co-oper
ate with the Globe, and every other dem
ocratic press, in establishing this as the
platform on which we are all to stand up
to the nomination by the convention;
and let those only be regarded as want
ing in fidelity to principle, and good faith
in party co-operation, who, before or af
ter that nomination, attempt to set up a
difierent standard:—
“ If it were not for the enemies to the
democratic party,” says the Washington
Globe, we would not know who are
Calhoun, Van Buren, Cass, Johnson, or
Buchanan men. \\ e never ask the
question, and really do not wish to know j
who a democratic ca didate for office is '
in favor of for the next presidency ; all
we desire to know is, Is he honest, capa- '
ble, and in favor of whoever may be the
nominee of the democratic national con
vention ? A\ hen we are satisfied on the
first two points, we make no further iu
quiry, as the third follows as a conse
quence. as ceitainly as effect follow's
cause.”
The democrats of Philadelphia adopt
ed the following resolution on the fourth :
“ Resolved. That in the approaching
contest with Federalism, it is the duty of
the democratic party to unite w’ithout
debay in active and vigorous measures,
and cordially to co-operate for the preser
vation of their political principles, and
the restoration of their ascendancy in the
administration of the government; that
while they will select for the chief exe
cutive office, none but a tried and faith
ful supporter of democratic measures,
they will be swayed by no unworthy pre
dilections for an individual; that they
will heaitily and sincerely yield to the
wishes of the majority all particular pref
erences ; and that in the decision of a
national democratic convention, chosen
and held in such time and manner as
may be acceptable to a majority, and vo
ting as by that body may be considered
just and proper, they recognise the fair
est and most just selection of the presi
dential candidate.— Rost. Statesman.
From the Savannah Georgian.
REMARKABLE INSTANCES OF LONGEVITY.
The following statement is compiled
from some old Parish Registers,published
iu different parts of Europe between the
years 15U0 and ISUU, A. L). for the pur
pose of perpetuating the memory of per
sons, whose lives weie extended much
beyond the usual sphere of human exis
tence. There are still extant a few bi
ographical sketches of some of the parties,
showing that most of them M’ere mechan
ics, sai.ors, farmers, soldiers and laborers ;
that they were exposei to various climate
influences by tie.d and flood ; and that
some of them experienced the rude buf
fetings of adversity, Ac. Many of the
remarkable company were repeatedly
wounded in battle, exposed by slnpwri ek
and subjected to other dangers; still they
clung tenaciously to life, even lor gene
rations alter their early associates hud
“bade the world farewell.” We have
arranged the successive ages in accor
dance with the forms of the curious old
chronicles liom which we extracted our
catalogue.
Alive in ihe year 1770, John De La Soure., aged 130 years.
44 4 * “ 1760, George Kings, " 130 44
44 M 44 1707, John Tayior, “ 130 44
44 44 1774, Win. Ueuiie, 44 130 44
44 44 44 1778, John Watson, 4 * J3O 44
44 44 44 1780, John Meß. ie, 4 ‘ 130 44
, 4 44 44 1780, William Uliis, 44 130 4
44 44 44 1775, David Uammeron, 44 130 44
17GI, Elizabth Taylor, 131 1761, Eiiz’th Merchant, 133
1775, Peter Gurdher, 131 1772, Mrs. Keith, 131
1777, Francis A£nes, 134 1759, James cdieile, 136
[777, John Bmckey, 134 1708, Catharine None, 136
•744, Jane Harrison, 135 1772, John Richardson, 137
1/74, Margaret Foster, 136 1793, Robertson, 137
l7t*6, John Moriat, 136 1766, Thomas Dobson, 139
1750, Win. Miarpley, 133 1772, Mrs Glim, 138
1708, Jeiler Donough, 138 1785, Margaret Cameron, 139
j 773, Fuirbroiher, 133 1752, Win. Leland, 140
175*2, Countess Desmond, 140 1770, James Sands, 140
1?73, SwarllngA-Monk, 142 1773, Charles Mi Finley, 143
John Efiingham, 144 1782, Evan Williams, 143
1766, Thomas Winsloe, 146 1772, J. C. Hrahakenburg, 146
1652, William Mead, 148 1765, Francis Consair, 150
1542, Thomas Newnan, 152 1635, Thomas Purr, 152
1650, James Bowles, 152 1648, Thomas Damme, 154
1650, Henry West, 15*2 1763, A Polish Peasant, 157
1706, Joseph Burrington, 160 1668, Win. Rewards, 163
1670, lianry Jenkins, 1*26 1782, Louisa Truxo, 175
The above schedule contains the names
of forty-eight persons (ten females and
thirty-eight males,) natives of Germany,
Ireland, Ireland, France, Poland, Italy,
England, Holland, Scotland, &c. The
average duration of their lives ranging
about one hundred and forty one and a
half years, and it is deserving of notice,
that the longest liver on the list was a
lady, who departed this life at the vener
able of 175 years.
We have seen it stated that a man died
in Fredericksburg, United States,reported
to have been 180 years old in the year
1797, but we have no authentic docu
ment to authorize the insertion of his
name on our list.
When correctly informed on the sub
ject, we will include his name in a list of
Revolutionary Patriarchs, which we will
hereafter publish for the entertainment of
our readers.
A HINT TO NORTHERN TARIFF MEN.
We clip the following item of intelli
gence from a Georgia paper, the Ameri
can Democrat, published at Macon :
“Is Mr. Clay in favor of a Protective Tariff?
We thought it impossible that such a
question should have arisen, and doubt
less wotijd have continued so to think,
had notour easy serenity upon this sub
ject been somewhat abruptly broken in
by a respectable Whig gentleman, who
informed us that Mr. Clay was no longer
in favor of the Protective Tariff, and that
Mr. Berrien, in bis late speech at the
Whig Convention bad asserted as much.”
This is another key to what our wings
call John Tylers treachery. Our oppo
nents must learn to deal honestly with
each other before they can convince us
of the sincerity of their denunciations of
their “impracticable” President. Here
now, is Mr. John McPherson Berrien,
striving to lead the southern whigs into
the support of Mr. ( lay, by what he
knows to be a palpable misrepresenta
ti jn. Mr. Berrien, if lie knows Mr. Clay
at all, knows that at the north .and west,
he stakes his politca! existence upon bis
protective tariff principles, and yet he
has the hardihood to get up before his
whig fellow citizens in Georgia, and as
sure them that the contrary is die fact!
Now, is not this the basest kind of
‘treachery?” Mr. Berrien knows that
the great body of the southern whigs arc
irreconcilably opposed to a protective
tarilF, a national bauk, and to distribu
tion ; and he is shamelessly endeavoring
to trim Air. Clay’s sails to suit the popu
lar breeze iu a southern meridian, and in
doing so luj notoriously outrages the
truth, and holds out false allurements to
such of his political associates as are sim
ple enough to confide in him. If there
is deception in treachery, can any tiling
be blacker than this? \\ e hereby warn
nur whig friends in season, and now tell
them that their managers are playing n
double game with them. The same
kind of trickery was practised at the
south in 1810, when Mr. Badger public
ly proc'dinied that Gen. Harrison was
opposed to a National Rank, and when
Mr. Tyler, an avowed opponent of such
an institution, was nominated to the Vice
Presidency. A repetition of the same
tricks is about to ensue. A southern
man, and an opponent of a protective tar
iff, a national bank, and of distribution,
will in all probability be selected as the
whig candidate for the vice presidency ;
and what is worse, he will be selected
for these very qualities , in order to carry
with him the strength of the southern
whigs. Suppose* them successful; and
that this southern Vice President, (as
would not be improbable) should be call
ed upon to administer the affairs of the
government on whig principles, such as
he and his southern supporters under
stand them to be, and such as Mr. Berri
en, in Georgia, proclaims that they arc 1 ,
where would lie the “ treachery” and
who M ould be responsible for it ? It
would be well for the Eagle to crack
these nuts, and say whether Mr. Berrien
may he taken as a classick model of
whig honesty. —Poughkeepsie Prce
Press.
From the Washington Spectator.
MR. CALHOUN.
We insert below an extract from a let
ter from Mr. Calhoun to a friend, who
has authorized us to publish it, as the best
inode of answering the letters on the sub
ject of a Northern and Western tour,
which are too numerous to admit of a
personal reply to each by Mr. Calhoun
himself. Although his friends may at
first feel a little disappointment, we are
fully persuaded that, on reflection, they
cannot fail to approve of the sentiments
so characteristic of the man, which have
dictated his decision.
sir. calhoun’s letter.
“ I have received numerous invitations
to visit various portions of the Union,
and especially the Northern, and given
the subject that deliberate and favorable
consideration which is due to the wishes
ol my friends ; but n*-:st say, after view
ing the subject on all sides, that my judg
ment is against it. 1 have nevt r known
any visit, by one in the position I occupy,
that did not do more to weaken than U>
strengthen him, and 1 can see no reason
why the fact should not be the same
in my case. There are many reasons
why should be so ; and among Iheni
one of the strongest, in my opinion, is
that there is a large and influential, but
quiet portion ot the community, who re
gard the office ot President as too eleva
vated, and its responsibility too great, to
be Ihe object ot personal solicitation or
canvass. 1 must say, I participate in the
impression. According to my opinion,
the highest office in the Union ought to
be the reward only ot acknowledged ser
vices—services long and faithful, and
evincing a thorough knoM'ledge of our
system of Government, and a deep devo
tion to the Constitution, the liberty’ and
the happiness of the country. Thus
thinking, lam adverse to taking any step
that might be construed so as to place
me in an attitude inconsistent with that
opinion.
“ Be ieving that such would be the cer
tain effect of a visit to the North, or any
other section, at this time—that it would
be regarded as a mere electioneering tour
—I cannot, without doing violence to my
feelings, comply with the wishes of my
friends. It may appear fastidious, but,
as such, in my opinion, would he the fact,
1 must respect it. If it M r as a mere mat
ter of opinion, whether it M ould or M ould
not contribute to the result which my
friends dcsiie, I M’ould defer to their judg
ment, and cheerfully comply with their
wishes. I should feel it due to them to
make tlie visit, and should moreover, take
much pleasure in witnessing the great
groM-th and improvement of our country,
and in forming the acquaintance of those
friends with whom 1 am now personally
unacquainted, and in reneMflng that of
those whom I have heretofore personally
known. Rut as it is, Ido hope, they will
excuse me ; and I will thank you to make
known to those M’ho have expressed the
desire to you, that 1 should make a visit
to their portion of the Union, my reasons
for declining to accede to their wishes,
and to assure them, that, under different
circumstances, it would have afforded me
much pleasure to comply M'ilh them.”
MR. VAN BUREN IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.
It appears to us that the Democracy of the country
arc in some danger of Being misled upon the subject
of Mr. Van Huron’s strength in New Hampshire.
It is less lhan a month since a State Convention was
held there, of delegates fresh from the people. An
•‘(Tort was made to commit the Ftate in support of
Mr. Van Burt n, hy resolutions, declaring him to he
the preferred candidate of New Hampshire; they
were pressed with much fervency ; yet the Conven
tion refused to adopt the it, proton ing to leave the
question open to tlie future. Fuhsequently, those
iiicmhers ot the Convention who urged the nomina
tion of Mr. Van Buren, being members of the Le
gislature, succeeded in procuring the adoplion of
their resolutions at a legislative caucus; and the re
sult is proclaimed as “the voice of New Hampshire.”
It may he the voice of the Legislature, notwithstand
ing five members rose in opposition to the resolutions,
and quite a numlier more declined voting either way.
The memlieis of the Legislature were not chosen
with reference to the subject; and although no one
questions tlieir right to express their opinions u;ton
the matter, yet the Democracy of the country are
hound in good faith to receive the action of the pop
ular Convention as the authoritative expression of
New Hampshireanti that leaves the question open
to future consideration.— ll'urces/cr f*allodium .
The Wu Tent of \v At u.Norox. —tVe learn
that this venerable relic of revolutionary times, winch
li is he i) carefully preserved hy our patriotic counfry
m an, G. W. P. Custis, arrived in Baltimore a short
ti ne since, on its way to Pittsburg, win re it is about
in Ire pitched oil the approaching Anniversary, near
to the field ol Washington's earliest feme. L'oubt
h»s it wdl awaken thrilling recollection! of scenes
t .at occurred at Foil Du (iuesne and Braddeck’*-
fields.