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Ihe inoht perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least—Costs least—Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None.—BE NTH AM.
VOL. Li DR. WM. GREEN-EDITOR.
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COMMUNICATIONS addressed to the Editor Post
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ToYtliy.
From the ‘‘Nation,” the organ of the Irish People.
THE MEMORY OF THE DEAD.
A REPEAL SONG.
TVho fears to speak of Ninety-Eight 1
Who flushes at the namcl
When cowards mock the patriot’s fate.
Who hangs his head for shame I
He’s all a knave, or half a slave,
Who slights his country thus;
Eut a true man, like you, man,
Will fill your glass with us.
We drink the memory of the brave,
The faithful and the few
Some lie far beyond the wave,
Some sleep in Ireland, loo;
All —all arc gone hut still lives on
The fame of those who died ;
All true men, like yon, men.
Remember them with priJe.
Some on the shores of distant lands
Their weary hearts have laid,
And by the stranger’s heedless hands
Their lonely graves were made.
But, though their clay he far away
Beyoud the Atlantic foam
In true men. like you, men,
Their spirit’s still at home.
The dust of some is Irish earth;
Among their own they rest?
And the same land that gave them birth
lias caught them to her breast;
And we will pray that from their clay
Full many a race may start
Os true men, like you, men.
To act as brave a part.
They rose in d»rk and evil days
To right their native land;
They kindled hero a living blaze
That nothing shall withstand.
Alas! that Might can vanquish Right
They fell and pass'd away;
But true men, like you men,
Are plenty here to-day.
Then here’s their memory ! may it he
For us a guiding light,
To cheer our strife for Liberty,
And teach us to unite;
Through good and ill, be Ireland's still,
Though sad as theirs your fate;
And true men, be you, men,
Like those of Ninety-Eight.
From the Bay State Democrat.
SONG FOR THE OEMOCRACIE.
BY RADZ.
Shout, shout Dcnrocracie! shout on!
Each steady front and beaming eye,
Is seen your serried ranks along—
Repeat the cheering cry!—
“ Freedom to all! no shackles lay
On body or on mind—
Away! no corporate tyranny
Our energies shall bind !
Protu-tion and restriction fail
Our countenance to gain ;
Free be our ports to every sail!
Free here as on the main!”
Though in the Trojan horse of “ Troy”
Greckswould admittance gain,
From his insidious offers fly—
They give no honest fame.
No loftier aspiration lives
Than that which prompts you now;
Nought truer, brighter glory gives
Than firmness not to bow
At shrine of cursed venality,
But democrat in truth to he.
So marshal your array, he firm,
Let none against his brother turn ;
So let your principles he heard
Ui>on the swelling gale,
That onward hears you with each word,
With full and flowing sail,
To triumph and to victory
Os truth and pure tlemocracie!
DEZVIOCRATIC BARKER -- FRED TRADE; LOW DIJTIETj NO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT•
AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE C. C.MPUOI.W ’
MR. COOPER’S LETTER OF RESIGNATION.
Mount Hope, Murray Cos. Ga. )
June 26th, 1543. j
Sir—l resign to those who gave if, my
se.it as Representative of the People of
Georgia, in the twenty-eighth Congress,
of the United States. In doing this, per
mit me through you to return to my con
stituents, the sincere thanks of a grateful
heart, for the kind manner in which I
have been sustained by their suffrages.
W ith a confidence which 1 hope never
to forfeit they have borne with my in
firmities, supported me in my efforts to
serve them, and defended me when I
have been assailed.
1 have only to lament, that I could not
bring to their service, during the four
years 1 was engaged in the councils of
the Union, greater powers, mental and
physical. Such as I had, I can assure
them, I have diligently, faithfully, and
industriously employed. No lime was
lost, no opportunity left unimproved.
Both were used according to my abili
ties, to the best advantage for the securi
ty of their liberty, their interest and hap
piness.
In doing this, it were vain to suppose,
I had committed no error, had done no
wrong. If 1 have, I trust I have their
forgiveness, since none can say of me,
he did not mean lo do right. I have ev
er sought carefully, to know their will
and their interest, before permitting my
self to he chosen to their service. Hence
I have always in advance, freely, truly,
candidly, given them my opinions, con
corning the just principles of their gov
ernment, and the right policy of its Ad
ministration.
In regard to the former, (being taught
it in my youth, and knowing no other
practice,) 1 have contended for a gov
ernment of the People, for themselves;
established through a written Constitu
tion of specified, limited, delegated pow
ers. Limited as well by the purposes
and ends of its creation, as by its letter.
In regard to the latter, pursuant to assu
rances given previous to my first, elec
tion, 1 have always opposed a National
Bank and a National Debt —and have
advocated Dice Trade, Equal Laics,
Low Duties , economy, and a diminution
of Goverment patronage and corruption
—the safety of the public money and
morals, by collecting, keeping, and pay
ing out the taxes, without the use or
agency of a hank.
In respect to both, in the selection of
my associations at Washington, I have
acted under the law of necessity. When
I went there first, 1 had no association
with either of the great parties, Whin- or
Democratic. None with the Whigs, be
cause, up to that time, we all in Georgia,
differed from them in principles and in
policy. Theirs was the Federal , ours
the Republican policy. None with the
1) emocrats, because, shades of difference
and local causes, had placed me in oppo
sition at home, to those who at Washing
ton, were already associated with the
Democrats. Being there, it was my du
ty; on all occasions, to vote. My votes,
(not my avowed professions,) indicated
my principles and my policy, because
these governed my voting. The Whigs
at Washington, branded tne “Democrat”
and the Democrats owned me, because
my principles and my policy were prov
ed by my votes to lie Democratic and
Republican. My friends at home repu
diated the acts I told them I would per
form. They reviled me, and abused me,
for the faithful representation of the prin
ciples and policy, I always avowed and
assured them would govern me. My
then opponents at home, (from sympathy
perhaps,) perceiving the injustice inflict
ed. discovering a similarity or agreement
in policy, not manifest before, generously
overlooked our former differences, rallied
lo my support, and defended a cause
which my former friends could no long
er maintain. 1 cheerfully accepted their
aid, on account of the interest I felt in
that cause, for which I am still feebly
contending. It is their cause, my cause,
and Ihe cause of the coontry.
In die mean time, a majority of my
colleagues, six in number, (unfortunately
for our country and deeply regretted by
me) by their votes, indicated that their
principles and policy would be equal to
those of the Whig party. Therefore
the Whig party at Washington claimed
them and owned them. Their friends at
home, greeted, cheered and applauded
them, as the only true, the only faithful
six! lienee their party and then my
party, for the first time associated with
the Whigs at Washington, and ind catcd
to them that in the end, they would ad
vocate their principles and policy. —
They sunk their good old name of
“State Rights” as not indicative of their
associations at Washington, and took
that of “ Whig,” because of an increasing
relish that way. And for as much as
as they never had been in practice, what
the name now implied, they did begin
with their votes for men and for meas
ures, plainly to prove to their new associ
ates, that they are what they profess,
Whigs in very deed. My association
with Democrats, was matter of necessity,
in the pursuit of my principles and poli
cy —my colleagues’ association with
Whigs, was matter of choice and against
ihe principles and policy and united with
MACON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 2, 1843.
my opponents at home. They ran away
from theirs, to avoid their opponents at
home, and unite with adversaries abroad.
Whether they or I, did right, is for my
fellow-citizens and posterity to decide.
For inyself, I know that I have been
guided by what seemed right, conse
quently have “ a conscience void of of
fence,” and it would add to my regrets
to know, that they could not feel the
same.
1 leave the service, with no ill will to
cherish—no resentment to gratify—no
self-reproaches to dread—no promises
unredeemed—no hopes or expectations
to look for or realize. What has been
done, has been performed solely for the
good of my country and to tier, and with
her, it is left to be considered and dis
posed of, as her good may require,
1 remain respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
MARK A. COOPER.
His Excellency, C. J. McDonald,
Milledgeville, Ga.
MR CLAV’S SPEECH
In the Senate, Mach 22d t 1842.
lie adverted again to the expenditures
necessary lor defence, and took occasion
to express in strong terms of denunciation
the conduct of Mexico, and the contemp
tible language of the chief at the head of
that Government in alluding to the peo
ple of the valley of the Mississippi.
He next reviewed the doctrines of pro
tection and of free trade. He said if free
trade could be made universal, he would
subscribe to it at at once; but as long as
other nations acted on the protective sys
tem, he should continue in favor of this
country taking care of its own industry
in preference to fostering that of foreign
nations. He adverted to the excessive
discriminating duties imposed by Eng
land on her imports for the protection of
her manufacturers, and to the corn laws
for the protection of her agriculture, ex
cluding, by the new sliding scale, the
bread stuffs which it was the interest of
this country to exchange with her for her
manufactures upon terms of free trade.
'l'lie compromise act had been of a pro
tective. character till the last two years,
and the effect had been, that not only the j
modifie 1 protection of that act, bill the ef
fects of the high protective system of
1828, had been, as predicted by the ad
vocates of the American system at the
time ; that the consumers in the end, by
means of this principle, were supplied
more abundantly and on cheaper terms
with protected articles, than they had be
fore been with the foreign articles. He
did not know of a single exception to the
rule. Not a single prediction of the
friends of the American system had been
falsified.
He again adverted to the protective
system of England, and referred to Alli
son’s work on population to show that
the ultimate object aimed at by Great
Britain, is to re'.y solely on her own em
pire, stretching over every sea and to ev
ery clime on the habitable globe, for not
only the consumption of her manufac
tures, but for the supply of the raw ma
terials—independent of every other na
tion. Her commerce with foreign coun
tries she will continue as long as she can,
but when an interruption takes place,
she will have her own empire in every
portion of the world, for her exclusive
commerce, and for her supplies of mate
rial. What her empire in Europe, Asia,
Africa, and the Canadas is to her, the
members of this confederation ought to
be to the United States. The Confedera
tion ought to look to its own members as
its ultimate consumers as well as produ
cers.
He adverted to the State of South Car
olina, and expressed a wish that its con
dition now were such as her distinguish
ed son had ten years ago pronounced it
should be. But he (Mr. Clay) had been
informed that so far from the value of
slaves and land in that State having been
doubled, it had fallen off so much, that
at a late sale of the servants of a planta
tion, they only brought an average of
front two to three hundred dollars each,
and the plantation, slaves and all sold for
less than the land had cost ten years ago.
'Flic Senator was continually charging
him (Mr. Clay) with the design of viola
ting the compromise act ? When had
he swerved from it ? He was still for
adhering to it, as he understood its
principles. Those principles he did not
consider incompatible with the protec
tion of Americvn industry, in prefer
ence to any other. HE HAD LIVED,
AND WOULD DIE, AN ADVOCATE
OF THE PROTECTIVE SYSTEM.
HE HAD NEVER CHANGED HIS
PRINCIPLES. THEY WERE NOW
THE SAME AS THEY HAD EVER
BEEN ; but he submitted to the restric
tions of the compromise act as a mntier of
necessity. And he did not even now
think it prudent, because not practicable,
to go ns far as his inclinations led him,
with the friends of protection. But as
far as he could go he would, a id t int
was, not to lay duties for protection alone,
but, in laying duties for revenue to sup
ply the Government with naans, to ltty
them so as to afford incidental proiection.
He would therefore say to the friends of
protection, lay aside all attempts beyond
this standard, and look to that which is at
tainable and practicable.
As he understood the Democratic party,
it was wholly opposed to protection, and
went for the doctrine of giving enconr
agement to foreign industry in preference
to the industry of its own country. This
waa a grert change, for he recollected the
time when a different policy was pursu
ed. He mentioned some particulars, and
then passed on to the general subject of
the system of measures which the series
of resolutions had in view.
There was, he said,one common ground
on which all parties could unite—that of
providing an adequate revenue for the
administration of Government.
If, in doing this, incidental protection
can be afforded to home industry, he in
voked every patriot to unite in effecting
that object.
He then referred to the land fund, and
argued at considerable length in justifica
tion of the distribution act, and in reply
to the objections urged in constitutional
ity and expediency.
In conclusion, he reverted once more
to the monopolizing system of Great
Britain, to her policy of keeping up an ex
cess of exports over imports during forty
years, with the exception of a single year,
and to the coutrary policy acted upon by
this country during the last eight years,
in seven of which the importers hail ex
ceeded ihe exports to a vast extent.
Ile then asked what was the present
condition of this country? Her credit
dishonored—almost extinguished—doc
trines of repudiation becoming fami iar—
State stock at fifty per cent depreciation
—an enormous foreign debt accumula
ting by interest—aud what was to be
done ?
Was not the General Government
called upon to restore confidence aud
credit by raising a sufficient revenue to
provide for its wants and reinstate its
credit? It was the duty of those who
neglected to provide an adeqate revenue
in 183 b, to prevent the embarrassment
then commencing, now to come forward,
and aid those whose duty it was to pay
off the debts they contracted. If they
would not yield the prejudices of party,
and come to the rescue of the country,
he would appeal to them as brothers, as
patriots, to step forth on this occasion, at
least from the ranks of party, and unite
in this great work for the relief and the
honor of their common country.
The Senate then adjourned.
From il»e Uiclimond Enquirer.
THE SOUTHERN LITERARY MESSENGER.
We cannot content ourselves with
coldly publishing the following address
from Mr. Minor. We tire truly happy to
find him at the head of the “Messenger.”
We rejoice that it is about to take new
wing, and pin me itself for loftier aspira
tions. May it live a thousand years !
He has a difficult office ou his hands, to
“keep up” the Periodical with the same
success, and wilh the same brilliant rep
utation, which it has attained under the
auspices of Mr. White. But he must
bring to the task the same energy, the
same enthusiasm which uniformly ani
mated the efforts of that remarkable and
amiable man. With these qualities, he
must succeed—without them, the Mes
senger must fall. Let Mr. Minor fear
lessly throw himself upon the patronage
of the South—develope his own talents
—call out the “slumbering genius” of
the South—wttve the wand of Pro. pero
over the land—and a glorious destiny
may await him. He will find the news
paper j tress anxious to rush to his sup
port, and stand by his side. He will find
the Essayists willing to come to the res
cue. He may count upon the liberality
of the people—but he must stretch every
wing—and win his way, by incessant la
bor, to honorable distinction. No man
will be more happy than ourselves to
witness his triumphs—none, within our
limited sphere, will be more willing to
serve him.
TO THE PUBLIC.
The Southern Literary Messenger.
Having succeeded to the rights and du
ties of Editor and Proprietor of “The
Southern Literary Messenger,” I take
this early opportunity of presenting a
brief address to its old and tried friends,
and to the publicly generally. The value
and importance of the work are too obvi
ous to need comment. It has enjoyed a
reputation almost unrivalled, and, conse
quently, a popularity almost universal.
For these, it was indebted to the ardor,
enterprise, aud industry of one, who, in
some respects, was pre-eminently quali
fied to sustain it. Mr. White gave his
heart and his life to the Messenger. His
career is now closed, and in his death,
some may have thought, or feared, that
the work of his love had received a fatal
blow. Their fears may be realized, if
they fail in the performance of their part,
lain n solved that, so far as in me lies,
they shall not be—and I think I may say,
for those whose genius and learning have
made the Messenger what it is, that they,
too, are thus resolved.
Let the hand of liberal patronage be
opened, and let the gifted minds pour
forth their treasures, and the work shall
be worthy of patronage. For myself, 1
only desire a fair compensation for my
labors, on which I am dopeudent/ and
the rest shall be gladly given to the
cause of literature, and whatever credit
there may be in the effort to promote its
improvement aud extension. Give the
enterprize encouragement, ard the spirits
to instruct, delight, and amuse, will be
called, and shall come. They abound in
this favored land, and can be obtained.
Why should not the work prosper, and
meet with more than its former success?
Educated millions may and should be
patrons. A small fraction of those who
can well afford it, would place it on an
immovable foundation.
The North may gladly welcome it, as
nearly the only offering of Southern Lit
erature ; whilst, in the vast and almost
unoccupted field of the South, it might
be hailed, as is the messenger bird of his
lady love, by the distant lover. “The
Southern Review” has just risen from its
ashes. Long life and success attend it!
A competitor, rather a coadjutor, not a
rival, it will find in the Messenger. “The
Chicora” folded itself for support in the
leaves of “the Magnolia;” the leaves
which sheltered it, are now withered and
dead, like those of her own pure flower,
when its season is past. Peace to them,
aud a speedy resurrection toimmortality !
There are one or two literary publica
tions issued farther South. But to the
whole South, (and to the West, whose in
terests, in respect to mental culture, and
whose institutions are identical,) the Mes
senger bears nearly the only fruits of the
literary enterprize and efforts of her sons,
the incitement to her genius, and the
constant vindication of her rights aud pe
culiar institutions. It is not intended to
make the work local:—no, the empire of
mind is one ; but shall never cease to lie
“Southern.”
Some ot the Southern States have done
nobly. Georgia has even surpassed Vir
ginia in her generous encouragement.
Nor has the North kept back; but, in
many sections, has extended a liberal
hand. Let old friends hold fast, and new
ones enlist in her behalf,and the Messen
ger will seek to reward them, by bring
ing them solace, instruction and delight,
diffusing a spirit of literary emulation
and a taste for letters, and maintaining
the cause of “true religion and virtue.”
I shall address the patrons of the Mes
senger in the next number, and will not
now occupy their attention any longer.
I will take leave to say to the subscribers:
that the subscriptions for the year 1843,
now due, have been conveyed to me, and
as great expense must necessarily be in
curred in publishing the work, and ma
king payments of the purchase money,
they will render invaluable assistance by
remitting forthwith to me their dues for
the present year. The subscriptions will
be much more valuable front being paid
at this time, and if, remitted to me, the
heavy loss of collecting them will be
saved. Having purchased the back vol
umes of the Messenger, the following in
ducement is offered to all who will now
become subscribers. For six dollars, paid
in advance, and free of postage, volumes
VIII and IX, (for 1842 and 1843,) will be
furnished.
It is not the intention of the Editor to
abandon the legal profession ; but (prob
ably confining himselt to the city) he
will pursue it promptly. Any Editors
of newspapers, and especially those in the
city, whether religious, or secular, who
feel a sufficient interest in the Messenger,
will confer a favor by giving this address
an insertion, or by calling public attention
to it.
Benj. B. Minor.
Richmond, July 15, 1843.
Working one’s Passage. —A good
story is told in the Concordia Intelligen
cer of a simple-minded lloosier and his
operations at Natchez. The fellow came
“came down” on a liat-boat, and anxious
to get back at tts cheap a rate as possible,
strolled on board one of the wharf-boats
at Natchez, bundle in hand, and asked
asked the owner when he would start for
Louisville. Everyone who knows any
thing about a wharf-boat knows that it is
a fixture, as destitute of “go ahead” prin
ciples as a drift log; but the Hoosier was
ignorant even of this fact, and as the
owner of the floating grocery was some
thing of a quiz, he should be off “very
shortly!” We give the rest of the story
as we find it:—
“Well, captain, I want to work my
passage-”
“All right,” was the reply, “can you
pump ?”
“First rate,” said the Hoosier.
“Lay to,” said 8. “here it is.”
The poor fellow laid down his bundle
and went to work in dead earnest; he
tugged unremittinnly at the pump tor a
couple of hours—the sweat rolling in
torrents from his hardy features—when,
happening to cast his eye around, he ob
served that the boat had no machinery,
“Hallo ! captain,” exclaimed the Hoo
sier, ‘where’s yontbilers I —where’s your
steam fixins ?’ S. in the mean time had
stepped ashore, and collected a crowd to
witness the joke. The poor fellow’s ques
tions were answered hy a loud laugh,
which told—“l’m picked up, stranger —
but i’ll bet I cun knock dotvn and drag
any man that says I’m a fool.”
M mstON’s —Tho Mormon* ure now holding u
C-iaip'Mooting at pjit’.o.-son, N. J.
Correppomtence of ihe N. Y. Evening P*.-t.
CONTINUATION OF FOREIGN NEWS BY
THE CALEDONIA.
London, July 3d, 1543.
The Acadia has just arrived, bringing
accounts ot your Repeal meetings—
threateniugs Shout the Oregon and Sand
wich Islands—welcomes to the Presi
dent-preparations for elections—burn
ing of towns—blowing up of steamboats,
and other exciting little items. Here we
have Repeal in Ireland—riots in Wales
—debates and rows in Parliament—An
ti-corn law meetings—Auti-slavery Con
ventions—Temperance Conventions—
Universal Pence Conventions—all sorts
of Conventions, plans, and societies, in
short, to put the world to rights, and no
lack of work, it must be confessed, for
reformers of all descriptions. What a
a never-ending turmoil is ever going on
in the two countries ! How would ei
ther relish for a month the profound qui
etude of Austria—a country with a pop
ulation equal nearly to that of Great
Britain and the United States, and yet
whose doings, social and political, would
barely furnish food for a decent-siz<.d
weekly journal.
The riot*-/ in Wales *erve to vary the
sameness.of the Irish “ demonstrations.”
“Rebecca” has proved herself a bitter
termagant, and after destroying gates and
“pikes” without numl er,’ proceeded at
last, with a train of 8,000 or 9,000 foot
and 900 horsemen to the town of Car
marthen, of which the Rebeccaists fairly
took possession, and proceeded to demol
ish the union work-house, which had
lately teen erected at an expense of £5,-
000. They had commenced gutting the
premises previous to firing them, when a
troop of the 4th dragoons arrived by forc
ed marches (two of their horses dropping
down dead as they rode up the street,)
surrounded the work-house, aud caught
about 250 of the progeny of Rebecca, like
rats in a trap. These have been com
mitted for trial, though it is supposed
that the leaders of these disturbances are
yet.at large. A report was aftertvnrds
afloat that there had been a dreadful en
counter between the military and the ri
oters on the bridge at New Castle Emy
lyn, and that the soldiers had been torn
from their horses and thrown into the
river, where one of them “met a watery
grave.” It turned out subsequently that
this report originated in the circumstance
ot some soldiers having gone to bathe in
the river Ticry, where one of them was
accidentally drowned !
The cause of the disturbances in
Wales, has been something of a puzzle.
As far, however, as can be learned, they
appear to have originated in a feelino
among the farmers and rural inhabitants,
that the charges at the toll-gates were
unjust. Wales is a wild and a poor coun
try, and more and better roads have been
constructed than could be paid for, ex
cept by levying heavy taxes. These the
farmers and others either could not, or
would not continue to pay, and a regu
lar war on “ the gates” was commenced
—at least, on gates where the tolls were
considered particularly heavy and op
pressive, In a wild and mountainous
country, it is ever difficult to suppress
disturbances, and the rioters, emboldened
by success, proceeded in their career, un
til caught at Carmarthen. There has
been a meeting of the county magistrates,
and it is now promised that a strict in
quiry shall be instituted as to the state of
the tolls, with a view to reducing such
as are peculiarly obnoxious. If this step
had been taken before, much mischief
would have been prevented. Toll-gate
rioting has ever been a popular amuse
ment in England, but never on so ex
tensive or systematic a scale has been,
and is yet, carried on in South Wales.
There are, however, other elements of
disturbance at work in this part of the
country. It abounds in iron, and a few
years ago, when the railway speculation
was at its height, capital was poured into
this district, immense works were com
menced, towns sprang up as if by magic,
and the production of iron was enor
mous. It was sold at £ll per ton, at
which price capitalists doubled their cap
ital, paying their workmen at the same
time very high wages—from thirty shil
lings to £2 per week. What followed ?
A continued increase in the production
of iron, and by the falling off in the for
mation of railways, a great decrease in
the demand, so that what was sold a few
years ago for £ll per ton, is now worth
only £3 10s. Wages have consequently
fallen, men have been thrown out of em
ploy, and employers have been ruined.
One firm in Bristol, Messrs. Hartfoid <fc
Davis, has failed for £400,000. As an
instance of the effects of this, a town in
Wales, at Ebban Yale, was entirely de
pendent upon the works of this company,
it having Iteen called into existence by
their establishment. There were three,
thousand four hundred workmen on the
company’s books, and most of them with
wives and children. Think of the dis
tress likely to ensue. A riot was antici
pated if the wotks were laid in, ancl ar
rangements were made by the assignees
for carrying them on, on, on a reduced
scale. I particuiaraiise this case, be
cause there are, and are likely to be par
allel ones; and as it will afford your
readers some clue to disturbances in
!NO. 12.