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Ihe inoht perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least—Costs least—Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None.—BE NTH AM. VOL. Li DR. WM. GREEN-EDITOR. &ILZI.IGA2: DXMCCFJLT, PUBLISHED WEEKLY, IN THE REAR OF J. BARNES* BOOKSTORE. MULBERRY STREET, MACON, UEO* at two dollars per annube, JO-I.N ADVANCE. -Oi Rates of Advertising, One of 100 words, or less, in small type, 75 rent for the first insertion, and GO cents for each subsequent inter non. All Advertisements containing more than 100 and less than SO) words, will be charged as two squares. To Yearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made. N. H Sales of by Administrators. Executors, or Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the lore noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Coun ty in which the property is situated. Notice of these must be given in a public Gaaette, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the day of sale. Sales of NEGROES, must be made at public auction, on (lie first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the let ters testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall have been granted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously given in one of the public gaieus of this State, and at the door of the Court-House, where such sales are to be held. Sales of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must be advertised in «he same manner, FORTY DA YE previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Cieditors of an Estate, must be pub lished FORTY Ways. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordi nary, for leave to sell LAND, mast be published FOLK MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for FOUR MONTHS, before any order absolute shall be made thereon by the Court. All business of this nature, will receive prompt attention, at he Office of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT. REMITTANCES UY MAIL.—“A Postmaster may en close money in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper* to pay the subscription of a third person, and frank the letter, it written by himself.” Amos Kendall, P. M- (J. COMMUNICATIONS addressed to the Editor Post Paid. ToYtliy. From the ‘‘Nation,” the organ of the Irish People. THE MEMORY OF THE DEAD. A REPEAL SONG. TVho fears to speak of Ninety-Eight 1 Who flushes at the namcl When cowards mock the patriot’s fate. Who hangs his head for shame I He’s all a knave, or half a slave, Who slights his country thus; Eut a true man, like you, man, Will fill your glass with us. We drink the memory of the brave, The faithful and the few Some lie far beyond the wave, Some sleep in Ireland, loo; All —all arc gone hut still lives on The fame of those who died ; All true men, like yon, men. Remember them with priJe. Some on the shores of distant lands Their weary hearts have laid, And by the stranger’s heedless hands Their lonely graves were made. But, though their clay he far away Beyoud the Atlantic foam In true men. like you, men, Their spirit’s still at home. The dust of some is Irish earth; Among their own they rest? And the same land that gave them birth lias caught them to her breast; And we will pray that from their clay Full many a race may start Os true men, like you, men. To act as brave a part. They rose in d»rk and evil days To right their native land; They kindled hero a living blaze That nothing shall withstand. Alas! that Might can vanquish Right They fell and pass'd away; But true men, like you men, Are plenty here to-day. Then here’s their memory ! may it he For us a guiding light, To cheer our strife for Liberty, And teach us to unite; Through good and ill, be Ireland's still, Though sad as theirs your fate; And true men, be you, men, Like those of Ninety-Eight. From the Bay State Democrat. SONG FOR THE OEMOCRACIE. BY RADZ. Shout, shout Dcnrocracie! shout on! Each steady front and beaming eye, Is seen your serried ranks along— Repeat the cheering cry!— “ Freedom to all! no shackles lay On body or on mind— Away! no corporate tyranny Our energies shall bind ! Protu-tion and restriction fail Our countenance to gain ; Free be our ports to every sail! Free here as on the main!” Though in the Trojan horse of “ Troy” Greckswould admittance gain, From his insidious offers fly— They give no honest fame. No loftier aspiration lives Than that which prompts you now; Nought truer, brighter glory gives Than firmness not to bow At shrine of cursed venality, But democrat in truth to he. So marshal your array, he firm, Let none against his brother turn ; So let your principles he heard Ui>on the swelling gale, That onward hears you with each word, With full and flowing sail, To triumph and to victory Os truth and pure tlemocracie! DEZVIOCRATIC BARKER -- FRED TRADE; LOW DIJTIETj NO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT• AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE C. C.MPUOI.W ’ MR. COOPER’S LETTER OF RESIGNATION. Mount Hope, Murray Cos. Ga. ) June 26th, 1543. j Sir—l resign to those who gave if, my se.it as Representative of the People of Georgia, in the twenty-eighth Congress, of the United States. In doing this, per mit me through you to return to my con stituents, the sincere thanks of a grateful heart, for the kind manner in which I have been sustained by their suffrages. W ith a confidence which 1 hope never to forfeit they have borne with my in firmities, supported me in my efforts to serve them, and defended me when I have been assailed. 1 have only to lament, that I could not bring to their service, during the four years 1 was engaged in the councils of the Union, greater powers, mental and physical. Such as I had, I can assure them, I have diligently, faithfully, and industriously employed. No lime was lost, no opportunity left unimproved. Both were used according to my abili ties, to the best advantage for the securi ty of their liberty, their interest and hap piness. In doing this, it were vain to suppose, I had committed no error, had done no wrong. If 1 have, I trust I have their forgiveness, since none can say of me, he did not mean lo do right. I have ev er sought carefully, to know their will and their interest, before permitting my self to he chosen to their service. Hence I have always in advance, freely, truly, candidly, given them my opinions, con corning the just principles of their gov ernment, and the right policy of its Ad ministration. In regard to the former, (being taught it in my youth, and knowing no other practice,) 1 have contended for a gov ernment of the People, for themselves; established through a written Constitu tion of specified, limited, delegated pow ers. Limited as well by the purposes and ends of its creation, as by its letter. In regard to the latter, pursuant to assu rances given previous to my first, elec tion, 1 have always opposed a National Bank and a National Debt —and have advocated Dice Trade, Equal Laics, Low Duties , economy, and a diminution of Goverment patronage and corruption —the safety of the public money and morals, by collecting, keeping, and pay ing out the taxes, without the use or agency of a hank. In respect to both, in the selection of my associations at Washington, I have acted under the law of necessity. When I went there first, 1 had no association with either of the great parties, Whin- or Democratic. None with the Whigs, be cause, up to that time, we all in Georgia, differed from them in principles and in policy. Theirs was the Federal , ours the Republican policy. None with the 1) emocrats, because, shades of difference and local causes, had placed me in oppo sition at home, to those who at Washing ton, were already associated with the Democrats. Being there, it was my du ty; on all occasions, to vote. My votes, (not my avowed professions,) indicated my principles and my policy, because these governed my voting. The Whigs at Washington, branded tne “Democrat” and the Democrats owned me, because my principles and my policy were prov ed by my votes to lie Democratic and Republican. My friends at home repu diated the acts I told them I would per form. They reviled me, and abused me, for the faithful representation of the prin ciples and policy, I always avowed and assured them would govern me. My then opponents at home, (from sympathy perhaps,) perceiving the injustice inflict ed. discovering a similarity or agreement in policy, not manifest before, generously overlooked our former differences, rallied lo my support, and defended a cause which my former friends could no long er maintain. 1 cheerfully accepted their aid, on account of the interest I felt in that cause, for which I am still feebly contending. It is their cause, my cause, and Ihe cause of the coontry. In die mean time, a majority of my colleagues, six in number, (unfortunately for our country and deeply regretted by me) by their votes, indicated that their principles and policy would be equal to those of the Whig party. Therefore the Whig party at Washington claimed them and owned them. Their friends at home, greeted, cheered and applauded them, as the only true, the only faithful six! lienee their party and then my party, for the first time associated with the Whigs at Washington, and ind catcd to them that in the end, they would ad vocate their principles and policy. — They sunk their good old name of “State Rights” as not indicative of their associations at Washington, and took that of “ Whig,” because of an increasing relish that way. And for as much as as they never had been in practice, what the name now implied, they did begin with their votes for men and for meas ures, plainly to prove to their new associ ates, that they are what they profess, Whigs in very deed. My association with Democrats, was matter of necessity, in the pursuit of my principles and poli cy —my colleagues’ association with Whigs, was matter of choice and against ihe principles and policy and united with MACON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 2, 1843. my opponents at home. They ran away from theirs, to avoid their opponents at home, and unite with adversaries abroad. Whether they or I, did right, is for my fellow-citizens and posterity to decide. For inyself, I know that I have been guided by what seemed right, conse quently have “ a conscience void of of fence,” and it would add to my regrets to know, that they could not feel the same. 1 leave the service, with no ill will to cherish—no resentment to gratify—no self-reproaches to dread—no promises unredeemed—no hopes or expectations to look for or realize. What has been done, has been performed solely for the good of my country and to tier, and with her, it is left to be considered and dis posed of, as her good may require, 1 remain respectfully, Your obedient servant, MARK A. COOPER. His Excellency, C. J. McDonald, Milledgeville, Ga. MR CLAV’S SPEECH In the Senate, Mach 22d t 1842. lie adverted again to the expenditures necessary lor defence, and took occasion to express in strong terms of denunciation the conduct of Mexico, and the contemp tible language of the chief at the head of that Government in alluding to the peo ple of the valley of the Mississippi. He next reviewed the doctrines of pro tection and of free trade. He said if free trade could be made universal, he would subscribe to it at at once; but as long as other nations acted on the protective sys tem, he should continue in favor of this country taking care of its own industry in preference to fostering that of foreign nations. He adverted to the excessive discriminating duties imposed by Eng land on her imports for the protection of her manufacturers, and to the corn laws for the protection of her agriculture, ex cluding, by the new sliding scale, the bread stuffs which it was the interest of this country to exchange with her for her manufactures upon terms of free trade. 'l'lie compromise act had been of a pro tective. character till the last two years, and the effect had been, that not only the j modifie 1 protection of that act, bill the ef fects of the high protective system of 1828, had been, as predicted by the ad vocates of the American system at the time ; that the consumers in the end, by means of this principle, were supplied more abundantly and on cheaper terms with protected articles, than they had be fore been with the foreign articles. He did not know of a single exception to the rule. Not a single prediction of the friends of the American system had been falsified. He again adverted to the protective system of England, and referred to Alli son’s work on population to show that the ultimate object aimed at by Great Britain, is to re'.y solely on her own em pire, stretching over every sea and to ev ery clime on the habitable globe, for not only the consumption of her manufac tures, but for the supply of the raw ma terials—independent of every other na tion. Her commerce with foreign coun tries she will continue as long as she can, but when an interruption takes place, she will have her own empire in every portion of the world, for her exclusive commerce, and for her supplies of mate rial. What her empire in Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Canadas is to her, the members of this confederation ought to be to the United States. The Confedera tion ought to look to its own members as its ultimate consumers as well as produ cers. He adverted to the State of South Car olina, and expressed a wish that its con dition now were such as her distinguish ed son had ten years ago pronounced it should be. But he (Mr. Clay) had been informed that so far from the value of slaves and land in that State having been doubled, it had fallen off so much, that at a late sale of the servants of a planta tion, they only brought an average of front two to three hundred dollars each, and the plantation, slaves and all sold for less than the land had cost ten years ago. 'Flic Senator was continually charging him (Mr. Clay) with the design of viola ting the compromise act ? When had he swerved from it ? He was still for adhering to it, as he understood its principles. Those principles he did not consider incompatible with the protec tion of Americvn industry, in prefer ence to any other. HE HAD LIVED, AND WOULD DIE, AN ADVOCATE OF THE PROTECTIVE SYSTEM. HE HAD NEVER CHANGED HIS PRINCIPLES. THEY WERE NOW THE SAME AS THEY HAD EVER BEEN ; but he submitted to the restric tions of the compromise act as a mntier of necessity. And he did not even now think it prudent, because not practicable, to go ns far as his inclinations led him, with the friends of protection. But as far as he could go he would, a id t int was, not to lay duties for protection alone, but, in laying duties for revenue to sup ply the Government with naans, to ltty them so as to afford incidental proiection. He would therefore say to the friends of protection, lay aside all attempts beyond this standard, and look to that which is at tainable and practicable. As he understood the Democratic party, it was wholly opposed to protection, and went for the doctrine of giving enconr agement to foreign industry in preference to the industry of its own country. This waa a grert change, for he recollected the time when a different policy was pursu ed. He mentioned some particulars, and then passed on to the general subject of the system of measures which the series of resolutions had in view. There was, he said,one common ground on which all parties could unite—that of providing an adequate revenue for the administration of Government. If, in doing this, incidental protection can be afforded to home industry, he in voked every patriot to unite in effecting that object. He then referred to the land fund, and argued at considerable length in justifica tion of the distribution act, and in reply to the objections urged in constitutional ity and expediency. In conclusion, he reverted once more to the monopolizing system of Great Britain, to her policy of keeping up an ex cess of exports over imports during forty years, with the exception of a single year, and to the coutrary policy acted upon by this country during the last eight years, in seven of which the importers hail ex ceeded ihe exports to a vast extent. Ile then asked what was the present condition of this country? Her credit dishonored—almost extinguished—doc trines of repudiation becoming fami iar— State stock at fifty per cent depreciation —an enormous foreign debt accumula ting by interest—aud what was to be done ? Was not the General Government called upon to restore confidence aud credit by raising a sufficient revenue to provide for its wants and reinstate its credit? It was the duty of those who neglected to provide an adeqate revenue in 183 b, to prevent the embarrassment then commencing, now to come forward, and aid those whose duty it was to pay off the debts they contracted. If they would not yield the prejudices of party, and come to the rescue of the country, he would appeal to them as brothers, as patriots, to step forth on this occasion, at least from the ranks of party, and unite in this great work for the relief and the honor of their common country. The Senate then adjourned. From il»e Uiclimond Enquirer. THE SOUTHERN LITERARY MESSENGER. We cannot content ourselves with coldly publishing the following address from Mr. Minor. We tire truly happy to find him at the head of the “Messenger.” We rejoice that it is about to take new wing, and pin me itself for loftier aspira tions. May it live a thousand years ! He has a difficult office ou his hands, to “keep up” the Periodical with the same success, and wilh the same brilliant rep utation, which it has attained under the auspices of Mr. White. But he must bring to the task the same energy, the same enthusiasm which uniformly ani mated the efforts of that remarkable and amiable man. With these qualities, he must succeed—without them, the Mes senger must fall. Let Mr. Minor fear lessly throw himself upon the patronage of the South—develope his own talents —call out the “slumbering genius” of the South—wttve the wand of Pro. pero over the land—and a glorious destiny may await him. He will find the news paper j tress anxious to rush to his sup port, and stand by his side. He will find the Essayists willing to come to the res cue. He may count upon the liberality of the people—but he must stretch every wing—and win his way, by incessant la bor, to honorable distinction. No man will be more happy than ourselves to witness his triumphs—none, within our limited sphere, will be more willing to serve him. TO THE PUBLIC. The Southern Literary Messenger. Having succeeded to the rights and du ties of Editor and Proprietor of “The Southern Literary Messenger,” I take this early opportunity of presenting a brief address to its old and tried friends, and to the publicly generally. The value and importance of the work are too obvi ous to need comment. It has enjoyed a reputation almost unrivalled, and, conse quently, a popularity almost universal. For these, it was indebted to the ardor, enterprise, aud industry of one, who, in some respects, was pre-eminently quali fied to sustain it. Mr. White gave his heart and his life to the Messenger. His career is now closed, and in his death, some may have thought, or feared, that the work of his love had received a fatal blow. Their fears may be realized, if they fail in the performance of their part, lain n solved that, so far as in me lies, they shall not be—and I think I may say, for those whose genius and learning have made the Messenger what it is, that they, too, are thus resolved. Let the hand of liberal patronage be opened, and let the gifted minds pour forth their treasures, and the work shall be worthy of patronage. For myself, 1 only desire a fair compensation for my labors, on which I am dopeudent/ and the rest shall be gladly given to the cause of literature, and whatever credit there may be in the effort to promote its improvement aud extension. Give the enterprize encouragement, ard the spirits to instruct, delight, and amuse, will be called, and shall come. They abound in this favored land, and can be obtained. Why should not the work prosper, and meet with more than its former success? Educated millions may and should be patrons. A small fraction of those who can well afford it, would place it on an immovable foundation. The North may gladly welcome it, as nearly the only offering of Southern Lit erature ; whilst, in the vast and almost unoccupted field of the South, it might be hailed, as is the messenger bird of his lady love, by the distant lover. “The Southern Review” has just risen from its ashes. Long life and success attend it! A competitor, rather a coadjutor, not a rival, it will find in the Messenger. “The Chicora” folded itself for support in the leaves of “the Magnolia;” the leaves which sheltered it, are now withered and dead, like those of her own pure flower, when its season is past. Peace to them, aud a speedy resurrection toimmortality ! There are one or two literary publica tions issued farther South. But to the whole South, (and to the West, whose in terests, in respect to mental culture, and whose institutions are identical,) the Mes senger bears nearly the only fruits of the literary enterprize and efforts of her sons, the incitement to her genius, and the constant vindication of her rights aud pe culiar institutions. It is not intended to make the work local:—no, the empire of mind is one ; but shall never cease to lie “Southern.” Some ot the Southern States have done nobly. Georgia has even surpassed Vir ginia in her generous encouragement. Nor has the North kept back; but, in many sections, has extended a liberal hand. Let old friends hold fast, and new ones enlist in her behalf,and the Messen ger will seek to reward them, by bring ing them solace, instruction and delight, diffusing a spirit of literary emulation and a taste for letters, and maintaining the cause of “true religion and virtue.” I shall address the patrons of the Mes senger in the next number, and will not now occupy their attention any longer. I will take leave to say to the subscribers: that the subscriptions for the year 1843, now due, have been conveyed to me, and as great expense must necessarily be in curred in publishing the work, and ma king payments of the purchase money, they will render invaluable assistance by remitting forthwith to me their dues for the present year. The subscriptions will be much more valuable front being paid at this time, and if, remitted to me, the heavy loss of collecting them will be saved. Having purchased the back vol umes of the Messenger, the following in ducement is offered to all who will now become subscribers. For six dollars, paid in advance, and free of postage, volumes VIII and IX, (for 1842 and 1843,) will be furnished. It is not the intention of the Editor to abandon the legal profession ; but (prob ably confining himselt to the city) he will pursue it promptly. Any Editors of newspapers, and especially those in the city, whether religious, or secular, who feel a sufficient interest in the Messenger, will confer a favor by giving this address an insertion, or by calling public attention to it. Benj. B. Minor. Richmond, July 15, 1843. Working one’s Passage. —A good story is told in the Concordia Intelligen cer of a simple-minded lloosier and his operations at Natchez. The fellow came “came down” on a liat-boat, and anxious to get back at tts cheap a rate as possible, strolled on board one of the wharf-boats at Natchez, bundle in hand, and asked asked the owner when he would start for Louisville. Everyone who knows any thing about a wharf-boat knows that it is a fixture, as destitute of “go ahead” prin ciples as a drift log; but the Hoosier was ignorant even of this fact, and as the owner of the floating grocery was some thing of a quiz, he should be off “very shortly!” We give the rest of the story as we find it:— “Well, captain, I want to work my passage-” “All right,” was the reply, “can you pump ?” “First rate,” said the Hoosier. “Lay to,” said 8. “here it is.” The poor fellow laid down his bundle and went to work in dead earnest; he tugged unremittinnly at the pump tor a couple of hours—the sweat rolling in torrents from his hardy features—when, happening to cast his eye around, he ob served that the boat had no machinery, “Hallo ! captain,” exclaimed the Hoo sier, ‘where’s yontbilers I —where’s your steam fixins ?’ S. in the mean time had stepped ashore, and collected a crowd to witness the joke. The poor fellow’s ques tions were answered hy a loud laugh, which told—“l’m picked up, stranger — but i’ll bet I cun knock dotvn and drag any man that says I’m a fool.” M mstON’s —Tho Mormon* ure now holding u C-iaip'Mooting at pjit’.o.-son, N. J. Correppomtence of ihe N. Y. Evening P*.-t. CONTINUATION OF FOREIGN NEWS BY THE CALEDONIA. London, July 3d, 1543. The Acadia has just arrived, bringing accounts ot your Repeal meetings— threateniugs Shout the Oregon and Sand wich Islands—welcomes to the Presi dent-preparations for elections—burn ing of towns—blowing up of steamboats, and other exciting little items. Here we have Repeal in Ireland—riots in Wales —debates and rows in Parliament—An ti-corn law meetings—Auti-slavery Con ventions—Temperance Conventions— Universal Pence Conventions—all sorts of Conventions, plans, and societies, in short, to put the world to rights, and no lack of work, it must be confessed, for reformers of all descriptions. What a a never-ending turmoil is ever going on in the two countries ! How would ei ther relish for a month the profound qui etude of Austria—a country with a pop ulation equal nearly to that of Great Britain and the United States, and yet whose doings, social and political, would barely furnish food for a decent-siz<.d weekly journal. The riot*-/ in Wales *erve to vary the sameness.of the Irish “ demonstrations.” “Rebecca” has proved herself a bitter termagant, and after destroying gates and “pikes” without numl er,’ proceeded at last, with a train of 8,000 or 9,000 foot and 900 horsemen to the town of Car marthen, of which the Rebeccaists fairly took possession, and proceeded to demol ish the union work-house, which had lately teen erected at an expense of £5,- 000. They had commenced gutting the premises previous to firing them, when a troop of the 4th dragoons arrived by forc ed marches (two of their horses dropping down dead as they rode up the street,) surrounded the work-house, aud caught about 250 of the progeny of Rebecca, like rats in a trap. These have been com mitted for trial, though it is supposed that the leaders of these disturbances are yet.at large. A report was aftertvnrds afloat that there had been a dreadful en counter between the military and the ri oters on the bridge at New Castle Emy lyn, and that the soldiers had been torn from their horses and thrown into the river, where one of them “met a watery grave.” It turned out subsequently that this report originated in the circumstance ot some soldiers having gone to bathe in the river Ticry, where one of them was accidentally drowned ! The cause of the disturbances in Wales, has been something of a puzzle. As far, however, as can be learned, they appear to have originated in a feelino among the farmers and rural inhabitants, that the charges at the toll-gates were unjust. Wales is a wild and a poor coun try, and more and better roads have been constructed than could be paid for, ex cept by levying heavy taxes. These the farmers and others either could not, or would not continue to pay, and a regu lar war on “ the gates” was commenced —at least, on gates where the tolls were considered particularly heavy and op pressive, In a wild and mountainous country, it is ever difficult to suppress disturbances, and the rioters, emboldened by success, proceeded in their career, un til caught at Carmarthen. There has been a meeting of the county magistrates, and it is now promised that a strict in quiry shall be instituted as to the state of the tolls, with a view to reducing such as are peculiarly obnoxious. If this step had been taken before, much mischief would have been prevented. Toll-gate rioting has ever been a popular amuse ment in England, but never on so ex tensive or systematic a scale has been, and is yet, carried on in South Wales. There are, however, other elements of disturbance at work in this part of the country. It abounds in iron, and a few years ago, when the railway speculation was at its height, capital was poured into this district, immense works were com menced, towns sprang up as if by magic, and the production of iron was enor mous. It was sold at £ll per ton, at which price capitalists doubled their cap ital, paying their workmen at the same time very high wages—from thirty shil lings to £2 per week. What followed ? A continued increase in the production of iron, and by the falling off in the for mation of railways, a great decrease in the demand, so that what was sold a few years ago for £ll per ton, is now worth only £3 10s. Wages have consequently fallen, men have been thrown out of em ploy, and employers have been ruined. One firm in Bristol, Messrs. Hartfoid <fc Davis, has failed for £400,000. As an instance of the effects of this, a town in Wales, at Ebban Yale, was entirely de pendent upon the works of this company, it having Iteen called into existence by their establishment. There were three, thousand four hundred workmen on the company’s books, and most of them with wives and children. Think of the dis tress likely to ensue. A riot was antici pated if the wotks were laid in, ancl ar rangements were made by the assignees for carrying them on, on, on a reduced scale. I particuiaraiise this case, be cause there are, and are likely to be par allel ones; and as it will afford your readers some clue to disturbances in !NO. 12.