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AMBBICAW PEIVrOCRAT
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VOL. I.! DR. WM. GREEN EDITOR.
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REMITTANCES UY MAIL.—“A Postmaster may en
close money in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, lo
pay the suit, cm plum ot a third person, and frank the letter, if
written by himself.” —Amos Kentlall, P M G.
COMMUNICATIONS addressed to the EntTon Posr
Paid.
LETTER TO MU. CALHOUN.
The following is the reply of .Mr. Cal
houn loan invitation from his Iriends in
Cincinnati to visit that city :
I’ort Hill, July 9th, 1543.
Gentlemen: —I was absent from
home when your letter was received, cov
ering the resolutions of a large and re
spectable meeting of the democrats of
Hamilton comity, inviting them and the
State ol Ohio, which will expaln why
my answer has been so long delayed.
if any thing could induce me to depart
from the course I have prescribed for
myself, while my name is before the peo
ple for the highest otfice witin their gift,
it would be the invitation which you
have so kindly tendered in the name of
those you represent. The source whence
the invitation comes, the grounds oil
which it is tendered, my desire, long en
tertained, to visit the great valley of the
Mississippi—the only portion of the Un
ion I have never seen—and to meet the
wishes of my friends who have so ear
nestly expressed their desire to see me,
all strongly impel me to accept; but to
these is imposed an objection which to
me is insuperable—my conception of the
proper course for me to pursue while oc
cupying the position I do. Since I have
been placed there by my friends, I have
received frequent invitations from them
in various portions of the Union, pressing
me to visit their respective sections. In
order to answer them, it became necessa
ry that 1 should decide, on general prin
ciples, the course it would be proper for
me to pursue. I accordingly gave the
subject my deliberate consideration. The
result was a conviction that l ought not
to accept, and I have, therefore, declined
ail invitations of ttie kind.
I am aware that others, occupying the
same position as myself, have come to a
different conclusion, and that the prac
tice, as you state, is different from that I
have prescribed for myself. In adopting
it, I intend no reflection on those who
take a different view. It is a point which
each has a right to decide for himself. I
may be wrong and they right. I may
even expose myself to the charge of be
ing fastidious, hut as the conclusion to
which 1 have come is the result of my
deliberate judgment, after full reflection,
lam I ouud to respect it. And 1 trust
that such of rny friends as think me
wrong, will pardon the error from re
spect to the motive whicn governs me.
With these remark*, and an expression
of very sincere gratitude for the high es
timate which my friends of Hamilton
county have placed on my public servi
ces, and the interest they feel for my suc
cess, l would conclude mv answer to
your letter, if I did not feel that something
more than the bare statement of the rule
I have adopted was due to them and to
the occasion. I regard, with great re
spect, the relation which a public man
holds to those who approve of bis prin
ciples and conduct, a. idsupport his course.
Ha is, in my opinion, bound, among oth
er things’, to pay great respect to their
opinions and wishes, and when he can
not conform to them, it is his duty to as
sign Ireely and candidly the reasons
which may prevent him. In compliance
with that duty, I promise to assign brief
ly some of the more prominent of those
which governed me in coming to the
conclusion which compels me to decline
the kind and pressing invitation of which
yon are the organ.
There are then, in my opinion, strong
con adorations, both of propriety and ex
ped.ancy, why the office of the President
of t le United States, should not be sought
I y personal canvass or the usual mode of
DEMOCRATIC BANNER FREE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; NO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT
AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION. f V. C.i .MiU L.Y.
electioneering. Regarded merely in ref
erence to feeling, the office, it seems to
me, is too high and its duties too respon
sible to be the object of personal solici
tude. Who, with the proper spirit, can
contemplate the task of discharging its
high duties without being inspired with
a diffidence and awe calculated to sup
press every feeling of the kind ? When
I look at ihe country as it now is, and
compare it with what it was, when I first
entered the councils of the Union, as it
relates to the population, wealth, improve
ments, and all the elements of*greatness
—and then look forward to what ; t will
he when those who are now entering on
the stage shall retire, provide I our liber
ty, institutions, union shall he preserved
—and then reflect on the great and decis
ive influence which the powers vested in
the President must have, in that respect,
lor good or evil, as they may be pro|»eriy
or improperly exercised, to me it seems
to be the highest and most responsible
office in the world—far too much so to
be the object of personal solicitude, or
sought by a personal canvass, or ever to
lie accepted on any other ground than
that ot duty.
Nor, in my opinion, are the considera
tions of expediency less strong. Regard
ed in that light, 1 hold it all important to
the successful operation of our system of
Government, that the highest office of
the Union should be the exclusive re
ward of merit and services such as may
be well known to the whole country—so
as to enable the people at large to form a
just estimate of their value, and of the
character and motive of him who render
ed them. In order to understand the
force of the position, it will be necessary
to bear in mind, that no other cause has
so powerful an influence in forming the
character of a people under free and pop
ular Governments, and, through it, over
their destiny, as the means by which its
offices and honors may be most success
fully acquired. Whatever they may be
—whether electioneering, management,
intrigue, corruption, patronage or faith
ful and patriotic services—that will be
most carefully studied and cultivated by
the aspiring and taented. And, belt
which it may, the influence which its
study and practice will have on their
character, will, by necessary consequence,
extend in time to the mass of the com
munity—either to debase and corrupt, or
elevate and purify, as its tendency may
be to the one or the other.
If this be true, as applied generally, to
offices and honors, how much more stri
kingly must it appear to be so when ap
plied in our system of government, to the j
otiiee of President—the highest and most
honorable by far of all, and having at its
disposition many others much more val
ued than any in the gift of the Stales or j
the people. And how important is it, j
that it should he made the exclusive re- j
ward of services and merit—the only |
means by which it can he acquired, cal-1
ciliated to elevate and purify the charac
ter of those who aspire to its high dis
tinction, and through their example, the
whole community—l might add, the on
ly one by which it can Le sought and ac
quired, which would not have a debas
ing and corrupting tendency. Haw im
portant then, i is, that all others should
be discountenanced m the Presidential
canvass, except an open and manly ap
peal to services and merit. Is it saying
too much, to assert that the fate of our
free institutions and the country, must,
iu no small degree, depend on a correct
mode of thinning and acting on the part
of the people, in reference to a subject of
such magnitude ?
Such are some of the considerations
which have induced me to adopt the rule
I have. There are others of much weight,
which l forbear to press, to avoid prolix
ity. Acting in obedience to it, l must
forego the pleasure it would otherwise
a fiord me to accept the invitation which
you have so kindly tendered to visit your
magnificent portion of the Union. Be
assured that no feeling of indifference to
wards it or my friends in that quarter,
has in the least swayed me in declining
to accept. I have ever had the kindest
feelings towards to the West, l have re
regarded its progressin population, wealth
and improvement, with pleasure and ad
miration, and have omitted no opportu
nity to accelerate its growth.
With great respect, I am, &c., <fcc.
J. ('. CALHOUN.
To W. M. Corry, E. Fi -her, J. L. Vat
tier, S. Hulse, and W. F. Johnson, Esqs.
AN ACTUAL PIGMY.
The London Literary Gazette, of May
1824, contains a description of a female
dwarf, even more extrardinary, in dimin
utiveness of size, than Tom Thumb.
Her name was Crachami, a Sicilian by
birth, and at the time she was exhibited
in London, (May, 1824,) was within a
few mouths of lieing ten years old. The
writer iu the Gazette says, “seeing is be
lieving,” and unless ne had actually seen
her, he could not have credited so extra
ordinary a variety in human nature. He
says, “It is impossible to describe the
miracle of her appearance, or its effect
upon the mind. To see rationality, sport
iveness, intelligence, all the faculties of
humanity, in a being so tnconceivab.y
below the standard at which we have ev
er witnessed them, so overturns all pre-
MACON, \\ EDNESAAY, AUGUST 30, 1843.
vious impressions, that, even with the
fact before us, we doubt the evidence of
our senses. A tolerably sized doll, act
ing and speaking, would not astonish us
so much; for nature is, in this instance,
far more wonderful than art can l>e. On
ly imagine a creature about half as large
as a new-born infant; perfect in all parts
and lineaments, uttering words in a
strange, unearthly voice, understanding
what you say, and replying to your ques
tions ; —imagine, I say, this figure of a
bout nineteen inches in height, and five
pounds in weight, and you have some
idea of this extraordinary phenomenon.
And the more you look, the more you
reflect, the more incredible it appears that
this can be real. But true it is ; here is
the fairy of your superstition in actual
life; here is the pigmy of ancient my
thology brought down to your own day;
the expression of her countenance varies
with whatever affects her mind, (for, on
my fait! , there is a mind and soul in this
diminutive frame!) her beautiful tiny
hand, (for the fore-finger of which, the
ring of a very small shirt-button would be
much too w.de around,) has all the mo
tions and graces which are found in the
same member of a lovely woman; she
threatens, she displays her fondness for
finery, she likes her drop of wine, she
shows her displeasure, she chooses and
rejects ; in fine, she is as perfect as a com
mon child of the same age. Her walk is
rather tottering, and her voice (as 1 have
said) very remarkable. Her general ap
pearance is not tin; leasing, though there
is a little of the simia in the lorm of the
features ; her health is good, and her bo
dy, limbs, &.C., are com; Lte. 1 took her
up, caress, and and saluted her; and it was
most laughable to see her resent the lat
ter freedom, wiping her cheek, and ex
pressing her dislike to the rough chin.
But her great antipathy is to doctors;
these have offended her by examining
her too minutely; and whenever they
are mentioned, she doubles her filbert of
a fist, and manifests her decided displeas
ure. Os her trinkets she seems very
proud, taking off her ring to show it, and
pointing to her ear-rings with the joyous
exclamation of “very pretty”—lor she has
learned a litt e Eng.ish.
From the Georjj.a Constitutionalist.
TO THE OLD STATE RIGHT MEN.
NO. 11.
Ff.li.ow-Citizens :— Again I address
you with the inquiry, where are you ? |
what is your position ! We have battled
together in t e cause of strict construe- j
tion, some lor ten, some for twenty, thir- j
ty, forty-five years ; in fair weather and j
loul ; in infancy, manhood and old age ; |
amid all the changes and shillings of par
ties and party names we have stood firm. !
During all t.iat time, and under all cir j
cumstanCe, we have opposed the assump
tion of implied powers by Congress as :
destructive of the best interests of the
South, dangerous to our in >titutions, and
threatening to the union. \\ e have op- j
posed lederal usurpation, no mattpr in
what shape it came —no matter by what
branch of the govern uent attempted. We
and our fathers opposed the high handed
usurpations of the elder Adams, and led
on by Jefferson we broke the iron sceptre
with which he attempted to awe us into
submission to his despotic rule. Again, 1
in 18-25, under Troup, we bre;isted dan
ger for Georgia’s rights, and preserved
her soil intact, inviolate, and uncontami
nated by the polluted tread df the myr
midons of the younger Adams, and by
our firmness and devoiion, carried her
through triumphant mauger the threats
of the President and his prime minister
Henry Clay.
Now again has federalism paid us one
of its decennial visits. We have been
traded off for a sight of the speaker’s
chair, and a dish ol flattery (more worth
less than Esau’s pntage,) by Dawson, &
Cos., to Henry Clay and the whigs. We
have been hound over by indentures ex
ecuted t»y our nohtical guardians to the
support of the hank, the tariff and all Mr. !
Clay’s latituditiarian doctrines and meas- 1
eres, and it is promised tor us that we
win consider the constitution a dead let
ter, surrender a.l its out-posts, its safe
guards, to the will of a majority. W hat
say you : will you abide the bargain ?
Do you feel willing to sanction the bar
gain, to seal the bond ? For my part
the terms of the cont.act are gall and
worm-wood to me, and I would spurn
them even in We.ch. 1 would do much
and suffer much to place a fine looking
citizen of Georgia, a man of goodty as
pect, and commanding presence, in the
speaker’s chair, or as chief over one of
the bureaus, and tack myself to the tail
of his greatness ; but l cannot do this
thing, I deem 1 would be paying too dear
tor a whistle. It is true, had the transfer
been made by a Franklin, a Jefferson, a
Jay, a Gallatin, a .uetternich, a Liver
pool, or a Talleyrand, 1 might have been
reconciled to the degradation. The base
ness of the act may have been gilded by
the greatness of the actor; but to be sold
by William Cross-by Dawson is nothing
hut little, and carries with it no tinge or
shadow of greainess. It is hard, it is dis
agreeable, it is grating to the feelings, to
separate trom oid friends, old associates,
and form new connexions with those
against whom 1 have always been array
ed ; but Mr. Clay and the Whigs are lat-
itudinarians. The democrats profess to
be governed by the Jeffersoniah doctrines;
to oppose the bank, the tariff, the distri
bution, and bankrupt law, and prejudice
must yield to principle, and pa.tiality to
duty.
I cannot, I will not agree, to sacrifice
the interest of Georgia, her character and
her rights, to Mr. day’s ambition, or Mr.
Dawson’s vanity. 1 will not support a
Bank of the United States, because I be
lieve with Harrison, that Congress has
no power under the constitntioiWto char
ter a bank, and I agree with seven-eighths
of the Senate of Georgia in 1838, that it
is unconstitutional, inexpedient, and dan
gerous to the rights of the states and the
liberties of the people, and because it has
a strong tendency to pro luce a high pro
tective tariff and an extravagant and cor
rupt government. I will not support a
protective tariff, because I do not believe
Congress has power to lay duties or col
lect taxes for any purpose not expressed
in the constitution, and I do not find the
protection of manufacturers expressed as
one of the expressed purposes of laying
taxes. And because 1 believe a bank and
high protective tariff as natural to pro
duce an extravagant system of internal
improvement by Cong ess, as the connex
ion of man and woman to produce chil
dren. and an extravagant, wasteful and
corrupt expenditure of the public money.
I will not support internal improvement
by the general government, because I be
lieve no part of the constitution warrants,
because I beiieve it will afford an excuse
for a h gh protective tariff, because I
know it must and will heighten the evils
of the bank and the tariff, beget a system
of partiality, fraud and corruption, and
that it will make the weak south tributa
ry to the combined east and west, that
under it the minority will pay all the tax
es, and the majority enjoy all the bene
fits. I will not support Henry Clay, be
cause he is the main pillar and arch sup
porter of all these abominations. 1 will
not support Crawford for Governor, or
Stephens for Congress, because they sup
port Mr. Clay, and must uecessarily sup
port his measures ; because their election
will give countenance and aid and sup
port to Henry Clay in Georgia and else
where. 1 will support Cooper and St rk,
not for any love or respect 1 have for the
men, but for the love, the reverence, and
respect which I now have, have ever had,
and will always have, for the republican
state right principles of the Jeffersonian
school, in which they profess to believe,
and which 1 believe essential to the sal
vation of the south ; and all this 1 avow
and will abide by at the hazard of being
branded as a renegade by Dawson and
King, backed by Clayton, Jones; Greeve,
and Steel.
I was called a traitor with Troup, and
the elite of Georgia in 1825, and I can
bear in the cause of Georgia with Gil
mer and Stocks; and Janes and McKin
ley, "and John Crawford, and such men
the remnant of the old state right party
to be called a renegade by William C.
Dawson, and Thomas B. King, backed
by Clayton and Jones, and Greeve and
Steel !
Whatsay you, my old brothers: Where
do you stand J Will you give up old as
sociations for your country f Will you
yield prejudice (or principles ? Or do you
fear the scorner? or will you stand by
your old state right doctrines a::d the in
terest of Georgia manger the scoffer and
the scorn ?
AX OLD STATE RIGHT MAX NOW AND FOREVER.
From the Missouri Reporter.
JOHNSON MEETING.
At a meeting of the Democracy of St.
I .ouis, favorable to the elevation of Col.
Richard M. Johnson to t]ie Presidency,
which occurred on Saturday evening, the
29th inst. at the Court House, John E.
Ostrander, Esq. was chosen President,
and L. T. Lnbeaume, Esq. Vice President
of the meeting, and 4\ue W. Hoit, was
appointed Secretary.
On motion, a Committee of five was
selected to prepare resolutions expressive
of the sentiments of the meeting. The
following gentlemen composed said com
mittee : James Brooks, Christian Pullis,
Nathan Ranney, John Ennis, and James
S. Lane.
The Committee retired, and after an
absence of half an hour, returned and
reported the following resolutions :
Resolved, That the friends of Col.
Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, hail
with joy the recent demonstrations in his
favor, which have been made in Illinois
and Missouri, and are confident that his
j nomination as the next Democratic can-
I didate for the Presidency is demanded by
j an overwhelming majority of our politi
cal friends iu this State.
Resolved , That we have witnessed
with great satisfaction, the a most entire
unanimity with which the people of Mis
souri have condemned the unauthoriicd,
absurd and unjust proceedings of the le
gislative caucus, which selected delegates
to the National Convention, and instruct
ed them how to vote, without consulting
the wishes of; or obtaining authority from
those for whom they usurped the right
to act.
Resolved , That, in order to obtain a
fair and full expression of popular senti
ment, and to insure the future harmony
and success of the Democratic party in
Missouri, we continue to urge the selec
tion of delegates to the National Conven
tion by electoral districts.
Resolved , That, assured as we are, of
the policy and duty of the Democratic
party to nominate ns its next candidates
lor the Presidency and Vice Presidency
of the United States, Richard M. John
son of Kentucky, and Levi Woodbury,
of New Hampshire, we urge upon all
who concur with us in opinion, the ne
cessity of prompt and decided action, in
order that District Conventions may be
held before the expiration of next Sep
tember, and that the example of Missou
ri may have its proper influence upon
the action of the Uemociatic party in
other States.
Resolved, That deeming it our duty
to advance the cause of Col. Johnson in
Missouri, by the speedy adoption ol all
honorable means lor that purpose, this
meeting requests the following gentlemen
to act as a corresponding committee of
the St. Louis friends of Col. Johnson,
and that they he instructed to prepare
and publish an address to the Democracy
of Missouri, urging the adoption of the
views contained in the foregoing resolu
tions, and to act generally as a Commit
tee of Vigilance in the cause, viz:
F. Kennett, N. Ranuey, K. S. Blentler
hosset, J. J. Purdy, J. S. Lane, Geo. VV.
West; lliram Shaw, H. O. Brian, S. Mer
ry, B. W. Ayres, L. T. Labeuume, T. W.
Hoit, Ezrotu Owens, Thomas Andrews,
J. G. Barry, Juo. Biack, Dennis Galvin,
M. Steilz, Peter Weizaecker, C. D. Gilles
pie, Capt. R. (J. McAllister, Dr. Simmon--,
Maj. Kingsbury, W. Ayres, E. English,
Juo. Ennis, J. L. Thorp, R. Cathcart, C.
Pullis, Thos. Mattocks, David Sheppard,
Jno. Brooks, J. Regan, S. S. McCullough,
I*. Holehan, John OTtourke, Capt. Birch
ard, J. E. Ostrander, Isaac Blinker and
and Timothy Russell.
Resolved, That the following papers
be requested to publish the address of the
Committee, when it shall have been pre
pared, together with the proceedings of
this meeting, viz: the Missouri Reporter,
Boon vide Register, Liberty Banner, Os
age Yeoman, Glasgow Pilot, Palmyra
Courier, Southern Advocate, Jefferson in
quirer, Paris Sentinel, Jeffersonian Re
publican, Missouri Standard, O.d School
Democrat, and all other Democratic pa
pers in this State; the Springfield Regis
ter, Galena Santiuel, Balleviile Advocate,
and other Democratic papers in Illinois;
the Globe, Spectator, and Madisonian,
published at VV ashmgton City, and all
Democratic papers willing to do justice to
the diifercnt aspirants lor the Presidency.
The resolutions were unanimously
adopted by the meeting.
'I he fo.lowing resolution was offered
by G. VV. Knott, Esq. and unanimously
adopted:
Reso ved, That while we do hereby
express our preference for Col. Richard
M. Johnson lor President, we wish it to
he fully understood, that we hold it to be
our duty to support the nominee of the
National Convention to be hoiden in May
1844, believing that the members of said
Convention will be true to themselves
and to their country.
The assemblage was addressed by
Messrs. Knott and Hoit, and at half past
10 o’clock, on motion, the meeting ad
journed.
JOHN E. OSTRANDER, Prat,
LOUIS T. LABEAUAIE, V Prtr't. \
Trie W. H ut, Scc'ry.
Fiom the New York Herald, Aug. 21.
IRISH REPEAL. ,
In the ample account which we pub
lished of the news brought by the Hi her- 1
nin, we gave sufficient to indicate the I
state of Ireland in regard to the Repeal 1
of the Legislative Union. The funds i
collected by the Repeal Association, are 1
large enough to excite forebodings for 1
the future, and the calm determination
of the Irish people; as contradistinguished i
from evanescent excitability, speaks of :
the prevalence of a spirit which will ulti- I
mutely accomplish the objects contem
plated. The sympathy and the pecuni
ary assistance of foreigners, too, will be
potent in its effect, and both in Ireland
and in England operate alike on the op
pressed and on the oppressor. America
has done much to cheer the spirit of the
Repealer, and to strengthen his calm con
fidence in the future. France, too, has
spoken across the British Channel in a
voice which will resound through the
British Isles, awakening terrors in Eng
land, and inspiring hope in Erin’s green
isle. Frenchmen are open in their es
pousal of the cause of Ireland, and they
fete tbe dawning of liberty in that land
without concealment of their object.
\\ e have an account of a dinner given
in Paris nominally to celebrate the anni
versary of the taking of the Bastile, but,
in reality, to express sympathy in favor
of the Irish movement, at Le Marday’s
restatirat, in the Rue Richelieu. The
dinner was attended by about 150 per
sons, composed of members of the ex
treme gauche, editors of the radical press,
depiities from the twelve arrondissements,
and commanders of the national guard,
and sentiments were there uttered, and a
feeling there exhibited, and proceedings
there witnessed which are worthy of spe
cial observation. The report to which
we allude, says:
Mr. Ledru Rollin drank to “Ireland
the oppressed,” and “to France, the ene
my of all oppression.” The toast was
received with gtent applause. M. Rollin
addressed the company, and expatiated
on the oppression of Ireland, its patriots
and its martyrs ; spoke of the accents
of republicanism, which addressed their
sympathies from America, and called on
them not to let the appeal be in vain.
.VI. Rollin concluded as follows :
“ Liet an extei isive subscription be open
ed throughout the whole of France; let
the mite of the poor man be added to the
large offering of the rich, and lot anatoun
dant supply be pakl injo the fund of the
Repeal to support that great politician,
that powerful orator of Ireland, to main
tain him in the calm and defensive posi
iou which he has taken up. (Cheers.)
Let England also know that, if she at
tempts to overcome legitimate rights by
violent and coercive measures, France
is ready to lend an oppressed people,
in their decisive struggle experienced
heads, re.olute hearts, and sturdy arms.
(Cheers.) Let her remember that the
same causes led to the independence of
the new world, and that her children,
simple citizens, courageous volunteers,
won at the sword’s point that liberty
which they maintain, and which, 1 trust,
they will maintain to the world s end. ’
(Cheers.)
When the applause created by this
speech had subsided, the meeting resolv
ed unanimously to open a subscription in
favor of Repeal, and to call on the sever
al provinces to join in that subscription.
It was also proposed and adopted, that
armed volunteer assistance should be of
fered in case of need to the movement
party in Ireland. And, finally, it was
decided that Mr. Ledru Rollin should
proceed, as soon as the sittings of the law
courts are terminated, with the amount
of the subscriptions to Dublin, and to ten
der to the advocates of Repeal, the sym
pathies and assistance of France.
Here, then, is a movement in France,
more decisive in its tone than any which
has been seen in America, even amongst
the breihren of the oppressed. This is
a movement, too, of the people in France,
What her government may do, we are
not at liberty to speculate. In the Cham
ber of Peers, on a recent occasion, dur
ing a discussion on the Budget, the Min
isters were questioned on the subject of
Irish affairs, and the reply of M. Guizot
was given with proper ministerial caution
and equivocation.
‘•As to Ireland, he did not conceive
himself justified in saying a word on the
subject. He sincerely desired the perfect
tranquility of the United Kingdom, and
he leit confident that it won Id be every
where maintained or reestablished. Du
ring the twenty years the English Gov
ernment had done a great deal for the
welfare of Ireland. ‘The chiefs of the
present Administration;’ said M. Guizot,
‘gave emancipation to the Catholics of
ttiut country; and l have every confi
dence—and I here speak as a mere spec
tator of human occurrences—that they
will reconcile, in the management of this
great affair, what is due to the dignity
and unity of England with what behoves
the country and the benevolence which
a good and wise government owes to all
its subjects.”
The French people are active, and the
French government is doubtless ready to
take advantage of any untoward British
policy in a matter so pregnant with dan
ger to the unity of the Queen's domin
ion : America is furnishing the sinews
of war and the means to accomplish
Irish freedom—and Ireland herself is in
a state of portentous calm, though of le
gal an 1 determined preparation for any
contingency, however extreme. She is
now trying the effect of moral power,
and it was potent enough under the gui
dance of o‘Connell to extort from the
Iron Duke, Catholic emancipation. But
if it should fail, or if the British ministry
should move injudiciously, a fire would
be enkindled which may inflame the
whole continent of Europe, for a war be
tween England and the Irish portion of
that Kingdom would inevitably commu
nicate itself to and be participated in by
the nations around her. In this aspect,
the fate of Ireland is one of momentous
concern. Ireland free, and in treaty with
the continental powers, and England
would be crippled and hemmed in, and
her retrograde movement would be com
menced. Such sign of weakness would
be the signal to her colonies to revolt and
throw off her yoke, and thus the effect of
Irish freedom would communicate itself
to the extremities of civilization. But
we must forbear ; the subject is too vast
for momentary contemplation. We shall,
however, watch the signs of the times
with much anxiety.
Fanny Ellsleh. —A wealthy, and
it would appear a somewhat eccentric
Frenchman, named Schikler, recently
died iu Paris, leaving, among other
strange bequests, $500,000 francs (near
§100,000) to “the divine Fanny.” .
It is anything but a mark of genteel
breeding, when strangers are present, to
allude to matters solely pertaining to thei
daily avocation of him with whom you
converse, and seldom fails to lower you,
to some degree, in his estimation of youi*
refinement.
jNO. IG*