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AMBBICAW PEIVrOCRAT Ihe most perfect Govemrac.t would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs le.;st —‘Posts least —Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None. —BENTHAM. VOL. I.! DR. WM. GREEN EDITOR. £l ii i c a:: di PUBLISHED WEEKLY, IN THE REAR OF J. BARNES' BOOKSTORE. MULBERRY STREET, MACON, GEO. JL T TWO DOLLAR3 PEA ANNUM. E>- IN ADVANCE. -CU Hates'of Advertising. Ac. One »qn»re, of 100 words, or lea*, n small type, 75 coma for Iha first iuMruoi., anJ DO cents for each sebseqaeHi laser tion. All A lvcrtisements containing more than 100 and less than 200 words, will be charged as two sqaares. To Vearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made. fj3-’ If fj Sales'of LAND, by Adinmiau*iare. Eaecntora, or Cuardieae. are required, by law, to be held-on the first Tuesday ra the month, between the hours us 10 in the lore' Boon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Conn ry ill which the property is situa cd. Notice of these must be given in a public Gaaeue, .SIXTY DAYS, previous to the day of sale. Seles of PERSONA!. PROPERTY, musl be advertised in Ore same manner FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Cteditors of an Estate, must be pub lished FORTY Days. Notice hat application will be made to the Court of Ordi nary, for leave to sell LAND, must be published FOUR MONTHS. Sales of NEGROES, must be made at public auction, on *he first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours ol sale, at the place of public sales in the county wtiere the let ters testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall have been grai.ted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously given in one of the public gasetts of this State, and at the door of the Court-House, where g It saless are to be held. Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for FOUR MONT.IS, before any order absolute shall be made lit reon by the Court. All business of this nature, will receive prompt attention, at ,he Office of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT. REMITTANCES UY MAIL.—“A Postmaster may en close money in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, lo pay the suit, cm plum ot a third person, and frank the letter, if written by himself.” —Amos Kentlall, P M G. COMMUNICATIONS addressed to the EntTon Posr Paid. LETTER TO MU. CALHOUN. The following is the reply of .Mr. Cal houn loan invitation from his Iriends in Cincinnati to visit that city : I’ort Hill, July 9th, 1543. Gentlemen: —I was absent from home when your letter was received, cov ering the resolutions of a large and re spectable meeting of the democrats of Hamilton comity, inviting them and the State ol Ohio, which will expaln why my answer has been so long delayed. if any thing could induce me to depart from the course I have prescribed for myself, while my name is before the peo ple for the highest otfice witin their gift, it would be the invitation which you have so kindly tendered in the name of those you represent. The source whence the invitation comes, the grounds oil which it is tendered, my desire, long en tertained, to visit the great valley of the Mississippi—the only portion of the Un ion I have never seen—and to meet the wishes of my friends who have so ear nestly expressed their desire to see me, all strongly impel me to accept; but to these is imposed an objection which to me is insuperable—my conception of the proper course for me to pursue while oc cupying the position I do. Since I have been placed there by my friends, I have received frequent invitations from them in various portions of the Union, pressing me to visit their respective sections. In order to answer them, it became necessa ry that 1 should decide, on general prin ciples, the course it would be proper for me to pursue. I accordingly gave the subject my deliberate consideration. The result was a conviction that l ought not to accept, and I have, therefore, declined ail invitations of ttie kind. I am aware that others, occupying the same position as myself, have come to a different conclusion, and that the prac tice, as you state, is different from that I have prescribed for myself. In adopting it, I intend no reflection on those who take a different view. It is a point which each has a right to decide for himself. I may be wrong and they right. I may even expose myself to the charge of be ing fastidious, hut as the conclusion to which 1 have come is the result of my deliberate judgment, after full reflection, lam I ouud to respect it. And 1 trust that such of rny friends as think me wrong, will pardon the error from re spect to the motive whicn governs me. With these remark*, and an expression of very sincere gratitude for the high es timate which my friends of Hamilton county have placed on my public servi ces, and the interest they feel for my suc cess, l would conclude mv answer to your letter, if I did not feel that something more than the bare statement of the rule I have adopted was due to them and to the occasion. I regard, with great re spect, the relation which a public man holds to those who approve of bis prin ciples and conduct, a. idsupport his course. Ha is, in my opinion, bound, among oth er things’, to pay great respect to their opinions and wishes, and when he can not conform to them, it is his duty to as sign Ireely and candidly the reasons which may prevent him. In compliance with that duty, I promise to assign brief ly some of the more prominent of those which governed me in coming to the conclusion which compels me to decline the kind and pressing invitation of which yon are the organ. There are then, in my opinion, strong con adorations, both of propriety and ex ped.ancy, why the office of the President of t le United States, should not be sought I y personal canvass or the usual mode of DEMOCRATIC BANNER FREE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; NO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION. f V. C.i .MiU L.Y. electioneering. Regarded merely in ref erence to feeling, the office, it seems to me, is too high and its duties too respon sible to be the object of personal solici tude. Who, with the proper spirit, can contemplate the task of discharging its high duties without being inspired with a diffidence and awe calculated to sup press every feeling of the kind ? When I look at ihe country as it now is, and compare it with what it was, when I first entered the councils of the Union, as it relates to the population, wealth, improve ments, and all the elements of*greatness —and then look forward to what ; t will he when those who are now entering on the stage shall retire, provide I our liber ty, institutions, union shall he preserved —and then reflect on the great and decis ive influence which the powers vested in the President must have, in that respect, lor good or evil, as they may be pro|»eriy or improperly exercised, to me it seems to be the highest and most responsible office in the world—far too much so to be the object of personal solicitude, or sought by a personal canvass, or ever to lie accepted on any other ground than that ot duty. Nor, in my opinion, are the considera tions of expediency less strong. Regard ed in that light, 1 hold it all important to the successful operation of our system of Government, that the highest office of the Union should be the exclusive re ward of merit and services such as may be well known to the whole country—so as to enable the people at large to form a just estimate of their value, and of the character and motive of him who render ed them. In order to understand the force of the position, it will be necessary to bear in mind, that no other cause has so powerful an influence in forming the character of a people under free and pop ular Governments, and, through it, over their destiny, as the means by which its offices and honors may be most success fully acquired. Whatever they may be —whether electioneering, management, intrigue, corruption, patronage or faith ful and patriotic services—that will be most carefully studied and cultivated by the aspiring and taented. And, belt which it may, the influence which its study and practice will have on their character, will, by necessary consequence, extend in time to the mass of the com munity—either to debase and corrupt, or elevate and purify, as its tendency may be to the one or the other. If this be true, as applied generally, to offices and honors, how much more stri kingly must it appear to be so when ap plied in our system of government, to the j otiiee of President—the highest and most honorable by far of all, and having at its disposition many others much more val ued than any in the gift of the Stales or j the people. And how important is it, j that it should he made the exclusive re- j ward of services and merit—the only | means by which it can he acquired, cal-1 ciliated to elevate and purify the charac ter of those who aspire to its high dis tinction, and through their example, the whole community—l might add, the on ly one by which it can Le sought and ac quired, which would not have a debas ing and corrupting tendency. Haw im portant then, i is, that all others should be discountenanced m the Presidential canvass, except an open and manly ap peal to services and merit. Is it saying too much, to assert that the fate of our free institutions and the country, must, iu no small degree, depend on a correct mode of thinning and acting on the part of the people, in reference to a subject of such magnitude ? Such are some of the considerations which have induced me to adopt the rule I have. There are others of much weight, which l forbear to press, to avoid prolix ity. Acting in obedience to it, l must forego the pleasure it would otherwise a fiord me to accept the invitation which you have so kindly tendered to visit your magnificent portion of the Union. Be assured that no feeling of indifference to wards it or my friends in that quarter, has in the least swayed me in declining to accept. I have ever had the kindest feelings towards to the West, l have re regarded its progressin population, wealth and improvement, with pleasure and ad miration, and have omitted no opportu nity to accelerate its growth. With great respect, I am, &c., <fcc. J. ('. CALHOUN. To W. M. Corry, E. Fi -her, J. L. Vat tier, S. Hulse, and W. F. Johnson, Esqs. AN ACTUAL PIGMY. The London Literary Gazette, of May 1824, contains a description of a female dwarf, even more extrardinary, in dimin utiveness of size, than Tom Thumb. Her name was Crachami, a Sicilian by birth, and at the time she was exhibited in London, (May, 1824,) was within a few mouths of lieing ten years old. The writer iu the Gazette says, “seeing is be lieving,” and unless ne had actually seen her, he could not have credited so extra ordinary a variety in human nature. He says, “It is impossible to describe the miracle of her appearance, or its effect upon the mind. To see rationality, sport iveness, intelligence, all the faculties of humanity, in a being so tnconceivab.y below the standard at which we have ev er witnessed them, so overturns all pre- MACON, \\ EDNESAAY, AUGUST 30, 1843. vious impressions, that, even with the fact before us, we doubt the evidence of our senses. A tolerably sized doll, act ing and speaking, would not astonish us so much; for nature is, in this instance, far more wonderful than art can l>e. On ly imagine a creature about half as large as a new-born infant; perfect in all parts and lineaments, uttering words in a strange, unearthly voice, understanding what you say, and replying to your ques tions ; —imagine, I say, this figure of a bout nineteen inches in height, and five pounds in weight, and you have some idea of this extraordinary phenomenon. And the more you look, the more you reflect, the more incredible it appears that this can be real. But true it is ; here is the fairy of your superstition in actual life; here is the pigmy of ancient my thology brought down to your own day; the expression of her countenance varies with whatever affects her mind, (for, on my fait! , there is a mind and soul in this diminutive frame!) her beautiful tiny hand, (for the fore-finger of which, the ring of a very small shirt-button would be much too w.de around,) has all the mo tions and graces which are found in the same member of a lovely woman; she threatens, she displays her fondness for finery, she likes her drop of wine, she shows her displeasure, she chooses and rejects ; in fine, she is as perfect as a com mon child of the same age. Her walk is rather tottering, and her voice (as 1 have said) very remarkable. Her general ap pearance is not tin; leasing, though there is a little of the simia in the lorm of the features ; her health is good, and her bo dy, limbs, &.C., are com; Lte. 1 took her up, caress, and and saluted her; and it was most laughable to see her resent the lat ter freedom, wiping her cheek, and ex pressing her dislike to the rough chin. But her great antipathy is to doctors; these have offended her by examining her too minutely; and whenever they are mentioned, she doubles her filbert of a fist, and manifests her decided displeas ure. Os her trinkets she seems very proud, taking off her ring to show it, and pointing to her ear-rings with the joyous exclamation of “very pretty”—lor she has learned a litt e Eng.ish. From the Georjj.a Constitutionalist. TO THE OLD STATE RIGHT MEN. NO. 11. Ff.li.ow-Citizens :— Again I address you with the inquiry, where are you ? | what is your position ! We have battled together in t e cause of strict construe- j tion, some lor ten, some for twenty, thir- j ty, forty-five years ; in fair weather and j loul ; in infancy, manhood and old age ; | amid all the changes and shillings of par ties and party names we have stood firm. ! During all t.iat time, and under all cir j cumstanCe, we have opposed the assump tion of implied powers by Congress as : destructive of the best interests of the South, dangerous to our in >titutions, and threatening to the union. \\ e have op- j posed lederal usurpation, no mattpr in what shape it came —no matter by what branch of the govern uent attempted. We and our fathers opposed the high handed usurpations of the elder Adams, and led on by Jefferson we broke the iron sceptre with which he attempted to awe us into submission to his despotic rule. Again, 1 in 18-25, under Troup, we bre;isted dan ger for Georgia’s rights, and preserved her soil intact, inviolate, and uncontami nated by the polluted tread df the myr midons of the younger Adams, and by our firmness and devoiion, carried her through triumphant mauger the threats of the President and his prime minister Henry Clay. Now again has federalism paid us one of its decennial visits. We have been traded off for a sight of the speaker’s chair, and a dish ol flattery (more worth less than Esau’s pntage,) by Dawson, & Cos., to Henry Clay and the whigs. We have been hound over by indentures ex ecuted t»y our nohtical guardians to the support of the hank, the tariff and all Mr. ! Clay’s latituditiarian doctrines and meas- 1 eres, and it is promised tor us that we win consider the constitution a dead let ter, surrender a.l its out-posts, its safe guards, to the will of a majority. W hat say you : will you abide the bargain ? Do you feel willing to sanction the bar gain, to seal the bond ? For my part the terms of the cont.act are gall and worm-wood to me, and I would spurn them even in We.ch. 1 would do much and suffer much to place a fine looking citizen of Georgia, a man of goodty as pect, and commanding presence, in the speaker’s chair, or as chief over one of the bureaus, and tack myself to the tail of his greatness ; but l cannot do this thing, I deem 1 would be paying too dear tor a whistle. It is true, had the transfer been made by a Franklin, a Jefferson, a Jay, a Gallatin, a .uetternich, a Liver pool, or a Talleyrand, 1 might have been reconciled to the degradation. The base ness of the act may have been gilded by the greatness of the actor; but to be sold by William Cross-by Dawson is nothing hut little, and carries with it no tinge or shadow of greainess. It is hard, it is dis agreeable, it is grating to the feelings, to separate trom oid friends, old associates, and form new connexions with those against whom 1 have always been array ed ; but Mr. Clay and the Whigs are lat- itudinarians. The democrats profess to be governed by the Jeffersoniah doctrines; to oppose the bank, the tariff, the distri bution, and bankrupt law, and prejudice must yield to principle, and pa.tiality to duty. I cannot, I will not agree, to sacrifice the interest of Georgia, her character and her rights, to Mr. day’s ambition, or Mr. Dawson’s vanity. 1 will not support a Bank of the United States, because I be lieve with Harrison, that Congress has no power under the constitntioiWto char ter a bank, and I agree with seven-eighths of the Senate of Georgia in 1838, that it is unconstitutional, inexpedient, and dan gerous to the rights of the states and the liberties of the people, and because it has a strong tendency to pro luce a high pro tective tariff and an extravagant and cor rupt government. I will not support a protective tariff, because I do not believe Congress has power to lay duties or col lect taxes for any purpose not expressed in the constitution, and I do not find the protection of manufacturers expressed as one of the expressed purposes of laying taxes. And because 1 believe a bank and high protective tariff as natural to pro duce an extravagant system of internal improvement by Cong ess, as the connex ion of man and woman to produce chil dren. and an extravagant, wasteful and corrupt expenditure of the public money. I will not support internal improvement by the general government, because I be lieve no part of the constitution warrants, because I beiieve it will afford an excuse for a h gh protective tariff, because I know it must and will heighten the evils of the bank and the tariff, beget a system of partiality, fraud and corruption, and that it will make the weak south tributa ry to the combined east and west, that under it the minority will pay all the tax es, and the majority enjoy all the bene fits. I will not support Henry Clay, be cause he is the main pillar and arch sup porter of all these abominations. 1 will not support Crawford for Governor, or Stephens for Congress, because they sup port Mr. Clay, and must uecessarily sup port his measures ; because their election will give countenance and aid and sup port to Henry Clay in Georgia and else where. 1 will support Cooper and St rk, not for any love or respect 1 have for the men, but for the love, the reverence, and respect which I now have, have ever had, and will always have, for the republican state right principles of the Jeffersonian school, in which they profess to believe, and which 1 believe essential to the sal vation of the south ; and all this 1 avow and will abide by at the hazard of being branded as a renegade by Dawson and King, backed by Clayton, Jones; Greeve, and Steel. I was called a traitor with Troup, and the elite of Georgia in 1825, and I can bear in the cause of Georgia with Gil mer and Stocks; and Janes and McKin ley, "and John Crawford, and such men the remnant of the old state right party to be called a renegade by William C. Dawson, and Thomas B. King, backed by Clayton and Jones, and Greeve and Steel ! Whatsay you, my old brothers: Where do you stand J Will you give up old as sociations for your country f Will you yield prejudice (or principles ? Or do you fear the scorner? or will you stand by your old state right doctrines a::d the in terest of Georgia manger the scoffer and the scorn ? AX OLD STATE RIGHT MAX NOW AND FOREVER. From the Missouri Reporter. JOHNSON MEETING. At a meeting of the Democracy of St. I .ouis, favorable to the elevation of Col. Richard M. Johnson to t]ie Presidency, which occurred on Saturday evening, the 29th inst. at the Court House, John E. Ostrander, Esq. was chosen President, and L. T. Lnbeaume, Esq. Vice President of the meeting, and 4\ue W. Hoit, was appointed Secretary. On motion, a Committee of five was selected to prepare resolutions expressive of the sentiments of the meeting. The following gentlemen composed said com mittee : James Brooks, Christian Pullis, Nathan Ranney, John Ennis, and James S. Lane. The Committee retired, and after an absence of half an hour, returned and reported the following resolutions : Resolved, That the friends of Col. Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, hail with joy the recent demonstrations in his favor, which have been made in Illinois and Missouri, and are confident that his j nomination as the next Democratic can- I didate for the Presidency is demanded by j an overwhelming majority of our politi cal friends iu this State. Resolved , That we have witnessed with great satisfaction, the a most entire unanimity with which the people of Mis souri have condemned the unauthoriicd, absurd and unjust proceedings of the le gislative caucus, which selected delegates to the National Convention, and instruct ed them how to vote, without consulting the wishes of; or obtaining authority from those for whom they usurped the right to act. Resolved , That, in order to obtain a fair and full expression of popular senti ment, and to insure the future harmony and success of the Democratic party in Missouri, we continue to urge the selec tion of delegates to the National Conven tion by electoral districts. Resolved , That, assured as we are, of the policy and duty of the Democratic party to nominate ns its next candidates lor the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the United States, Richard M. John son of Kentucky, and Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, we urge upon all who concur with us in opinion, the ne cessity of prompt and decided action, in order that District Conventions may be held before the expiration of next Sep tember, and that the example of Missou ri may have its proper influence upon the action of the Uemociatic party in other States. Resolved, That deeming it our duty to advance the cause of Col. Johnson in Missouri, by the speedy adoption ol all honorable means lor that purpose, this meeting requests the following gentlemen to act as a corresponding committee of the St. Louis friends of Col. Johnson, and that they he instructed to prepare and publish an address to the Democracy of Missouri, urging the adoption of the views contained in the foregoing resolu tions, and to act generally as a Commit tee of Vigilance in the cause, viz: F. Kennett, N. Ranuey, K. S. Blentler hosset, J. J. Purdy, J. S. Lane, Geo. VV. West; lliram Shaw, H. O. Brian, S. Mer ry, B. W. Ayres, L. T. Labeuume, T. W. Hoit, Ezrotu Owens, Thomas Andrews, J. G. Barry, Juo. Biack, Dennis Galvin, M. Steilz, Peter Weizaecker, C. D. Gilles pie, Capt. R. (J. McAllister, Dr. Simmon--, Maj. Kingsbury, W. Ayres, E. English, Juo. Ennis, J. L. Thorp, R. Cathcart, C. Pullis, Thos. Mattocks, David Sheppard, Jno. Brooks, J. Regan, S. S. McCullough, I*. Holehan, John OTtourke, Capt. Birch ard, J. E. Ostrander, Isaac Blinker and and Timothy Russell. Resolved, That the following papers be requested to publish the address of the Committee, when it shall have been pre pared, together with the proceedings of this meeting, viz: the Missouri Reporter, Boon vide Register, Liberty Banner, Os age Yeoman, Glasgow Pilot, Palmyra Courier, Southern Advocate, Jefferson in quirer, Paris Sentinel, Jeffersonian Re publican, Missouri Standard, O.d School Democrat, and all other Democratic pa pers in this State; the Springfield Regis ter, Galena Santiuel, Balleviile Advocate, and other Democratic papers in Illinois; the Globe, Spectator, and Madisonian, published at VV ashmgton City, and all Democratic papers willing to do justice to the diifercnt aspirants lor the Presidency. The resolutions were unanimously adopted by the meeting. 'I he fo.lowing resolution was offered by G. VV. Knott, Esq. and unanimously adopted: Reso ved, That while we do hereby express our preference for Col. Richard M. Johnson lor President, we wish it to he fully understood, that we hold it to be our duty to support the nominee of the National Convention to be hoiden in May 1844, believing that the members of said Convention will be true to themselves and to their country. The assemblage was addressed by Messrs. Knott and Hoit, and at half past 10 o’clock, on motion, the meeting ad journed. JOHN E. OSTRANDER, Prat, LOUIS T. LABEAUAIE, V Prtr't. \ Trie W. H ut, Scc'ry. Fiom the New York Herald, Aug. 21. IRISH REPEAL. , In the ample account which we pub lished of the news brought by the Hi her- 1 nin, we gave sufficient to indicate the I state of Ireland in regard to the Repeal 1 of the Legislative Union. The funds i collected by the Repeal Association, are 1 large enough to excite forebodings for 1 the future, and the calm determination of the Irish people; as contradistinguished i from evanescent excitability, speaks of : the prevalence of a spirit which will ulti- I mutely accomplish the objects contem plated. The sympathy and the pecuni ary assistance of foreigners, too, will be potent in its effect, and both in Ireland and in England operate alike on the op pressed and on the oppressor. America has done much to cheer the spirit of the Repealer, and to strengthen his calm con fidence in the future. France, too, has spoken across the British Channel in a voice which will resound through the British Isles, awakening terrors in Eng land, and inspiring hope in Erin’s green isle. Frenchmen are open in their es pousal of the cause of Ireland, and they fete tbe dawning of liberty in that land without concealment of their object. \\ e have an account of a dinner given in Paris nominally to celebrate the anni versary of the taking of the Bastile, but, in reality, to express sympathy in favor of the Irish movement, at Le Marday’s restatirat, in the Rue Richelieu. The dinner was attended by about 150 per sons, composed of members of the ex treme gauche, editors of the radical press, depiities from the twelve arrondissements, and commanders of the national guard, and sentiments were there uttered, and a feeling there exhibited, and proceedings there witnessed which are worthy of spe cial observation. The report to which we allude, says: Mr. Ledru Rollin drank to “Ireland the oppressed,” and “to France, the ene my of all oppression.” The toast was received with gtent applause. M. Rollin addressed the company, and expatiated on the oppression of Ireland, its patriots and its martyrs ; spoke of the accents of republicanism, which addressed their sympathies from America, and called on them not to let the appeal be in vain. .VI. Rollin concluded as follows : “ Liet an extei isive subscription be open ed throughout the whole of France; let the mite of the poor man be added to the large offering of the rich, and lot anatoun dant supply be pakl injo the fund of the Repeal to support that great politician, that powerful orator of Ireland, to main tain him in the calm and defensive posi iou which he has taken up. (Cheers.) Let England also know that, if she at tempts to overcome legitimate rights by violent and coercive measures, France is ready to lend an oppressed people, in their decisive struggle experienced heads, re.olute hearts, and sturdy arms. (Cheers.) Let her remember that the same causes led to the independence of the new world, and that her children, simple citizens, courageous volunteers, won at the sword’s point that liberty which they maintain, and which, 1 trust, they will maintain to the world s end. ’ (Cheers.) When the applause created by this speech had subsided, the meeting resolv ed unanimously to open a subscription in favor of Repeal, and to call on the sever al provinces to join in that subscription. It was also proposed and adopted, that armed volunteer assistance should be of fered in case of need to the movement party in Ireland. And, finally, it was decided that Mr. Ledru Rollin should proceed, as soon as the sittings of the law courts are terminated, with the amount of the subscriptions to Dublin, and to ten der to the advocates of Repeal, the sym pathies and assistance of France. Here, then, is a movement in France, more decisive in its tone than any which has been seen in America, even amongst the breihren of the oppressed. This is a movement, too, of the people in France, What her government may do, we are not at liberty to speculate. In the Cham ber of Peers, on a recent occasion, dur ing a discussion on the Budget, the Min isters were questioned on the subject of Irish affairs, and the reply of M. Guizot was given with proper ministerial caution and equivocation. ‘•As to Ireland, he did not conceive himself justified in saying a word on the subject. He sincerely desired the perfect tranquility of the United Kingdom, and he leit confident that it won Id be every where maintained or reestablished. Du ring the twenty years the English Gov ernment had done a great deal for the welfare of Ireland. ‘The chiefs of the present Administration;’ said M. Guizot, ‘gave emancipation to the Catholics of ttiut country; and l have every confi dence—and I here speak as a mere spec tator of human occurrences—that they will reconcile, in the management of this great affair, what is due to the dignity and unity of England with what behoves the country and the benevolence which a good and wise government owes to all its subjects.” The French people are active, and the French government is doubtless ready to take advantage of any untoward British policy in a matter so pregnant with dan ger to the unity of the Queen's domin ion : America is furnishing the sinews of war and the means to accomplish Irish freedom—and Ireland herself is in a state of portentous calm, though of le gal an 1 determined preparation for any contingency, however extreme. She is now trying the effect of moral power, and it was potent enough under the gui dance of o‘Connell to extort from the Iron Duke, Catholic emancipation. But if it should fail, or if the British ministry should move injudiciously, a fire would be enkindled which may inflame the whole continent of Europe, for a war be tween England and the Irish portion of that Kingdom would inevitably commu nicate itself to and be participated in by the nations around her. In this aspect, the fate of Ireland is one of momentous concern. Ireland free, and in treaty with the continental powers, and England would be crippled and hemmed in, and her retrograde movement would be com menced. Such sign of weakness would be the signal to her colonies to revolt and throw off her yoke, and thus the effect of Irish freedom would communicate itself to the extremities of civilization. But we must forbear ; the subject is too vast for momentary contemplation. We shall, however, watch the signs of the times with much anxiety. Fanny Ellsleh. —A wealthy, and it would appear a somewhat eccentric Frenchman, named Schikler, recently died iu Paris, leaving, among other strange bequests, $500,000 francs (near §100,000) to “the divine Fanny.” . It is anything but a mark of genteel breeding, when strangers are present, to allude to matters solely pertaining to thei daily avocation of him with whom you converse, and seldom fails to lower you, to some degree, in his estimation of youi* refinement. jNO. IG*