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From the Federal Union. Extract from a Jlcvieic \of the I! hig “System of Finance “of taxes.’' They go mi. “Let us then proceed to Consider our present system of taxation ; u careful examination of which becomes the more necessary, as it is apparent, that our future reliance must be, in effect, al most exclusively on taxes.” Well, this head brings in a vast amount of learning, all tending to show that the committee know about as much of taxation as other jteople ; that they have a feeling regard for the unequal burthen of our taxes on cities and commerce, and think it but right that the tax gatherer should be sent to the country for money. They arc for taxing land in which they include “all buildings and other articles, erected upon or affixed to the same, all trees and underwood growing thereon, and all mines, minerals, quarries and lbsil in and under the same.” “Also, stock cattle above the number ; horses and mules above the number .” Nothing es capes those keen and hungry politicians. Mines, minerals, quarries, trees and bush es—cattle, horses, mules. Verily we had arrived at the second advent of Roman power, when there went forth a decree, that “all the world should be taxed.” Well, it is one thing to raise money, but another to use it judiciously. We have had a hint of the internal improve ments they had in contemplation—their colleges and academies we can but allude to; but their provision for a system of common schools caps the scheme. After carefully excluding from taxation all li braries and all furniture used by the rich, and taxing the log cabins and plumb or chards of the poor, they set down for common schools a capitation tax alone. The college at Athens was endowed by the public domain, and many of our ac ademies by public property turned over to them. All this is very well, if com mon schools were supported out of the same funds. But this is not Whiggery —-it is not Aristocracy. By one or an other pretext, common schools in Geor gia have never been endowed. The poor have been too ignorant to originate or carry out such a system and have con fined their views to a hatred of colleges and academies. This so far as it relates to the partiality of our system is just.— Let a system of common schools be founded on the property of the country, and the poor would receive that for which they might be justly called on to defend that property. But as it is, we cannot clearly perceive the reason why J the man with a property in two hundred | slaves, should be entitled to call oil the unlettered citizen to risk his life in the | support of such rights. But whiggery j cuts the gordian knot of these difficulties ' it a single blow. A capitation t.x ! A ax on heads ! ! The property of the •ountry was to contribute nothing to he instruction or moral improvement of I hat large class of citizens whose morals ! aid in many instances on whose personal >ravery its defence must depend. This ,s whiggery! Georgia whigarery ! The resentment of the people at this treatment is felt and seen every time the name of college is mentioned in our Legislative halls. The remedy of this sage commit tee adds insult to injury, it was of course rejected, almost unheard. Common schools must rest on the revenues of tiie country, or they cannot be introduced to any advantage. A capitation tax is a tax chiefly levied on the poor, for they too hare heads —personal services in the de le.ice of the lives and property of the ric!i is also levied chiefly on the poor! This may suit the whigs, but it is the loathing of the den curacy. While we are wiiting we are informed that Absalom 11. Chappell, Esq. is nomi nated by the Whig Committee as a can didate for Congress, in die place of J. B. Lamar, resigned. We are glad the whigs have dared to endorse the principles of; .Mr. Chappell. He is but placed the fairer i by this distinction, and we shall not fail to' carry out our purpose of exposing his principles and those ol his party. 'in respect for the great names and great pretensions of the Commissioners on Fi nance whose report we have been con sidering, a joint select committee was appointed by the Legislature of 1839, who brought in a bill for carrying their views. This bill is not on the jpnrnal of that year, hut was so obnoxious to the House of Representatives, that it was with circumstances of singular contempt laid on the table for the balance of the session. It was however reconsidered the next day, not that one halt ot the members would have touched it, except with a pair of tongs, but that another bill might be introduced into the House of Representatives. Mr. Crawford and Mr. Chappell were both members of the Legislature in 1839; and appear side by side on the journal in support of the views of the “Commission ers of Finance.” The extent to which they would have gone cannot be known, for they were kept in check by the dem ocratic majority of the House ot Repre sentatives. The next year when the fortune of the day was with them, we see the leaven of the old report in the active energy of Mr. Crawford. Secure as they thought themselves in the power they had acquired, they began to develope their policy without fear. The Commit- j the of the Whole had made a report on > the subject of taxes for the year 1841. Mr. Crawford determined to distinguish himself by showing his disregard of the embarrassments of the people, by a tax law which they would not have forgot- ; ten had it passed. He introduced a sub stitute, (see Journal of 1840, page 375,) . which while it displayed his reverence for the Commissioners of Finance for the previous year, showed the measure have of his intended levy on the pockets of I taxation, almost in the very words of the •rreat financial report, not forgetting to tax trees and bushes, he lixes on die ad valorem system, and puts it down at 8 cents on the hundred dollars worth ot property, instead of one-eighth of one per cent as recommended by the Com missioners. The sum lie expected to raise by this tax inay l»e inferred from the following section, which we copy entire. Sec. 17. And be it farther enacted, That in addition to the tax assessed by and under the act assented to oil the 21st day of December, eighteen hundred and thirty-nine, the several tax collectors of this .State are authorized and hereby re quired to increase and collect one hun dred per cent on the amount of the res pective digests of said year, and which extra tax imposed by the authority of this act, shall be paid into the Treasury of this State. Thus we have shown the settled pur pose of those two whig candidates to im pose the burthen of heavy taxation on the people, at a time of unexampled dis tress in private finances. They were foiled in their purposes by the nearly unanimous action of the Democratic party, with such whigs as could not at once swallow a bait so full of hooks.— Had their views been carried out, they would not have been the selected candi dates of their party —they would have been a pair of dead politicians. We are far from having closed this ar ticle, but want of room cuts us off till next week. CIRCULATE DEMOCRATIC PAPERS. w e noticed a day or two since, propo sitions from the Concord Freeman, the Norfolk Democrat, and the Lowell Ad vertiser, to issue extra numbers of their journals, at a reduced price, for ten or twelve weeks previous to the day of our State election. We are now gratified to add the B irre Gazette, and the Bristol County Democrat to the list. The Ga zette says “Desirous of contributing our part to wards the spread of democratic principles, and the advancement of the democratic cause, in view of the coming election,we will send four copies of the Gazette to one address until the week after the an imal election, for twenty-five cents each, or one dollar for the four, in advance.— This places eleven numbers of the Ga zette at about one half the subscription price. Although it involves some sacri fice on our part, wo are willing to make all that we are able to promote the great and good cause i:i which we are engaged. The Democrat’s proposition is in these words “In order to secure a wider circulation of information respecting our state and national affairs, vve propose to issue extra copies of this paper for three months, at the extraordinary low price of twenty five cents for twelve numbers, in‘ad vance. Each number will be of the reg ular full size of the Democrat, contain ing the usual variety of miscellaneous and political matter, the news of the day, <Ac., &e. We are convinced that in no manner can democrats render more essential ser vice to the cause of democracy in Mas sachusetts than by aiding these efforts to circulate correct political information. — We have eighteen democratic newspapers in this State, published out af Boston, and it should be the first oaject of those republicans who reside in tiie vicinity of the place of their publication to see that the subscription to his local journal is ex tended as widely as possible. A strong democratic Press is the best guaranty of the people’s lights. — Bos. Statesman. The Democratic State Convention of New York assembled at Syracuse on the sth inst. Delegates to the National Con vention which is to assemble in Baltimore in Alay next, were appointed. A series of resolutions were adopted, which de clare : “ That we retain undiminished oppo sition to federal measures and principles in every form and under eftery name. We arc opposed to a National Bank—to a large army or navy—to a prohibition system of duties—to the assumption of State Debts—to the distribution of the land money—and to an extravagant and costly administration of the government —while we approve and will support an economical and retrenching system of expense—ft moderate and reduced naval and military establishment in peace—a divorce of the money power from the po litical power—an independent treasury —a tariff founded on revenue principles and wisely discriminating for the encour agement of labor in agriculture, com merce, and manufacture—and a policy of government fostering State authorities, internal peace and tranquility, and inde pendence of all foreign influence and control.” “That having expressed our approba tion of the holding a National Conven tion, appointed our delegates to the same, and thereby assumed the obligation of fidelity, and support to the candidate of its nomination, we would in the name and behalf of the unanimous democracy of the State of New York recommend our fellow citizen, Martin Van Buren, to the consideration of that Convention.” “That we do hereby direct and instruct the delegates whom we appoint to the National Democratic Convention, to pre sent Martin Van Buren of New York, as a candidate for nomination for the Presi dency of the United States by that con vention ; and we further do dirict and inctruct the said delegates, individually and uuitedly, to advocate and support his nomination, and to use all honorable and proper means to accomplish that result, , and thus to fulfil their duty to, and the ; wishes of their constituents—the demo cracy of New York." —Augusta Const. THE NOMINATION. We announce, with no ordinary grati fication, to the young Democracy of Chatham, that HERSCHEL V. JOHN SON', who occupies so large a place in their esteem, has been nominated by the . Committee, to till the Congressional va cancy occasioned by the resignation of Mr. Lamar. The eloquent efforts of Col. Johnson in IS4O, before the Young Men’s Democratic Association of this county, [of which Itodv he is an Honora ry Member,] won for him the regard of all who heard him, and wc are sure that the present opportunity of shewing the high consideration in which he is held, will be eagerly embraced.— Vedette. HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON’S ACCEPTANCE. Louisville, Ga. Sept. 9, 1813. Dear Sir— -1 have this moment received yours of the 4th iust, informing me of my nomi nation as the Democratic can lidate to fill the vacancy in our congressional delega tion, occasioned by the resignation of Col. John B. Lamar. To me the intelli gence is both pleasant and painful— pleasant, because evincive of the high confidence reposed in my fidelity to de mocratic principles, and of the unmerited estimate placed by my political associates, upon my poor abilities— painful, because to be elected would operate serious inju ry to my private interests, and would throw upon me public duties ani respon sibilities, which I could not hope to dis charge’and redeem, either with credit to myself, or honor to my country. The time to intervene between this and the General Election in October, is too short for the committee to make another nomi nation were Ito decline. 1 therefore ac cept, though I should have greatly pre ferred, that the distinguished honor, should have been conferred upon another. I should be pleased to mingle extens ively with the people, not to play the part of the itinerant demagogue; but, that 1 might become personally known to them, and indulge freely in the expression and interchange of sentiments and opinions, upon the great questions which now agi tate the country. But the shortness of the time and other pressing engagements, render it impracticable. 1 must therefore content myself, by assuring my democra tic fellow citizensj every where, that 1 am thoroughly identified with them in all the great principles, which compose the po litical sclirol to which we are attached, and which boasts as its founder the illus trious Jefferson :—that. I cordially unite with them in deprecating the leading measures of the Federal Whig Party, as disclosed by their conduct in the sessions of the last Congress. 1 deprecate them ns founded in error of principle—as vio lative of the Constitution of the United States, and as ruinous in their tendency, to the best interest and highest happiness of the American people. And, judging from the recent elections in several States, it would seem that 1 am not singular in this opinion. They speak a voice which is any thing but flattering to the prospects of Henry Clay—that constant and perse vering traducer of Georgia, the father of the father of the protective policy, which is hut another name for southern oppres sion, the champion of a National Bank, which is the cynonytn of all that is loath some in fraud and detestible in political corruption, and the originator of the mea sure lor the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of public lands, with the view, first, to bribe the people into the support of his claims to the Presidency, then to diminish the revanue in create a pretext for high duties on imports, and finally, to bring about as a crowning result, an assumption of the debts of the States by the General Government. 1 love to battle in the ranks of democracy againsl such measures, feeling that defeat in such a cause would be glorious, whilst victory , under such a leader, bearing a flag whose inscriptions are so unfriendly to the welfare of the union and the inter ests of l lie south, would be shame and reproach. A Georgian by birth, by education, and in interest, I am proud of her inexhaust ible natural resources, and the integrity and industry of her citizens. And 1 re joice in the fond anticipation, that the day is not far distant, when, by the wisdom of her councils, and the intelligent direc lion of her energies, her stores of wealth shall have been exhumed from their mountain beds, her works of public en terprise and internal improvement, shall have been prosecuted to a successful con summation, and her people shall have been properly awakened to the incalcula ble interests of popular education and public virtue. It may be said with truth, that in the brightness of her lustre and the steadyness and uniformity of her rev olutions, Georgia is surprssed by-no star that bestuds our glorious national banner. ' Aly thanks to the committee who have thus honored me, and my grateful ac knowledgements to you for the kind man ner in which you have communicated the bestowal. hi haste your obedient and humble servant, HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON. Air. P. C. Guieu, Chairman, etc. THE CAT LET OUT. The following sweet morceau we copy from the Bellows Falls Gazette, a staunch Whig paper, and we commend the editor for the fairness, and open manner in which he speaks, although we abhor his principles. Democrats read it! They are the true sentiments of the Whigs no doubt; and the South will again have to tight over the great battle, should the opposite party ever be so lucky as to come in power. We hope, however, that the people of the South are tired of Connery, and will not sutler themselves to be bamboozled by windy speeches and big fusses gen erally. —Hamburgh N'. C. Journal. Tennessee all higiit Tariff safe! — The result of the Tennessee election is a most gratifying event. It is the only State Election this year in which ■' a full vote lias been cast, and it shows what the W higs in other Stales might do, if they would feel the interest in their , cause which it merits. The battle has been contested in Tennessee upon the broad ground of Whig principles —a Protective Tariff, Distribution of the proceeds of the Public Lands, a Na tional Bank, and the One 'Perm—and upon those principles it has been won. A W hig majority is secured in the Uni ted States States Senate for the next Con gress—the Tariff is safe for two years, for however great may be the majorities of destructives in the House, it cannot compel a Whig Senate to join in carrying out its ruinous measures. The prosper ous day just now dawning will not be clouded. The exertions of the Whigs in Tennesseo have saved the country from another ruinous check in its pros perity. Tennessee has most nobly done her duty. Let not Vermont be backward in the same cause. From the Independent Democrat. A DISINTERESTED WITNESS. The talented Editor of the New World (a periodical devoted to polite literature) thus hits off the political minnows who nibble at Mr. Calhoun’s great name. Had the editor been acquaintad with the char acter of those who hereabouts have made the charge of inconsistency against Mr. Calhoun, and their puny attacks, he could not more aptly have delinerated both. The extract 1 send is taken from the New World of the 12th ultimo : Mr. Calhoun’s Consistency. —We ob serve that several “mousing politicians” are denouncing Air. Calhoun for want of consistency, because his opinions on cer tain political questions have undergone some change during the last thirty years. The charge is supremely ridiculous, and can have no influence whatever upon in telligent minds. To suppose that during the long public life of the distinguished statesman, his opinions had remained the same, would, in fact, be to suppose that lie had made no intellectual advancement. In love of country and manly patriotism, in bis moral and religious character, Mr. Calhoun has been perfectly consistent.— We dont write this paragraph as political partizans, for any particular purpose, but simply to expose the folly of the charge of “inconsistency” so frequently and so foolishly brought against public men.— W r e commend the following fine senti meat of Cowley to the puny assailants of Air. Calhoun: ‘Where honor or where conscience dors not bind, No other law shall shackle me; Slave to myself I will not be, Nor shall my future actions be confined To my own present inind.” New Orleans, Sept. 8. A DISTINGUISHED VISITOR. Marshal Bertrand, one of the warmest friends and most distinguished Marshals of the Emperor Napoleon, is now in this city. He arrived yesterday from Havana, accompanied by his son, and will remain for a few days only. France boasts, in all her long and high array of noble sons, few that have achieved a prouder distinc tion, than the time-honored veteran who, crowned with years and honors, now moves in the midst of one of the greatest cities of the Western World. He is one of the few survivors who performed a conspicuous part in the stirring events which marked the early part of the pres ent century —events that dazzled and as tounded the whole civilized world. The bosom friend of Napoleon, lie followed the eagle banners of that extraordinary chief, from the moment of his elevation to his fall. In battle, brave and impetu ous—in coumcil, cool and wary, he ad hered to his great leader with unalterable affection, throughout his long and brill iant career; and when the star of his glory was quenched in rayless night up on the fated field of Waterloo, “faithful among the faithless,” stood the gallant and battle-worn Bertrand ! When he who had “ made thrones his playthings, and kings his puppets,” was exiled to his ocean-girt home, among the long-tried followers who accompanied him on Lis last march, the Alarshal Ber trand stood conspicuous, hi all of his long exile, he clung to his fallen chief with a devotion which never faltered un til the object of his faith had surrendered his great soul to the God who gave it. The visit of such a man to our city, cannot fail to excite the liveliest gratifi cation with all who admire the many no ble qualities concentrated in the person of Alarshal Bertrand, and we feel well assured he will be treated with all honor and attention by the citizens of New Or leans.— Tropic. O'Connell’s pay, or rent, is thus ex plained by the Newark Advertiser: — When he was first elected to Parliament, in Clare, his practice at the bar is said to have been worth ten thousand pounds sterling (fifty thousand dollars) a year. As an Al. P. he gets no pay, and in order to enable him to support bis family, then numbering ten children, from twenty-two down to eight years of age, and devote himself to tiie public service, his country men instituted a fund, to which every Irishman would have an opportunity of contributing Lis portion. One day was set apart for the collection of the fund, which, a member of the Dublin Repeal Association writes, has frequently reach ed seventy thousand dollars annually.— It has been as low as fifty thousand dol lars only twice. Pretty good pay lor pub lic service, certainly. According to the Christian Spectator ! the contributions to forty-nine religious and charitable institutions in England amounted last year, to upwards of £320,- 000. Planets, &.c. —A writer in the Cour ier Des Etuts Unis says, that twenty two planetary orbs are visible at this time on the same side of the heavens. These are .Mars, Juno, Jupiter, Saturn, and Ve nus, with their respective satellites.— They may be seen about 8 o’clock in the evening, in the southern sky, near what i are called the five zodiacal constellations. ZDSaZtOCgaiViFc, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMRER 20, 1843. FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. JOHN C. CALHOUN, FOR VICE-PRESIDENT: LETI WOODBURY, FOR GOVERNOR, MARK A. COOPER ot Murray. FOR CONGRESS, JAMES 11. STARK, of Butts. IIERSCIIEL V. JOHNSON, of Jefferson. FOR SENATE, COL. A. I*. POWERS. FOR REPRESENTATIVES, STEPHEN WOODWARD, WILLIAM F. CLARK. JOHN LAMAR. Tie marked the birth-day of our Journal, by unfurling to the breeze the broad banner of Democracy, and inscribing upon its bright field the stainless name of John C. Calhoun, the American Aristides, as our First Choice for President of the United States ; and for the Vice Presidency, the name of that wise, honest and able Statesman and unswerving Patriot, Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire: Subject, of course, 'to the decision of a Na tional Democratic Convention: The Delegates to be chosen directly by the People —to convene at Balti more, May , 1844, and there individu ally express Faithfully, the will of their Constituents. We ask but a fair held and fair play —and then “ God lefend the Right.” “Let me not be misunderstood AND LET ME ENTREAT THAT I MAY NOT BE MISREPRESENTED.”— ] Extravt from Mr Clay's Speech, a short time before retiring from the Senate.] The Senator (Air. Calhoun,) was con tinually charging him (Air. Clay) with the design of violating the compromise act l W hen had he swerved from ill He teas still for adhering to it, as he understood its principles. Those prin ciples he did not consider incompatible with the PROTECTION of American industry, in preference to am/ other. HE HAD LIVED, AND WOULD DIE, AN ADVCM 'AT E OF THE PRO TECTIVE SYSTEM. HE HAI) NEVER CHANGED HIS PRINCI PLES. THEY WERE NOW THE SAME AS THEY had EVER BEEN; out he submitted to tiie restrictions of the compromise act as a matter of N ECESSI TY. And he did not even now think it prudent, because not practicable, to go as far as his inclinations ffid him, with the friends of PROTECTION But as far as he COULD GO HE WOULD !” [Speech in the Senate, 23 d March, 1813, a still shor ter time before retiring from that body. J TO OUR DEMOCRATIC FRIENDS. We shall have blit one more opportu nity before the election of addressing you upon those important subjects, to which it is our high duty and privilege to direct your attention. Are you certain thut you have duly weighed the present cri sis in our political affairs? Have yon remarked the insidious efforts that our op ponents are making to pledge you to measures that, you have stamped again and again, with the marks of your disap probation. The ingenious and subtle efforts they are making to break and di vide our serried ranks, and beguile a part of our array into the support of Henry Clay, the great high priest of their fede ral sanhedrin, upon whose tablets are in scribed, “a high protective tariff, A NATIONAL BANK, ABOLITION OF THE veto and distribution. We invite you to consider well the fact that in vo ting for our Democratic candidates, you are voting against Henry Clay, who though a man of brilliant abilities bos al ways been considered by the people of Georgia as a dangerous and unsafe poli tician, and as peculiarly inimical to our State. And that in voting for Messrs. Crawford, Stevens and Chappell,you sup port Mr. Clay and all his obnoxious mea sures ; of this, however, we have no fears, for we speak advisedly when we say that we never knew the democratic party more united and compact, more calmly and steadily resolved to conquor than they are at present. No nomina tions ever made we believe have been more universally satisfactory to the party than our present ones. They are all men of superior abilities, cultivated minds and business habits. Men, the purity of whose private lives are guarantees that they will make honest and faithful pub lic servants. But it is not only necessary that you should vote right yourselves, but you should each and every one of you exer cise your influence to secure the success of our general and county tickets. Rec ollect that our enemies, aie using the most persevering and untiring energy to make up for their want of strength. Recollect that Eternal I igilance is the price of Liberty. MARSHAL BERTRAND. We see by the Jeffersonian and Tropic, that this war worn veteran is in New Orleans, where he Was received with the eclat and distinction that he so richly deserves. Marshal Bertrand was one of the most cherished and attached friends of the hero of a hundred battles, and accompanied him in his exile to St. Helena. He was created M rshal of the French Empire, during that brilliant episode the hundred .ays. II is one of the last relics of the Grand Army. The New Orleans papers speak of him as a hale hearty old gentleman. WHIG CONSISTENCY. Our readers will recollect the hue and cry raised against Mr. Van Buren as an Abolitionist, on the ground that he had voted for the admission of color ed persons (owning a certain amount of property) to the right of suffrage in the Stale of New-York, where from their comparatively small number, no inconvenience could possibly arise from their exercise of the privilege. Well, reader, mark the sincerity and consistency of these same Whigs and their prints. They now press on the people of Georgia for their chief magis trate, a gentleman (Mr. G. W. Crawtonl) who urg ed the passage of a law conferring the privilege of citizens, and among them, that of voting at our elec tions, on a certain descriptions of colored persons. Though we viewed Mr. Crawford’s proposal, as indicating kind feelings, rather than prudence, or po litical sagacity, yet were he alone, concerned, w«- would scorn adverting to the fact. On the present occasion it is here noticed not as a censure on Mr, Crawford—not for the purpose of lessening his vote, but simply to call the attention of the citizens of Georgia, to the character and motives of the party leaders with whom he is leagued, and for whom he lms forsaken the political creed in which he was nur tured—the creed of iris illustrious relative, the late William H. Crawford. We repeat, we notice the fact, not to discredii, or injure Mr. Crawford withd his party—that it will not do. With them, to be/ an out and out United Stales Bank man, a thor-i ough going friend of Clay’s Tariff—does he go for diddling the Veto for distributing the land mo ney among the States—compelling the general gov ernment to assume, between two and three hundred millions of State debts, and incur twelve millions ad- j ditional taxes tor the interest—does be hate his old State Rights or Democratic comrades, as a true Whig; ought to dot If he can go all these without balking, ) or wry lace making, and get up something on the/ plan of Butler King's five million hill for completing J the Railroads—why, then, he is the man for the Whig! leaders. But, will the honest yeomanry, the hard-f working mechanic, the merchant, the trader consent. 4 at tilt sacrifice of whose rights and interests—at expense of whose comforts and those ol their wives ( and little ones, all of those liberty destroying schemes e of Federalism, are to he realized 3 We guess not. ft Will they he coaxed, or driven to the ballot box on jj the first Monday of next month, as sheep arc lcd,,“ by those who intend to shear them, and profit by t their fleece. No, the people remember the demociat-Pj ic triumphs ot ' forty-one ad forty two. The guard ian genius of the Union, which then bore their stan-ih> dard, and led them to victory, again beckons them to conquest. On the eleventh day from this, Constitu-A tional Republieans of this State, meet for tiie third :C time, in poi.tical conflict, the retain rs, and ad- y . 1 vocates of the Bank and Tariff—Clay and Bid dle, of the Money Aristocracy and Factory Nobility.*! Democials of Bibb! on that day Georgia expectA* ertry man to do his duly, and that their bulletin from • lire field must he, “ W T E HAVE MET THE EN- J EMY AND THEY ARE OURS.” DESULTORY REFLECTIONS ON AN IN TERESTING SUBJECT. | Are the articles for domestic and plantation con- 1, sumption, really cheaper now than they were soma, years hack, previous to the passage by the Whig*) Congress, of Mr. Clay’s present Tariff law, and had* that law any effect in producing their apparent price! These are questions well worth considering, vve therefore offer a few brief remarks on them, la tile first place, however, startling it may appear to many of our readeis, we affirm that the articles ally purchased for family and plantation consump >g lion, (clothing, groceries, &e.,) are not nuio really' cheaper, than when they cost twice, or two and half limes as much as they do at present. No prin* ciple of Political Economy can be more firmly estab lished both, by reason and experience, than that The demand remaining the same, the market value' of any commodity, depends on its abundanct, or scar-r, city for the time being. This rule is as rigidly applicable to money, as tr any other commodity. p The immediate and potential cause of the appar-' J ently low prices of the articles we have noted, is prin-c cipally I he scarcity and consequent dearness, or high-, ly increased value of money, compared with years, and has in truth no mote dependence on the Tariff, than on what may be passing in the planet,- Jupiter. To the reduction in the nominal prices of merchan dize, several causes have concurred. As far as-cot- 1 ton goods are concerned, every Southern planter must have a clear, though not a satisfactory conviction on the subject, as the manufactures, obtain the produca. of his fields almost for nothing. From the vast improvement in the smelting and other processes in the manufacture of Iron in land and on 'he Continent, that article has fallen in the European market, near sixty per cent. The marvellous discoveries in labor saving ma chinery, within the last few years, ami the conse quent fall in the cost of producing manufactured ar ticles, would he nearly sufficient to account for the presen prices. One instance out of many, we men tion —some years back, the spinning a pound ot fine woolen yarn cost sevenpence, it is now done for less than a cent. Similar, though perhaps not equal advances to wards perfection, have been made in the manufacture of silk and cotton. The vastly increased production of the raw materials, the pabulum of manufactures and of tea, sugar and coffee, in the places of their arowth, are also strongly operative in lowering prices. Asa further illustration, we learn from a Western journal, that a process has recently been discovered in that region, by wiiich salt can he manufactured from their brine pits, at two cents per bushel. All the above enumerated causes have concurred to produce the present nominally low prices, and but tor the Farid they would be fifty per cent lower, as foreign goods, though loaded with that duty are still imported into tins country, and the monopolist will tiw .... ,rg up to the price of the imported article. W» have s. id the present prices are not really ~jver, i:.au in witat was most delusively called the period ol trigu prosperity between 1830 and