Newspaper Page Text
AMBBIOAM DEIVIOCHAT.
Tlie most perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least —Costs least —Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None. —BENTHAM.
J | DK. WM. GREEN -EDITOR.
A M~ D—*>iCOJx^LTi
PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
IN THE REAR OF J. BARNES' BOOKSTORE.
MULBERRY STREET, MACON, GEO.
AT TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
EC?- IN ADVANCE -CU
Rates of Advertising, Ac,
One square, us 100 words, or less, in small type, 75 cents
Tor die Oral inseruoL, and 50cents for eacli subsequent inset
don.
All Advertisements containing more titan 100 and less titan
200 words, will be charged as two squares.
To Yearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made.
tO- N. U dales of LAND, by Administrators. Executors,
Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the first
Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the lore
noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Court
ty in which the property is situated. Notice of these must
be given in a public Gaxcue, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the
day of sale.
Sales of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must be advertised in
the same manner, FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must be pub
ished FORTY Days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordi
nary, for leave to sell LAND, must be published FOUR
MONTHS.
Sales of NEGROES, mast be made at public auciion, on
,he first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours of
sale, at the place of public sahjs in the ceunty where the let.
ters testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall
have been granted, SIXTY DAYS nouce being previously
given in one of the public gaaetts of this State, and at the door
of the Court-House, where g it saless are to behold.
Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for
FOUR MONTHS, before any eider absolute shall be made
thereou by the Court.
All business of this nature, will receive prompt attention, a 1
t he Office of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT.
REMITTANCES MY MAIL.—“A Postmaster may en
close money in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, to
pay the subscription of a third person, and frank the letter, if
Written by himself.” Amos Kendall, P. MO.
COMMUNICATIONS addressed to the Edxtoh Posr
PRINTING.
—• -**o © ©♦**•—
OF BOOK AND FANCY JOB PRINTING
Will be neatly executed at the Office of th*.
American Democrat, on Mulberry Street.
Our collection of Job Type is New
and comprises every vari
ety desirable, to
enable us to
execute
our work in a superior manner.
ADDRESS
Os the Committee appointed by a
Meeting of Democratic Voters of
the City of New York, held
in the Park, Sept. 4,1843.
TO THE PEOPI.E OF THE UNITED STATES :
Fellow-Citizen?.— We address you un
der the sanction and in the name of a
numerous meeting of the "Electors of
this city, by one of whose resolutions we
are instructed to set forth to you the
grounds of preference for John ('.Cal
houn as the Democratic candidate for the
Presidency. He has been already named
in many and various quarters, by much
concurrent public opinion, and his nom
nation is hourly increasing in favor, and
must continue so to increase, as the
nearer approach of the election induces
men to give more ernest thought to this
important subject. The hour of scruti
ny and comparison cannot but be favor
able to a candidate com
bines unimpeachable integrity with abil
ities of the highest order, and with a na-'
tive frankness and* independence, and
clear and strong intelligence which as
sure you that under the responsibility of
power he will find a guide for his foot
steps in his own direct perceptions of
truth and right, as well as example and
warning in the gathered experience of
his predecessors.
The question before our party at this
election is simply that of a choice be
tween the names of Calhoun and Van
Buren. Other candidates have, indeed,
been rather suggested than brought for
ward, but none of them occupy definite
ground, and none now could fail to be
damaged by being pressed. Their friends
will do well to limit their views to the
next place after Mr. Calhoun ; but the
matter now in hand is to ascertain whe
ther the Ex-President is to come bes re
him. We have something to say to the
contrary, and we mean to say it plainly;
we mean to attack Mr. Van Buren direct
ly on some points, and on others, we are
perfectly conscious that strong disadvan
tageous lights of contrast will fall on him
from much that we have to say in favor
of the man of our preference. It would
be unworthy of our cause, and of our
candidate, to do this covertly, and we
proclaim it and avow it beforehand. We
mean al 1 that we say, and all that our
words convey ; all, but no more. We
shall indicate plainly the deductions we
wish to make from the high estimation in
which Mr. Van Buren is held by a por
tion of our party; but to that estimation,
saving these deductions, we adhere. He
is a man who has deserved well of us all;
tie has run through a long and honorable
public career, with a character unscathed
tend unimpeached. Partisan malice has
done Us utmost against his fame ; even
action of his well known life, every word
t>f his speaking or writing, has been can
vassed, tortured, sifted and perverted, to
make out matter for some tangible accu
sation ; and with what result i The re
sults have been poured out in vague gen
eralities, in charges of cunning an in
trigue, easy to make, difficult to invfsti
gate, and impossible precisely to meet arid
DEMOCRATIC BANNER TREE TRADE; DOW DUTIES; NO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANES; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT;
AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION.—JT. C. C^MLMOUJT.
overthrow with evidence. He was driven
from office at a time when the apparent
majority of his fellow citizens was insane,
and if the sounder majority of these days
-hall deem it fit for these reasons to rein
state him, then we and all those who
think with us, will cordially accept and
concur in their decision.
Bnt at the outset, there are serious ob
jections which attach necessarily to the
very nature of a restoration. It must
come in pledged in some sort to be a
mother of restorations, to disorganize and
derange the public service to satisfy per
sonal claims, which will be urged as
rights, with arguments unusually diffi
cult to resist. There will lie histories of
victims and martyrs, appeals to old sym
pathies and antipathies, a revival, in
short, of a host of persons and things that
might better be forgotten, which yet will
add a hundred fold to the difficulties and
dangers which always besiege the ap
pointing power. From these no Presi
dent can free himself; but Mr. Calhoun
wi l meet them unpledged,untrammelled,
unincumbered. He has never been hack
neyed in the by-paths of mercenary poli
tics, nor intimate in their mysteries, nor
bound up in close correspondence and
reciprocal obligation with all their wire
pullers at all the ends of their immense
ramifications. He has not clambered dil
igently up constructing his ladder as he
rose, to his present elevation ; he has
risen buoyantly on that favor of the gen
eral public which his high qualities at
tracted naturally, and which they have
amply justified. He has won his way,
not by craft, but by its absence ; not by
uncommittal, but by fearless advocacy of
unequivocal opinions. We have seen
him gain popular favor by the fearless
ness of his support even of an unpopular
doctrine, and strengthen his character for
constancy by openly acknowledging an
error. Such as we see hnn then, we are
certain that he has nothing in reserve;
that he will fulfil in the future the expec
tations we have formed upon the past,
and this, under our institutions, is one of
the highest recommendations any candi
date can offer.
Our so called Government, is nothing
in fact but the pul lie service; its most ex
alted offices' are merely executive, and
the power that accompanies them, is a
strictly limited trust. The whole theory
of republicanism presumes in the nation
the capacity of judging and the right to
know how this power is to be employed ;
and of course the right to enquire into
this, if it will) before it bestows it, and to
be plainly answered. The ministers of
irresponsible sovereigns may have their
private opiuions,and views, their ambigu
ities, evading questions they do not
choose to satisfy,and their reserves which
their subjects must respect, but never
penetrate. It is otherwise here : and the
man who copies this insolence and pre
sumption, who attempts to hoodwink a
free people, and expects to be trusted to
lead them blind-loid, misconceives him
self and them, and sins deeply against a
first principle of liberty. Mr. Calhoun
is not the man. He is identified with
definite and intelligible views on all the
great questions now or lately in discus
sion before the public, and those views
may be found summed up in one of the
resolutions of the meeting in whose be
half we have now the honor to address
you. “Free trade, low duties, no debt,
separation from banks, economy, re
trenchment, and strict adherence to the
constitution ;” such is the catalogue, and
its significance, pointed as it is, is greatly
heightened by the sincerity and thorough
going character of the man in whose
name it is thus promulgated. Almost all
indeed, if we admitted reserves and qual
ifications, might now adopt these words.
There is a pretty general abandonment
of the whig projects of borrowing and
banking, and of the folly and waste of
collecting unnecessary revenue, and re
turning it, diminished by spoil and plun
der, through an unconstitutional distri
bution.
All these heresies may be said to be at
rest, and if in treating of the opinions of
a presidential candidate,-we are to argue
at grout length against them, we should
incur the suspicion of wishing rather to
overshadow and conceal something in a
multitude of words than to explain or
elucidate anything. Something like this
we have observed, with pain, in Mr. Van
Buren’s letter to the Indiana convention.
He is full and diffuse, too much so, where
there is nothing in dispute. He figuts
the well fought battles over again, and
slays the slain, and loudly declares him
self for the victors. But in the question
ot free trade there is a battle field yet on
decided, and to that he comes slowdy and
with evident hesitation and reluctance.
He explores it cautiously on every side,
and blows a breath of favor with a sen
tence of contrary argument, carefully di
luted with hypothesis, to every point of
the compass. Protection is detfl red to
be constitutional, and here in the guise of
a quiet legal opinion a white flag is hung
out to the oppressors of co nmerce, of
which they well know the significance.
Piotection then is constitutional, discrim
ination is not altogether to be condemned,
hut twenty per cent maximum is sugges
ted, and straightway loosened to twenty
tve, and amplified by diligently noted
contingencies into tliuty-fiVe. Finailyj
MACON, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1843.
in another paragraph, stored away as se
cretly as possible, but alive and real, wc
find the insinuation that the present mea
sure of protection is “not to be increased.”
Hear this, fellow-citizens, comfort your
selves with this, for you are of it; the
present abominable tariff will certainly
never be increased, and somewhere be
tween this safe assurance thrown out to
one extreme of inte.est and opinion, and
the fast and loose generalities about du
ties lor revenue, addressed to the other
you must look for the course Mr. Van
Buren will hold according to circum
stance.s, should he have an important
part to play in the readjustment of the
tariff. Our ships are rotting at the
wharves because no freights can now be
earned on imports. Our exports, for the
same reason, are hindered with demands
of double freights outward, and a promi
nent candidate lor the presidency expres
ses one of the phases of his opinion of
these evils by hinting that they are not
to be increased !!
It is much to say, immediately after
reading such a declaration, that we will
nevertheless co-operate with the parti
sans of their candidate, should he be le
gitimately and fairly adopted by the
democratic party. Yet we will do sos
on that condition, and on that condition
only, but to such fairness the district
system of election for members of the
General Convention is absolutely indis
pensable. To a Convention so elected
we will surrender our individual prefer- j
ences, but we will not yield them other-!
wise. VVe demand to be heard and coun
ted in the Convention from all parts of
the Union—minorities where we have
minorities,majorities u hi re those are ours
The Calhoun section of the democratic
party in this State, if it be a minority,will
not therefore submit tamely to be smoth
ered, to be disfranchised, and,even worse,
made to give up its votes to be counted
against its cause. No precedents of ab
surdities ratified by custom, no claim oC
political rights for geographical lines and I
boundaries, no juggling inapplicable an- !
alogies of state representation, will ever;
make this wrong light. We protest
against it now, and we will protest ■
against and resist it to the end. If a
President is to be chosen by counting
states, it may better be done in a House
ot Representatives of the whole people
than in the Convention, especially the
unfairly packed Convention of a party,
And this consummation, which we de
sire to see not made necessary, we will
yet do our utmost endeavor to promote, if
we are forced to it; and that we can
bring it about we know. Party discip
line is excellent when exercised in good
faith, and to lead to coucert of action for
a generally desirable object; but it is
here, and should be ever, a powerless
instrument to enforce injustice.
But to return to our candidates and to
conclude. Eel low-citizens, there is one
remarkable difference between the two
men thus prominent before you ; a differ-'
ence you all can recognize, feel, and ap
preciate. It is this, that one of these men
you know, and the other you do not.—
You do Mr. Calhoun ; as a man, you
recognise in him great characteristics of
human individuality, impulses, passions,
faculties, talents and opinions. He has
made them known in your public coun
cils, he has impressed them on your leg
islatures, and even the very creed of par
ty, the orthodoxy of democratic faith has
something in it now which he originated,
and which you have accepted and field
fast because it wis good. He has said
and done a thousand things in the course
of his public earner, which have laid his
character open before you, which have
come from his heart and feelings and
gone home to yours. You might agree
or differ with his views, but you made a
personal acquaintance through them
with ahim, and him you were sure to
like. And from this acquaintance you
are now able to determine how he will or
would act in any supposable case, or on
any given question, and you can deter
mine this on the merits of the case itself,
without reference to its bearing on poli
tics and votes, or to any influences or in
terests that might be brought to bear up
on it. With Mr. Van Buren all this is
widely different. No action of his life
enables you to guess what manner of
man he is ; you inay judge in what cir
cumstances he was placed, what objects
he had in view, but you refer it all to the
externals, and of the internal mind you
know nothing. Seareh in your minds
for all you know about him, and you
shall find you know what otfices he has
held ; and that you do not very well
know how he came to be selected for
them. He has never dealt with you di
rectly, but always atone remove, always,
as it were, at second-hand. He has not
stood out a m in of free speech and action,
in hold relief, like Mr. Calhoun, before
the people, but he has practised apart with
their servants. By those the people trus
ted he has been trusted, but not by them
He is a man of calculation and one who
makes no mistakes, and his strength lies
in his kno.wldge of every pivot and pinion
of the political system. Such knowl
edge in political*life is eminently valua
ble and useful, and the man who had a
genius for acquiring it and turning it to
account became in public
bodies. Not in political clubs and coui-
nti (tees and conventions only, but also in
legislatures and cabinet councils, and to
all in turn he did good service, and fro m
all he collected his wages in advance
ment.
But he has no personal popularity; he
never hud any; and the deliberate appro
bation, half negative, that we bestow on
his public career, is a thing as different
from the genial feelings of friendship
with which men speak of Jackson or
Calhoun, as a certificate of good charac
ter is different from a cordial embrace.—
For Mr. Calhoun, we repeat, these genial
feelings exist; we appeal for them con
fidently to sympathies as wide as this
Union, and we call on the millions in
whose breasts this appeal must find an
echo, to give in their answers at the bal
lot boxes. To them we appeal from the
i high handed proceedings of the late Con
vention at Syracuse, a hundred men as
sembled, no body knows how, without
mission or credentials, yet claiming to
exercise the whole powers of the demo
cratic party. These men have arrogantly
actually appointed delegates to represent
us all in the Baltimore Convention; del
egates whom that body cannot recog
nise, whose seats other delegates elected
by the people in the districts will dispute,
and, for the sake of peace in our party;
it is to be hoped successfully. The con
tract that puts the state of New York in
to the keeping of thirty-four men; to be
delivered over, bound hand ami foot, to
Mr. Van Buren, must be annulled, for
there are thousands upon thousands
among its people who might have voted
for him voluntarily, yet who will not be
dragooned into it thus :
Fellow-citizens, the issue is before you.
On one side you have a man practiced in
office, familiar with majorities and mi
norities, skilful to use or escape from
them, and very great in political addition
and substruction. On the other is, the
eloquent apostle of a living faith, and
that faith a true one,’and your own, a
man who is the impersonation of enlar
ged political views and such action as
those views inspire. We leave this is
sue in your hands, and we believe we
may predict, in reference to that keeping
back or confusing of opinion, which we
have had occasion to denounce in Mr. j
Van Buren, that you will not trust a man 1
who thus manifestly refuses to tTust you.
John L. M’Crackan, )
Emanuel B. Hart, > Com.
John Hecker. )
GLANCE AT THE UNITED STATES SENATE.
The following spirited sketch of the
great leaders in the Senate of 1831, has
been several times of late, published in
Northern prints, and credited to wrong
sources. It was written by B. R. Car
roll, Esq., of this city, and published in
the Southern Literary Journal, of Dec.,
1535.
A GLANCE AT THE U. S. SENATE OF 1934.
CLAY, WEBSTER, CALHOUN, PRESTON,
I shall attempt to give you *n glance at
these men. Fortunately, I write fiom
the Reporter’s box, and the subjects are
all placed in the most favorable light.
First of all, is old Harry Clay—old in
reputation, though not so in age. There
he sits, afar off to the right behind Dan
iel Webster, whose noble forehead re
minds one of some massive castle, armed
with veteran troops, and impregnable to
the assaults of the enemy—there he is,
tall ‘ and mijestic! Perhaps, howev
er, I should not have said majestic, since
his feet, elevated to a parallel with his
head, are carelessly resting upon the va
rious reports and papers which lay in
one confused mass upon his desk—no fa
vorable sign, I fancy, of the value which
he puts upon them. What a lofty fore
head he has ! with the eye, the nose, the
cheek-bones of an Indian prophet. His
long fingers are cosily clasped in each
other—his brow fixed, and, with his chin
resting on his breast, lie seems rumina
ting some great national question—or
perchance a game of ‘three handed whist.’
I like his mouth prodigiously—in fact,
it is a prodigious mouth —as wide and
smooth as a Connecticut clam shell; it
contaius too, words os smooth and slip
pery as a clam shell’s meat. Behold !
something has brought him to his feet.
‘Mr. President!’ What a soft, silvery,
simply utterance he gives the word!
What a fine six foot, figured fellow. He
has learned his gestures from nature!
Now lifting Ins hands with an easy mo
tion to his head—and now they meet,
like his conclusions, in one perfect unity
of point. But he is only suggesting to
the Senate—the question before it is not
one of great moment, else Harry would
do the business in quite a different style.
If the honor, the reputation, the interest
of the country were at stake, lie would
make you feel every sort of way—from
the maddened indignation ol uie soul,
down to the calm sunshine of the heart.
■To use an illustration from fits great In
ternal improvement in his speech, l, he
would cause to crawl along with the
snail-like progress of the sluggish Missis
sippi craftsman, waiting ou tide and
wind—but, superior to liothj like the no
ble steamboat, dashing from its prow ev
ery impediment, he would bear down ail
opposition.” Harry Clay is truly a great
uian; and, if we speak of him as uu ora-
tor, he certainly stands at the head of the
American catalogue. When I say ihis,
I loose none of my deep veneration for
Patrick Henry. That man, 1 grant,
J ‘spoke with a voice sweeter than music
j —in words as pure and as true as inspi
-1 ation’—but they were the words of liber
ty —and no lips, warmed with coals from
her altar, could have failed to have spo
ken eloquently. It was easy then to be
a patriot, and still easier to proclaim pat
riotic sentiments—but in this day—no, I
will not express myself—enough is it,
that we hav such men as Henry Clay—
and the Republic is sale. Those men
who suppose him a great politician, have
widely mistaken him —I mean politician
as it is now taken—with all its trickery
and time serving. He is too frank for
such he attempted to act the part once,
but came near being hissed from the
stage. If Henry Qlay lives at all with
posterity, (and 1 do not make this a pos
sibility) it must be the first of our Parli
amentary orators—as the man, who was
idolized by his friends, and honored by
those, who, differing from his politics,
have been improperly called his enemies.
Just before Harry, I have placed the
honorable Daniel Webster. 1 cannot
nick-name him. Even his name is too
cold and terrible to sport with. There
is nothing of persuasion or gentleness in
his countenance—if you love it at all, ’tis
orily that love which superior abilities
inspire. I have said this head reminds
one of some massive castle. If you could
point from them two spears dipped in
poison, with the black flags of death"
placed above, they would somewhat re
semble his darkened brows and furious
eyes when provoked to combat. Then,
too, is that unearthly smile of his—al
ways attending his sarcasms, which, as
an orator of the other house has well
said, are like “the emanations of the spir
it of the icy ocean—the are frozen mer
cury, becoming as caustic as red hot
iron.” If the Massachusetts Senator ne
ver warms you with his fancy, he never
fails to delight. His mind is a book of
well selected problems, which ho demon
strates and arranges in a structure as va
rious and as beautiful as the pillars of
the senate room in which he thunders.
Nature has cut him out, body and soul,
for the forum ; and, if this government
ever places him in his propher sphere, it
will be at the head of our judiciary, illu
minating it by his various accomplish
ments and profound legal attainments.
Immediately before Webster, on the
opposite side of the Senate, sits Calhoun.
If you notice that peculiar forehead of
his, with the stiff, grizzly hair which
stands up above it, you will never after
mistake his likeness. He is the greatest
man in conversation you ever listened
to. Ife is up! If he had’not such a
slouch shoulders, he would be at
least six feet high. But he wears the
helmet of Minerva, and that of itself, is
enough to make him stoop. He has (as
is always his manner) caught the eye of
Webster, and is laying off his argument
to him. His long slim finger, how point
edly it shakes—his mouth, how it goes
—and his eye—that eye, which every
one marks as such a peculiar feature—
how it searches, as the eagle does the
hawk when about to rob it of its prey.
There now, he has been too rapid—the
Massachusetts Senator has lost him. He
perceives his fault—he repeat.sjbis propo
sition, ‘do you observe, sir /’ am I right?
It is self-evident! Again they are on
the same track. What a cloud of thought
on Webster’s brow. It is gathering slow
ly, only to burst like an electric shock in
some pointed reply. But . Calhoun has
built up his argument with too much
caution. He has hanged out conductors
on all sides of it.
W T ere I called upon to select from the
Senate the man best qualified townie the
nation—despite of his being a nullifier, I
should choose Calhoun. He lias just the
right kind of knowledge for such an of
fice. From a long participation in the
affairs of government he is intimately ac
quainted with all its ramifications, and is
lietfer suited to business life than any
great man I know. Asa proof of this, I,
some time ago, in bis native place, heard
twomechanicsearnestly disputing wheth
er their Senator was the best blacksmith
or carpenter. They each claimed him
as being first in their trade, when fortu
nately a brawny looking farmer came up
and ended the dispute by swearing that
Johnny Calhoun he had known from a
little shaver, “he knowed him to be the
best farmer in all the country, and would
lick any man who denied what he said
to be true.’ Although the farmer’s argu
ment was the most ‘powerful,’ the parties
were, nevertheless, all true; for such is
the versatility of Calhoun’s mind, that
he imparts light to every subject upon
which he exercises it. In society of any
kind he is more at home than any man
whom 1 have ever mot. He has all the
accomplishments of Lord Bolingbroke.
stamped into the mould of nature. I
wish from n?y soul that he had a better
voice—bis stoop 1 could easily excuse.
By his side, you observe a tall, portly
looking person—with a playful eye, and
countenance ripe with eloquence. He is
Prestoii, the other Senator from South
Carolina—decidedly the first orator in
the Senate, so lur as mere oratory goes.
1 NO. 20.
If you had never been told so, you might
have traced his relationship to Patrick
Henry, in the full blooded veins of his
forehead. He is grace all over, and that
awkward hump in the shoulder is all af
fectation. But as David Crocket would
say’ “he is working agin nature”—he
cannot do it. D;d you ever hear Preston
when animated ?—then you recollect his
peculiar powers. Just like a cataract—
now dashing and tumbling precipitously
along, sweeping in its course, earth, tree
and rock—and now, floating like a gen
tle stream over spangled sands glitterino
under the gorgeous rainbows of the spray
above above. Ilis language, bis gesture,
his figure are all poetry. He is the Apol
lo Belvidere of the Senate House. I
have but one reason to urge why h«
should change his wig—its redness. In
all other respects, it is the most graceful
auxiliary to his eloquence imaginable.
Behold him! In the mlbst maddened
strain he is bringing down the severest
meledictions on the heads of the present
administration. His hands are raised
convulselv —with what terrible effect
they are brought to his head—the whole
man shrinks from the grasp—and his
whole body has paused in an attitude of
the most breathless silence. Now, all of
that was trick—trick from beginning- to
ending—it was planned and executed
chiefly to adjust his wig, which, in the
warmth of his argument, had slipped
from its proper position. The great
fault of Preston is, that he speaks too
much. Great men sometimes fritter away
their abilities by making them too com
mon. Let him take care.
Queer Advertisement.—A singu
lar notice appears in the National Intelli
gencer :
If the person who, about 1815, or 1816
married the daughter of a shoemaker at
Carlow, named MARY DUNN, (who in
ISIO removed to Dublin as the mistress
of a Captain in the Queen’s Cos. Militia,
afterwards a Baronet, with whom she
was in keeping for several years) will ac
knowledge his marriage with the said
Mary Dimn, a reward of £SOO, or of
$2,250 will be paid to said person, on
such marriage buiug legally proved by
him; the proving of which cannot occa
sion him either personal discredit or loss.
A further reward of £IOO, or $450, will
be paid to any other person who will dis
cover or find out the aforesaid Mary
Dunn’s aforesaid husband, who is said to
have gone to America about 1817, and
to have again emigrated there about 1828.
These two sums will be paid within one
month after the above mentioned mar
riage has been proved in Ireland through
the above mentioned evidence. The
marriage referred to will be equally bind
ing, though it may have been pfrformed
by a lawful Protestant Clergyman, or a
Roman Catholic Clergyman, or even by
a Couple Beggar.
For further particulars, inquire by let
ter of Messrs. Goodhue, New York.
Electoral Vote op the States!
—The following table shows the electo
ral vote of each of the States under the
new apportionment. Two deducted from
each will show the number of Represen
tatives to which each State is entitled in
the lower house of Congress.
Maine 9 Georgia 10
New Hampshire 6 Alabama 9
Massachusetts 12 Lousiana . ..6
Vermont 6 Mississippi 6
Rhode Island 4 Tennessee 13
Connecticut 6 Kentucky 12
New York 36 Ohio 23
New Jersey 7 Indiana 12
Pennsylvania 26 Michigan 9
Delaware 3 Illinois 7
Maryland 8 Missouri 5
Virginia 17 Arkansas 3
North Carolina 11
South Carolina 9 Total 275
Required to elect 138
Our Rail Road. —A novel and in
teresting sight was witnessed on Sunday
afternoon, on our Rail Road. The arri
val of one locomotive with a train of 72
cars, all loaded, and forming a line of ve
ry near a quarter of a mile. The weight
of the whole amounted to perhaps near
340 tons. The locomotive is anew one
called the Camel, three of which have
been built by Messrs Baldwin and Whit
ney, in Philadelphia for our Rail Road.
It is expected that 1500 bales of Cotton
can be brought in or.e trip by this pow
erful engine. The other two are shortly
expected, and will no doubt hereafter
greatly expedite the transportation both
up and down on the Road.— Char. Mer
cury.
Three of the democratic members elect
to Congress from Tennessee are mechan
ics. An Irew Johnson is a tailor; J. W.
Blackwell is a copper-smith ; and G. W.
Jones is a saddier. All are men of talent.
A Bunker Hill Soldier on the
other side. —A newspaper published
at Dumfries, Scotland, mentions one Ser
jeant Reid, who was in the British army
at the battle of Bunker Hill, and now in
the 108th year of his age.
There has been one death from yellow
fever at Vicksburg, Mississippi.