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AIEIIIUAg UMOiMf.
i lie most perfect Gove.nine.t would be that which, emanating directly from the People. Governs lest—Tosls least—Disp-nses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None.—BE NTH AM.
VOL. U DK. WM. GREEN - EDITOR.
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EXTRACT FROM THE OGLETHORPE
ADDRESS.
To specify all that Mr. Clay lias spo
ken and done during’ his long' public life,
in support of tlie protective tariff party,
would be tedious and require a volume
To the intelligent reading people of O
gletborpe, it is enough to say what they
so well know, that Mr. Clay has long
been called by the manufacturers and
Tariff party, the “Father” of the Tariff
system. He has long been its most in
genious manager and most eloquent ad
vocate, and he is accordingly held by
that party in high honor. But his friends,
who seek to reconcile you to his support,
have endeavored to per-ua le us, that
since the memorable compro nise tariff
hill was passed in March, 1833, Mr. Clay
has not advocated a protective tariff, ei
ther in doctrines or practice, and that he
does not now differ from us on this sub
ject. In other words, they would have
us believe that our opposition to the pro
tective tariff has been successful, and
that Mr. Clay and his great Northern
party have surrendered to us, and have
abandoned their former faith and practice
on this subject. Let us see how far this
courtship of our favor is sustained by
truth.
''Flie compromise bill was passed on 3d
March 1833, to avoid the pressing dan
gers incident to nullification by South
Carolina and other Southern States, which
it was apprehended would join South
Carolina. By that hill, according to the
universal understanding of the nation at
the time, according to the plainest read
ing of the letter, the doctrine of protect
ing manufactures was abandoned; the
tar iff was to be gradually brought down
to a revenue standard of 20 per cent.
on the kinds of imported goods that were
taxed; and the long list of free articles
not taxed by the act of 1532, were lo re
main free, unless it should afterwards
turn out necessary to tux them too; in
which event, with some specified excep
tions, they were to be taxed also as high
ns 20 per cent, like other goods. On
these terms, the South agreed to bear tire
Tariff about ten years longer, or until
30th June 1842. Alter that time, the
Tariff wtis to stand at 20 per cent, or at a
mere revenue rate. Protection was gone,
or so we of the South fondly dreamed.
But see how we have been disappointed.
On the 23d February 1842, Mr. Clay in
troduced ten resolutiorfk before the Sen
ate. The 3d rends as follows :
Resolved, “ That the rate of duties on
foreign imports ought to be augmented
■beyond the rate of 20 per cent, -o a- to
■produce a nett revenue of twenty six
millions of dollars; twenty-two for the
ordinary expenses of government; two
for payment of the existing debt; and
two millions as a reserved fund for con
tingencies.”
In the debate on these resolutions; Mr.
Calhoun objected to Mr. Clay’s plan, as
a violation of the Compromise. In re
p y to this objection, and in defence of
his course, Mr. C ay used the following
emphatic language.
DEMOCRATIC BANNER -- THTE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; NO 7AEBT; SEPARATION FROM BAKES; ECONOMY; RSTRBNSHZbSENT;
AND A STRICT ADHERENCE 7.‘0 THE CONSTITUTION.--./ C C.t.HOU.W
“The Senator from South Carol in
prefaced the enumerathn of his ohjee
lions to the resolutions submitted by me
with declaring that they violated tlm
act; and he said, that it was perfectly
well known that he never would hav
consented to the act, but for the convu
tion thot it involved a complete abando.
merit of the protective policy of thecoun
try. Now, Mr. Clay must say, in rep;
to this, that tor one he knevy no sue
thing; but on the contrary, he knew and,
rectly the reverse. It did not abando.
the protective policy, far fro n it; it e.n
bodied the principle of protection, a,
though it modified and restrained it. I
embraced the provision of a home valua
tion of our imports, which was avowed \
placed there for the protection of th<
manufacturers , and it was part and par
cel ot the protective system. In regard
to that measure, Mr. Clay co tid not agree
with his friend from Maine, (Air. Evans,}
in the opinion that it would operate,
practically, to diminish the amount o.
the revenue. He admitted that it would
lessen the amount of imports, but not m
a degree to countervail the benefit de
rived from the augmentation it would
effect in the rate of duties received. To
one who should take a mere superficial
view of the subject, it might appear to
be a matter of course, that a diminution
of imports involved a proportional dimi
nuation of revenue ; and so there would
be, if the duties remained the same bit
more than a compensation might be touud
in the increased rate of duties. Bj this
a . it might, the home valuation cum re
was not the only point in which tueUo n
pro.mse act recognized, and actually em
bodied the doctrine of protection. It re
quired also, the payment of ditties in
cash; which was always a favorite point
with the friends of the manufacturers,
and the advocates of protection ; and stiil
more, the act prescribed a long iist of ar
ticles, wmch were to remain free of duty
after 30th June, 1812, which provision
had been inserted expressly lor the ben
efit of the manufacturers. Here then
iu three several particulars, all of them
highly important, the principle of protec
tion was confessed,y, and of deliberat'e
design, engrafted m the Compromise
bill. 8o far from involving any aban
donment of that principle, it would ha ve
been utterly impossible, as the Senator
must know to have carried the bill
through Congress, with such an avowal
from its friends. It was very true, that
the act did modify the protective policy ;
but, in that modified mrm, it recognized,
procl imed and perpetuated that po.-
lcy.”
Again, in the same speech, Air. Clay
said :
“ 1 have lived and shall die in the con
viction of the wisdom of the protective
policy. I have regrotu and during life, and
shall when I die, the prevalence of tiiose
causes—l respectfully believe mistaken
causes, which make some of my feliow
citizens unwilling to adhere to it. I (re
lieve the day is not f r distant when a
great ujor ty of the whole nation will
call upon this general government ibr
protection.”
One remark just here—Mr.Clay knows
well the strength of the Tariff party, and
he knows too, what he means, by assert
ing his belief that “the clay is not far dis
tant when a great majority of the whole
nation will call for protection.” But re
member, fellow-citizens, ice are not a
part of that “great majority” the inhab
itants of the cotton country are not of this
majority! This “great majority” is
composed of our ancient and our present
adversaries, and it is for their comfort,
that Air. Clay, their leader, makes this
prophecy. Let the South ponder well
these alarming words, for they speak not
to us, or to our children, the voice of
pCHCtL ♦*
Mr. Clay, in the same speech, says :
“ But at the same time, l have ever be
lieved, stabi ity with a moderate amount
ol protection, better than a very high
tariff without it. * * * * *
Even were a hgh tariff desirable, it
wou.d be impossible to get it, in the pre
sent state of parties in this country. I
mean of parties in Congress. 1 would
to all our lrieuds, let us look to what is
practical; look to the state of parties in
Congress; and consent to take such
easure as we ca get, and we will
carry at least a majority.”
In the course of the speech, Mr. Clay
goes on to lament in tender terms that all
the democratic party, and especially the
democrats of Pennsylvania, are now op
post and to the protective tariff system, and
adds:
“Who else are opposed to it ? The
Whig members of the South and South
west ; opposed to if, as they say, and I
have no doubt sincerely be ieve, from
conviction and on principle ; opposed,
as 1 most respectfully think, from preju
dice and misconception. Here then, we
have two entire classes of politicians, ut
terly opposed to all encouragement ol
our own domestic industry by any direc
protection against foreign legislation.—
These classes both agreeing in this, how
ever they may differ on other points of
natural policy, compose so large a ma
jori y ns to render it impossible, were it
des rabl •, (which I think it is not) to pass
a hi -h protective tariff.”
[Mr. Buchanan (speaking hcross,) said
MACON, VEDXE3 AY, OCTOBER 4, 1843.
> Mr. Clay, “then you have changed
nrr opinion ?”]
Air. Clay repm dfttfhave not changed
ty opinion , at all, lam st:i for pro ec
on; such as can be obtained under all
•atural circumstances.
In accordance with these opinions,
’.r. Clay urged the Senate to raise the
’arifl from 20 per cent, as settled by the
'onrpromise Act, up to an average rate
30 per cent., and he said he “hoped
le Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr.
'•uchanan) would go tins; far ; and even,
f by containing tea and coffee free, it
hould become necessary, as far as 33 1-3
«er cent.”
In a previous speech on the same res
r'ntions, delivered in the Senate Ist
March, 1842.
Mr. Clay explained “that his proposi
tion was to fix a maximum rate of duty,
mid discriminate below that rate, lie
>ok 30 per cent sis the maximum. But
he afterwards explained further that ‘here
were an articles which could not be
Manufactured iu this country under so
low a rate of duty as 30 per cent., partic
ularly hats, s oes, ready made clothing,
sugar and iron ; but he left it to the
representatives of those States interested
in these arf.ic'es, to move a higher rate
of duty He won follow and not lead
in this matter. The States interested
most hid representatives here, who will
take care of thur interests.”
These, fellow citizens, are the present
opinions of Air. Clay, as expressed iu the
Sena te in Alarcli, 1841, on this vital sub
ject.. In the first part of this paper, we
have presented you with the long cher
ished opinions of Georgia and of the
vvlio e South on the same subject, and
wu have shown you that our own State
h is even gone so far as 'o have her testi
mony against the protective Tariff, re
corded among the archives of the U. S.
‘Sen tte, in pej'petual solemn proof, of
our hostility. You can now judge fairly,
whether Air. Clay and the people of Ga.
differ, or agree ; and whether the honor
and the interests of our State as a cotton
growing, agricultural country, will be
best guarded by sustaining the candidate
of the manufacturers, or by adhering to
the free trade principles of the State
Bights party. We scarcely need remind
you, that if we take Air. Clay, we must
take him with his principles and with
his measures that are to carry out his
principles. But his principles and his
measures are not his alone, they are e
qu illy tire principles and measures of the
Tariff party, and will he carried out by
that party. If we take Air. Clay, then,
and he be elected President, we will find
ourselves immediately after the election,
obliged either to co-operate with the tar
iff party in enacting laws for our own
injury, or else, to oppose them on their
favorite policy. In this opposition, we
will be neither strengthened nor consoled
by the remembrance that we ourselves
helped to put our masters iu power; and,
depend upon it, they will make our yoke
none the lighter, because we rendered
them aid. If, as Mr. Clay predicts, they
shad have a ‘‘great majority,” they will
owe us no thanks for our own folly.
Before closing, let us call your atten
tion to one more subject. It has been
boldly proclaimed iu your hearing by the
advocates of Mr. < 'lay, that the Tariff (to
use his own words) is a “humbug.”—
Fearful of failure in their attempt to de
f nd Mr. Clay against the charge of be
ing in favor of the Tariff, they sometimes
seek to diminish the offence by apologiz
ing for the Tariff; and at other times,
they speak lightly of it, as being no bur
den. Let us present you a few, a very
few facts, on this point, and then judge
for yourselves of the taxes you are made
to pay in this secret mode.
We will start with the fact, that by
the ('ompromise Act, which we have a
sacred right to insist on, as the rule of
t; xation, the tariff was to be reduced to
20 per cent, tax on goods imported, and
this to be ascertained, not by the foreign
cost, but by appraisement in the port of
entry. Mr. Fillmore’s bill, reported from
the Committee on Ways and Means, was
the Tariff finally adopted. By that act
we now pay the following taxes on the
goods contained iu the annexed table :
ARTICLES. TAX KATE OP TAX.
IR<N.
In bars, rolled, (1) .25 «k»lls. per con, 100 pr ct. nearly
P*3 u (2) 9 “ 44 65 “ 41
Sad Irons. (2) |2 I 2 cts. pr pound. lUO 44 44
Cast Butts, |2 1-2 44 44 49 to 50 pr. ct.
Wire, [4J 5 41 41 150 44
R l * is 15J 2 4-2 “ 44 140 44 44
fc.ed?. A: ham’rs [6] 2 1-2 44 44 50 44 44
Anvils. 171 12 1-3 14 14 70 44 44
NAILS,
Cut, 3 4 * 11
Wi ought, 4 44 44 excluder!.
Hoes and Spades, 80 j>er ct.
Chains, 4 44 44 30
Screws, 12 14 41 80
Sietd, II 50 to 5 20 pr. cwt. 80
BAGGING.
Hemp 18] 6 cts. pr. y. square, »
U iany, 3 Id “ •• 73 per eh
sec; All,
o own, [2 l-2cts. jerU>. jqq
not relined, 4 44 4i
Retinal, 6 44 44
LEATHER.
Sole, 6 44 44
l’l per, 8 “ f “
( all Sk!n«. i5 dots, pr dozen
Boots and iinotre-, j 1 86 per pair,
f..r women, ICO “ li |
Shoes, men., 30 w a |
wumena, 85 “ "
childrens, 15 “ “
hats,
Kur, £t£ pr- «
W oel Ilalp, 13 cents saeh,
Straw, j !3g -
(1J Coat of Bnstiah |ood» laid down in S- V twfJra paying
r i« >. :t tt .. ‘lieu.- Cost n M. a.iitr | ajng lax, 51 doll.
4() ct*
loftcl Ti ci;h ftt t'f lait’t’Mvi in fc Y. Vefore paying
il l 14 Loll. 4( it. Con in N Y aim j-a) ii:g tax, 2300 is 40
CIS
(3] Costol Ti glitl era** ’sic r< yi in N Y- before paying
ax 218 co. pei ,q.- Cost in N. Y. aim paying Ux,G 1 8 cir.
pei lb.
(4) Dost c-I Ftpli ! laiddevtt. in N Y. before paying
tax 2*ts Ct. • i N Y arcr piijiiciax,7 eif. per lb.
]C] Conoi Frg iib. c< ods ’aid down in N Y before,paying
tax, 1-7 lOctt.— Cost in N. Y. after paying tax, 4 2-10 eta. per
lb.
(C) Cost of English goods laid down in N. Y. before paying
tax, 5 2-10 cts
(7) t ost of English roods laid down sn N. Y lefoie | eyin
tax. 3 5-8 cts.- Cost an N. Y T . after paying tax. C 1-8 c*. pr. lb
(P) Cost of Engii* h goods laid down m N. Y. before paying**
tax, 8 cents.—Cost in N Y. alter paying tax, 14 cents.
Alany similar facts could be presented ;
but let these suffice. The foregoing rates
of 30, 80,100 and 150 per cent, &c., shew
how closely Mr. Clay adheres to the
Compromise Act.
The friends of Air. Clay use one other
argument, which deserves notice. They
say, “goods are as cheap as ever.” Admit
it to be true; but are they as cheap as they
ought lo be ? Are they as cheap as they
would be, if the tariff was moderate and
equal or fixed at 20 per cent., according
to the compromise ? Can iron sell as low
at a tax of $25 per ton, as it could at
only $5 ? Or can Hemp bagging sell as
cheap under a tax of five cents a square
yard, (equal to G 1-4 cents a running
yard,) as it could under a tax of only one
cent!
But again : to say that “goods are as
cheap now as they used to be,” is not fair
argument; because the price of goods has
not been natural or fair for thirty- ix
years. Ever since the embargo of 1807,
goods have been sold at artificial prices ;
and especially since the tariff system be
gan, in 181 G, the price of goods has keen
regulated by the Tariff. The real ques
tion therefore, is not wnat prices have
been', but what ought they to be J Shal l
we not have the benefits of the advance
of the arts—the improvements of ma
chinery—the application of animal power
—steam and the wind, giving tacility to
productive labor and cheapening all the j
iitbricks that we buy.
“The steam engine sprung into being
and has worked a revolution more extra
ordinary than any previous discovery of
science. On the land it has rendered the
una- sisted labor of man comparatively
valueless, and on the water as well as on
the land, has almost annihilated space,
and has enabled us to say to the uttermost
parts of the earth, “thou art my brother.”
—Mr. Habersham, in 1842.
Mr. Adams, in his report from the Com
mittee on Alanufacturcs in 1832, states
that at the conclusion of the war of 1815,
the mechanical inventions then in use iu
Great Britain alone, were estimated as
equivalent to the manual labor of two
hundred millions of people. How great
the increase since that time, not in Great
Britain only, but in Europe and the Uni
ted States !
That of steam power alone, must far
exceed the manual labor of two hundred
millions of people—cheapening produc
tions of manufactured articles in an al
most incalculable degree. Shall the peo
ple believe that they are buying as
cheap as t ey ought, because they are
buying as cheap as they have been P
One fact in conclusion: It is useless
for Air. Clay’s friends in Georgia in 1843,
to deny that the Tariff of 1842 is a gross
violation of the compromise act, or that it
is a high protective measure. Last year,
when the bill was pending, every Clay
man in Congress from Georgia, and from
the whole South, excluding Alaryland,
except seven, voted againt the measure,
and in their speeches denounced the bill
on these grounds. The Clay Whigs of
the South who voted for it in the House,
are: From Virginia—Messrs. Taliaferro,
Powel and Barton. From Louisiana—
Messrs. White and Aloore. Tennessee—
Messrs. Arnold and •. L. Williams. And
excepting these seven men, the whole
South opposed the measure. But Mr.
Clay’s Northern and Western party were
in power; and wh >t signified the opposi
tion of his Southern friends ? and what
can it signify hereafter l
Fellow-Citizens! The facts we have
laid before you are of the greatest impor
tance. Consider them well. They are
addressed to the reflecting and prudent.
Party leaders and ambitious office seekers
wifi be deaf to them ; but yon can judge
of the evidence for yourselves, as well as
they can who seek to rule you.
By aCommittuf. oftiik State
Rights Parxy of Oglethorpe.
August 9th, 1843.
A TEMPERANCE STORY. Two young
men, “ with a humming in their heads,”
retire late at night to their room in a
crowded inn; in which, as they enter,
are revealed two beds; but the wind ex
tinguishing the light, they both, instead
of taking, as they supposed, a bed each,
get back to back into one, which begins
to sink under them and come around at
intervals in a manner very circumambient
but quite impossible of explication. Pie
sently one observes to the other:
“ I say, Tom, somebody’s in my bed.”
“Is there ?” says the other ; “so there
is in mine, d— him! L t’s kick ’em
out!”
The next remark was :
u Tom, I’ve kicked my man overboard.”
“ Good r says his brother toper; “ bet
ter luck than 1; my man lias kicked me
out—right on the floor!“
Their “relative |Hisitiotis” were not
apparent until the next morning.
MORE CHOICE SPECIMENS OF VII LAINY.
In the Boston Alunicipnl Court on Fri
day a “practising lawyer” from New
York was tried lor conspiracy lo cheat
publishers and other traders. He ap
pears to have been a piecious operator,
but he was one of a class still extant in
that city. The Boston Post gives the
following report of his trial, with some
of his edifying and instructive corres
pondence :
TRIAL OF THEODORE J. MARTIN, ESCt,
FOR A GENERAL CONSPIRACY TO
CHEAT.
The operations of Daniel L. Patterson,
last winter, are doubtless particularly
fresh in the recollections of several pub
lishing houses and merchants in this ci
ty. From Alessrs. Blake & Trumbull
and others he obtained goods to the a
nrount of $17,1)00, for which he paid
some $3,000, and our dealers became
minus the difference. Four indictments
resulted from these speculations:
Ist. Against Patterson for cheating
Crocker Brewster; 2d, ditto ditto, for
cheating Little & Brown ; 3d, ditto ditto,
for cheating James Alunroe & Cos.; and
4th, against Martin & Patterson jointly,
for conspiring, on the Ist bf Dec., 1842,
to cheat Charles C. Little, James Brown,
James Munroe, Win. 11. Dennett, Uriel
Crocker, and Osmyn Brewster.
To these four indictments, Patterson,
last May, pleaded that he would not con
tend against the commonwealth ; and
since then he has been kept iu jail, to be
used as a witness against Martin, who
was arrested in New York in June.
Yesterday afternoon Martin was put
on trial; and the fact that he was, at the
time of the traifsactions last winter, con
nected with Patterson, was fully estab
lished by Air. Blake and other witnesses.
Patterson’s testimony was long, but
clear, and amounted precisely to this :
He entered into an arrangement with
Alartin to cheat as many people in Bos
ton as-he could. The first step was to
establish a credit, by making purchases,
and promptly paping up; and' at the
same time representing himself to be con
nected with Martin, a man of capital in
New York. His first drafts on Alartin
were duly honored, and iu this way Pat
terson, in a month or so, established a
crcditthrough which he obtained $14,000
worth of books and merchandize upon
drafts on Martin, which have never been
paid. Some of the property has been
traced to New York auction rooms. Pat
terson was to push on his purchases till
he obtained $50,000 worth of goods.
Mcses Clark constable—testified
that yesterday, when he took Patterson
and Martin out of jail, Martin said to
Patterson—“ Dan, if it hadn’t been for
you, these damned Yankees would not
have bad me.” He further said—“l don’t
know but these damned Yankees will
make me work a few years for them;
but if they do, I shall make atrood thing
out of it. I shall make a thousand dol
lars a year out of it, and I don’t care a
damn.”
Another portion of the evidence con
sisted of the following choice business
like letters from Martin to Patterson :
New York, Jan. 2, 1543.
Dear Dan—-I believe it is all O. K. I
think I have arranged the matter; when
B. returns just set about it and fix mat-
ters straight. I have fixed C. and Blake,
and 1 guess between the two you will be
able to fix matters so as to give you a
breathing spell. So push on, and I hope
that you and L will be able to do
something so os to get me out of this fix.
We have got to pay B. &, T. 850—and
all the rest we can get we must get to pay
our other debts. lam a great loser by
this business, and I hope you will yet be
able to make me whole ; at all events
you must try; and, therefore, get up and
go out aud lace the whole damn squad as
I do; and if they wont renew at GO days,
every damn farthing falling tine this
month, let them all go to hell—and now
recollect you must get all the draffs re
newed. Blake will assist you and so
will C. So push on my boy, and we
will yet be conquerors. Don’t be discour
aged, and dont say any thing about what
takes place here—you must be ignorant
and leave it all to me to say; I know ex
actly what to say; ask Blake if I dont.
Now Daq, recollect—B. & T. 850—T.
J. M. 23G2—D. L. P. 1000, and then we
will get along better. T. J. AJ*
Second letter, without date:
“Dan—Dont make any statement of
yonr affairs to any person ; tell them that
you cant tell till I furnish my account
current. Let them go to hell. Blake
will try this, and dont you do a damn
thing till you write me first, and 1 will
tell you whether It will do or not. Now
recollect, Dan—dont do a damn thing.
Dont say a damn thing till you first let
me know. I have taken the helm and
therefore you have nothing to do but coil
down the rigging and stand by the bra
ces. 1 will sail the ship hereafter myself.
All I want you for is a foremast hand,
and to obey your captain’s ofders.
T. J. MARTIN.
My respects to L
For the defence, Charles Hutchinson,
clerk for Alartin, in New York, tostified
t NO-21.
that Martin, by the sale of lands in Ten
nessee, did laise between S2OOO and
s3oo ) for Patter on, aud that it was em
ployed to meet the Boston drafts of the
latter.
[This was a fact, however, not in any
way incompatible with the conspiiacy,
as the very money thus raised might
have been used in carrying the conspira
cy into effect.]
After charging the Jury, Judge Cum
mings adjourned the Court. In about
45 minutes the Jury agreed and sealed
tip their verdict, which will be tendered
this morning.
Martin has been a practising lawyer
in New York.
'l’he Boston Evening Transcript of
Saturday, contains the result as follows :
Theodore J. Alartin, a gentleman from
the New York bur, for conspiring to
cheat James Alunroe, and other book-sel
lers, was this morning sentenced to two
days and five years in the House of Cor
rection. He would have been sent to
the State Prison had the Court possessed
the power to do so.
TWELVE REASONS FOR PAYING YUOrt
DEBTS.
'J he Christians Reason.
1. The Christian member of society
pays his debts, first, because he is order
ed to do so in the Bible, where we are
told to “Render unto Caesar the things
that are Caesar’s, and to God the things
that are God’s;” and to “Owe no man
any thing.”
2. 'File Christian hears the Eighth
Commandment every Sunday, “ Thou
shalt not steal ;” and defrauding a man
of his due is stealing ; lor the irndesmau
elnds upon his faith aud honor, and does
not give.
3. The Christian pays regularly all he
owes, because he is a friend to justice
and mercy; he wishes both to love and
succor iiis neighbor, and will not have
the ruin of others on his conscience.
The Patriot's Reas ns.
4. The patriot knows that one act of
justice is worth six of charity—that jus
tice helps the worthy and corrects the
unworthy, while charity too often suc
cors but the latter.
5. The patriot considers the evils that
ensue from the more wealthy man leav
ing his poorer neighbor unpaid ; that by
that means the steps of the great ladder
of society are broken ; the first ruin be
ginning with the merchant, who can no
longer pay his workmen, and continuing
to the workman’s child, who is deprived
of clothes, food, or instruction ; or to the
aged father and mother, left to die on a
bed of straw.
6. The patriot pays his debts from a
love of his country; knowitig that the
neglect of so doing brings on Democracy,
Chartism, and a hatred of the upper
ranks.
7. The patriot also pays, because the
system of non-payment, pursued lo a cer
tain extent, would bring a general bank
ruptcy on the nation.
The Man of the • orhl's Reasons fer
Paying his Debts.
8. The man of the world pays, be
cause he is convinced that honesty is the
best policy.
9. The man of the world pays, because
he knows that curses will go with his
name, if he does not pay, instead of good
will and good words, which last he se
cures with a certain class by paying.
10. The man of worldly calculation is
aware, that by the immediate payment
of his debts, as fast as they are incurred,
he purchases a peace of mind, and be
comes acquainted with his income, his
means, and resources.
11. The man of the world wishes for
a comfortable old age, and knows that
he has but little chance of it from his
surrounding family, unless he trains up
his children in habits of order and econ
omy.
12. The man of the world knows the
full force of the term “being an hoflest
man”—that it will carry him through po
litical dcmeles and family disputes ; and
he cannot make claim to that name if he
is the ruin of others.
The crying sin of either international
or thoughtless debt in an heretofore hon
est nation, is a disgrace to the very name
of England or Englishmen, and demands
a remedy from a thinking and enlight
cd public. —London ■''pect .tor.
Ascension Extraordinary. —The
Courier des Etats-Unis relates a curious
incident, which occurred near Paris, in
consequence of a balloon starting on its
own hook, without the consent of the
proprietor. A large concourse of people
had assembled to see an mronaut take
flight for the regions of upper air; but,
unfortunately, before he took his seat in
the car, the aerostat got loose, and the
grappling hook, which was dangling
from the machine, hitched in the trows
ers-seat of a boy who was gazing open
mouthed at the ascending mass, and car
ried him up molens volens. After a
short voyage, the balloon descended, and
deposited the little fellow safe and sound
on terra firma.
A family of Gypseys, from Bremen, ar
rived at Baltimore a few days since—the
first of the tribe that ever came over.