Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

AIEIIIUAg UMOiMf. i lie most perfect Gove.nine.t would be that which, emanating directly from the People. Governs lest—Tosls least—Disp-nses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None.—BE NTH AM. VOL. U DK. WM. GREEN - EDITOR. AMSF.IOA2: DaMCCP.AT, PUBLISHED WEEKLY, IN THE REAR OF J. BARNES’ BOOKSTORE. MULBERRY STREET, MACON, liEO. AT TWO DOLLARS FSR ANNUM, IN ADVANCE -CH Rales of Advertising, Ac. One square, of 100 words, or less, in small type, 75 cents Tor the first iuacrtioi., and CO cents for each subsequent inter tion. All Advertisements containing more than 100 and less than 200 words, will be charged as two squares. To Yearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made. tor N. U. Sales of LAND, by Administrators, Executors Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the firs t Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the lore noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Coun ty in which the property is situa ed. Notice of these must be given in a public Gazette, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the day of sale. Sales of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must be advertised in the same manner. FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Cieditors of an Estate, must be pub ished FORTY Days. Notice .hat application will be made to the Court of Ordi- n ary, for leave to sell LAND, must be published FOLK MONTHS. Sales of NEGROES, must be made at public auction, on he first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the leu ers testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall have been granted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously given in one of the public gazetts of this State, and it the door of the Court House, where g li sales* are to be held. Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for FOUR MONTiIS, before any order absolute shall be made thereon by the Court. All business of this nature, will receive prompt attention, a 1 t he Office of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT. REMITTANCES UY MAIL.—“A Postmaster may en close money in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, to pay the subscription of a third person, an I frank the letter, if written by himself.*' Amos Kendall, P. M G. COMMUNICATIONS addre-tsed to the Editor Post Paid. PRINT IX(1. OF BOOK AND FAT CY JOB PRINTING Will he neatly executed at the Office of th» American Democrat, on Mulberry Street. Our collection of Job Type is New * and comprises every vari ety desirable, to enable us to execute our work in a superior manner. EXTRACT FROM THE OGLETHORPE ADDRESS. To specify all that Mr. Clay lias spo ken and done during’ his long' public life, in support of tlie protective tariff party, would be tedious and require a volume To the intelligent reading people of O gletborpe, it is enough to say what they so well know, that Mr. Clay has long been called by the manufacturers and Tariff party, the “Father” of the Tariff system. He has long been its most in genious manager and most eloquent ad vocate, and he is accordingly held by that party in high honor. But his friends, who seek to reconcile you to his support, have endeavored to per-ua le us, that since the memorable compro nise tariff hill was passed in March, 1833, Mr. Clay has not advocated a protective tariff, ei ther in doctrines or practice, and that he does not now differ from us on this sub ject. In other words, they would have us believe that our opposition to the pro tective tariff has been successful, and that Mr. Clay and his great Northern party have surrendered to us, and have abandoned their former faith and practice on this subject. Let us see how far this courtship of our favor is sustained by truth. ''Flie compromise bill was passed on 3d March 1833, to avoid the pressing dan gers incident to nullification by South Carolina and other Southern States, which it was apprehended would join South Carolina. By that hill, according to the universal understanding of the nation at the time, according to the plainest read ing of the letter, the doctrine of protect ing manufactures was abandoned; the tar iff was to be gradually brought down to a revenue standard of 20 per cent. on the kinds of imported goods that were taxed; and the long list of free articles not taxed by the act of 1532, were lo re main free, unless it should afterwards turn out necessary to tux them too; in which event, with some specified excep tions, they were to be taxed also as high ns 20 per cent, like other goods. On these terms, the South agreed to bear tire Tariff about ten years longer, or until 30th June 1842. Alter that time, the Tariff wtis to stand at 20 per cent, or at a mere revenue rate. Protection was gone, or so we of the South fondly dreamed. But see how we have been disappointed. On the 23d February 1842, Mr. Clay in troduced ten resolutiorfk before the Sen ate. The 3d rends as follows : Resolved, “ That the rate of duties on foreign imports ought to be augmented ■beyond the rate of 20 per cent, -o a- to ■produce a nett revenue of twenty six millions of dollars; twenty-two for the ordinary expenses of government; two for payment of the existing debt; and two millions as a reserved fund for con tingencies.” In the debate on these resolutions; Mr. Calhoun objected to Mr. Clay’s plan, as a violation of the Compromise. In re p y to this objection, and in defence of his course, Mr. C ay used the following emphatic language. DEMOCRATIC BANNER -- THTE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; NO 7AEBT; SEPARATION FROM BAKES; ECONOMY; RSTRBNSHZbSENT; AND A STRICT ADHERENCE 7.‘0 THE CONSTITUTION.--./ C C.t.HOU.W “The Senator from South Carol in prefaced the enumerathn of his ohjee lions to the resolutions submitted by me with declaring that they violated tlm act; and he said, that it was perfectly well known that he never would hav consented to the act, but for the convu tion thot it involved a complete abando. merit of the protective policy of thecoun try. Now, Mr. Clay must say, in rep; to this, that tor one he knevy no sue thing; but on the contrary, he knew and, rectly the reverse. It did not abando. the protective policy, far fro n it; it e.n bodied the principle of protection, a, though it modified and restrained it. I embraced the provision of a home valua tion of our imports, which was avowed \ placed there for the protection of th< manufacturers , and it was part and par cel ot the protective system. In regard to that measure, Mr. Clay co tid not agree with his friend from Maine, (Air. Evans,} in the opinion that it would operate, practically, to diminish the amount o. the revenue. He admitted that it would lessen the amount of imports, but not m a degree to countervail the benefit de rived from the augmentation it would effect in the rate of duties received. To one who should take a mere superficial view of the subject, it might appear to be a matter of course, that a diminution of imports involved a proportional dimi nuation of revenue ; and so there would be, if the duties remained the same bit more than a compensation might be touud in the increased rate of duties. Bj this a . it might, the home valuation cum re was not the only point in which tueUo n pro.mse act recognized, and actually em bodied the doctrine of protection. It re quired also, the payment of ditties in cash; which was always a favorite point with the friends of the manufacturers, and the advocates of protection ; and stiil more, the act prescribed a long iist of ar ticles, wmch were to remain free of duty after 30th June, 1812, which provision had been inserted expressly lor the ben efit of the manufacturers. Here then iu three several particulars, all of them highly important, the principle of protec tion was confessed,y, and of deliberat'e design, engrafted m the Compromise bill. 8o far from involving any aban donment of that principle, it would ha ve been utterly impossible, as the Senator must know to have carried the bill through Congress, with such an avowal from its friends. It was very true, that the act did modify the protective policy ; but, in that modified mrm, it recognized, procl imed and perpetuated that po.- lcy.” Again, in the same speech, Air. Clay said : “ 1 have lived and shall die in the con viction of the wisdom of the protective policy. I have regrotu and during life, and shall when I die, the prevalence of tiiose causes—l respectfully believe mistaken causes, which make some of my feliow citizens unwilling to adhere to it. I (re lieve the day is not f r distant when a great ujor ty of the whole nation will call upon this general government ibr protection.” One remark just here—Mr.Clay knows well the strength of the Tariff party, and he knows too, what he means, by assert ing his belief that “the clay is not far dis tant when a great majority of the whole nation will call for protection.” But re member, fellow-citizens, ice are not a part of that “great majority” the inhab itants of the cotton country are not of this majority! This “great majority” is composed of our ancient and our present adversaries, and it is for their comfort, that Air. Clay, their leader, makes this prophecy. Let the South ponder well these alarming words, for they speak not to us, or to our children, the voice of pCHCtL ♦* Mr. Clay, in the same speech, says : “ But at the same time, l have ever be lieved, stabi ity with a moderate amount ol protection, better than a very high tariff without it. * * * * * Even were a hgh tariff desirable, it wou.d be impossible to get it, in the pre sent state of parties in this country. I mean of parties in Congress. 1 would to all our lrieuds, let us look to what is practical; look to the state of parties in Congress; and consent to take such easure as we ca get, and we will carry at least a majority.” In the course of the speech, Mr. Clay goes on to lament in tender terms that all the democratic party, and especially the democrats of Pennsylvania, are now op post and to the protective tariff system, and adds: “Who else are opposed to it ? The Whig members of the South and South west ; opposed to if, as they say, and I have no doubt sincerely be ieve, from conviction and on principle ; opposed, as 1 most respectfully think, from preju dice and misconception. Here then, we have two entire classes of politicians, ut terly opposed to all encouragement ol our own domestic industry by any direc protection against foreign legislation.— These classes both agreeing in this, how ever they may differ on other points of natural policy, compose so large a ma jori y ns to render it impossible, were it des rabl •, (which I think it is not) to pass a hi -h protective tariff.” [Mr. Buchanan (speaking hcross,) said MACON, VEDXE3 AY, OCTOBER 4, 1843. > Mr. Clay, “then you have changed nrr opinion ?”] Air. Clay repm dfttfhave not changed ty opinion , at all, lam st:i for pro ec on; such as can be obtained under all •atural circumstances. In accordance with these opinions, ’.r. Clay urged the Senate to raise the ’arifl from 20 per cent, as settled by the 'onrpromise Act, up to an average rate 30 per cent., and he said he “hoped le Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. '•uchanan) would go tins; far ; and even, f by containing tea and coffee free, it hould become necessary, as far as 33 1-3 «er cent.” In a previous speech on the same res r'ntions, delivered in the Senate Ist March, 1842. Mr. Clay explained “that his proposi tion was to fix a maximum rate of duty, mid discriminate below that rate, lie >ok 30 per cent sis the maximum. But he afterwards explained further that ‘here were an articles which could not be Manufactured iu this country under so low a rate of duty as 30 per cent., partic ularly hats, s oes, ready made clothing, sugar and iron ; but he left it to the representatives of those States interested in these arf.ic'es, to move a higher rate of duty He won follow and not lead in this matter. The States interested most hid representatives here, who will take care of thur interests.” These, fellow citizens, are the present opinions of Air. Clay, as expressed iu the Sena te in Alarcli, 1841, on this vital sub ject.. In the first part of this paper, we have presented you with the long cher ished opinions of Georgia and of the vvlio e South on the same subject, and wu have shown you that our own State h is even gone so far as 'o have her testi mony against the protective Tariff, re corded among the archives of the U. S. ‘Sen tte, in pej'petual solemn proof, of our hostility. You can now judge fairly, whether Air. Clay and the people of Ga. differ, or agree ; and whether the honor and the interests of our State as a cotton growing, agricultural country, will be best guarded by sustaining the candidate of the manufacturers, or by adhering to the free trade principles of the State Bights party. We scarcely need remind you, that if we take Air. Clay, we must take him with his principles and with his measures that are to carry out his principles. But his principles and his measures are not his alone, they are e qu illy tire principles and measures of the Tariff party, and will he carried out by that party. If we take Air. Clay, then, and he be elected President, we will find ourselves immediately after the election, obliged either to co-operate with the tar iff party in enacting laws for our own injury, or else, to oppose them on their favorite policy. In this opposition, we will be neither strengthened nor consoled by the remembrance that we ourselves helped to put our masters iu power; and, depend upon it, they will make our yoke none the lighter, because we rendered them aid. If, as Mr. Clay predicts, they shad have a ‘‘great majority,” they will owe us no thanks for our own folly. Before closing, let us call your atten tion to one more subject. It has been boldly proclaimed iu your hearing by the advocates of Mr. < 'lay, that the Tariff (to use his own words) is a “humbug.”— Fearful of failure in their attempt to de f nd Mr. Clay against the charge of be ing in favor of the Tariff, they sometimes seek to diminish the offence by apologiz ing for the Tariff; and at other times, they speak lightly of it, as being no bur den. Let us present you a few, a very few facts, on this point, and then judge for yourselves of the taxes you are made to pay in this secret mode. We will start with the fact, that by the ('ompromise Act, which we have a sacred right to insist on, as the rule of t; xation, the tariff was to be reduced to 20 per cent, tax on goods imported, and this to be ascertained, not by the foreign cost, but by appraisement in the port of entry. Mr. Fillmore’s bill, reported from the Committee on Ways and Means, was the Tariff finally adopted. By that act we now pay the following taxes on the goods contained iu the annexed table : ARTICLES. TAX KATE OP TAX. IR<N. In bars, rolled, (1) .25 «k»lls. per con, 100 pr ct. nearly P*3 u (2) 9 “ 44 65 “ 41 Sad Irons. (2) |2 I 2 cts. pr pound. lUO 44 44 Cast Butts, |2 1-2 44 44 49 to 50 pr. ct. Wire, [4J 5 41 41 150 44 R l * is 15J 2 4-2 “ 44 140 44 44 fc.ed?. A: ham’rs [6] 2 1-2 44 44 50 44 44 Anvils. 171 12 1-3 14 14 70 44 44 NAILS, Cut, 3 4 * 11 Wi ought, 4 44 44 excluder!. Hoes and Spades, 80 j>er ct. Chains, 4 44 44 30 Screws, 12 14 41 80 Sietd, II 50 to 5 20 pr. cwt. 80 BAGGING. Hemp 18] 6 cts. pr. y. square, » U iany, 3 Id “ •• 73 per eh sec; All, o own, [2 l-2cts. jerU>. jqq not relined, 4 44 4i Retinal, 6 44 44 LEATHER. Sole, 6 44 44 l’l per, 8 “ f “ ( all Sk!n«. i5 dots, pr dozen Boots and iinotre-, j 1 86 per pair, f..r women, ICO “ li | Shoes, men., 30 w a | wumena, 85 “ " childrens, 15 “ “ hats, Kur, £t£ pr- « W oel Ilalp, 13 cents saeh, Straw, j !3g - (1J Coat of Bnstiah |ood» laid down in S- V twfJra paying r i« >. :t tt .. ‘lieu.- Cost n M. a.iitr | ajng lax, 51 doll. 4() ct* loftcl Ti ci;h ftt t'f lait’t’Mvi in fc Y. Vefore paying il l 14 Loll. 4( it. Con in N Y aim j-a) ii:g tax, 2300 is 40 CIS (3] Costol Ti glitl era** ’sic r< yi in N Y- before paying ax 218 co. pei ,q.- Cost in N. Y. aim paying Ux,G 1 8 cir. pei lb. (4) Dost c-I Ftpli ! laiddevtt. in N Y. before paying tax 2*ts Ct. • i N Y arcr piijiiciax,7 eif. per lb. ]C] Conoi Frg iib. c< ods ’aid down in N Y before,paying tax, 1-7 lOctt.— Cost in N. Y. after paying tax, 4 2-10 eta. per lb. (C) Cost of English goods laid down in N. Y. before paying tax, 5 2-10 cts (7) t ost of English roods laid down sn N. Y lefoie | eyin tax. 3 5-8 cts.- Cost an N. Y T . after paying tax. C 1-8 c*. pr. lb (P) Cost of Engii* h goods laid down m N. Y. before paying** tax, 8 cents.—Cost in N Y. alter paying tax, 14 cents. Alany similar facts could be presented ; but let these suffice. The foregoing rates of 30, 80,100 and 150 per cent, &c., shew how closely Mr. Clay adheres to the Compromise Act. The friends of Air. Clay use one other argument, which deserves notice. They say, “goods are as cheap as ever.” Admit it to be true; but are they as cheap as they ought lo be ? Are they as cheap as they would be, if the tariff was moderate and equal or fixed at 20 per cent., according to the compromise ? Can iron sell as low at a tax of $25 per ton, as it could at only $5 ? Or can Hemp bagging sell as cheap under a tax of five cents a square yard, (equal to G 1-4 cents a running yard,) as it could under a tax of only one cent! But again : to say that “goods are as cheap now as they used to be,” is not fair argument; because the price of goods has not been natural or fair for thirty- ix years. Ever since the embargo of 1807, goods have been sold at artificial prices ; and especially since the tariff system be gan, in 181 G, the price of goods has keen regulated by the Tariff. The real ques tion therefore, is not wnat prices have been', but what ought they to be J Shal l we not have the benefits of the advance of the arts—the improvements of ma chinery—the application of animal power —steam and the wind, giving tacility to productive labor and cheapening all the j iitbricks that we buy. “The steam engine sprung into being and has worked a revolution more extra ordinary than any previous discovery of science. On the land it has rendered the una- sisted labor of man comparatively valueless, and on the water as well as on the land, has almost annihilated space, and has enabled us to say to the uttermost parts of the earth, “thou art my brother.” —Mr. Habersham, in 1842. Mr. Adams, in his report from the Com mittee on Alanufacturcs in 1832, states that at the conclusion of the war of 1815, the mechanical inventions then in use iu Great Britain alone, were estimated as equivalent to the manual labor of two hundred millions of people. How great the increase since that time, not in Great Britain only, but in Europe and the Uni ted States ! That of steam power alone, must far exceed the manual labor of two hundred millions of people—cheapening produc tions of manufactured articles in an al most incalculable degree. Shall the peo ple believe that they are buying as cheap as t ey ought, because they are buying as cheap as they have been P One fact in conclusion: It is useless for Air. Clay’s friends in Georgia in 1843, to deny that the Tariff of 1842 is a gross violation of the compromise act, or that it is a high protective measure. Last year, when the bill was pending, every Clay man in Congress from Georgia, and from the whole South, excluding Alaryland, except seven, voted againt the measure, and in their speeches denounced the bill on these grounds. The Clay Whigs of the South who voted for it in the House, are: From Virginia—Messrs. Taliaferro, Powel and Barton. From Louisiana— Messrs. White and Aloore. Tennessee— Messrs. Arnold and •. L. Williams. And excepting these seven men, the whole South opposed the measure. But Mr. Clay’s Northern and Western party were in power; and wh >t signified the opposi tion of his Southern friends ? and what can it signify hereafter l Fellow-Citizens! The facts we have laid before you are of the greatest impor tance. Consider them well. They are addressed to the reflecting and prudent. Party leaders and ambitious office seekers wifi be deaf to them ; but yon can judge of the evidence for yourselves, as well as they can who seek to rule you. By aCommittuf. oftiik State Rights Parxy of Oglethorpe. August 9th, 1843. A TEMPERANCE STORY. Two young men, “ with a humming in their heads,” retire late at night to their room in a crowded inn; in which, as they enter, are revealed two beds; but the wind ex tinguishing the light, they both, instead of taking, as they supposed, a bed each, get back to back into one, which begins to sink under them and come around at intervals in a manner very circumambient but quite impossible of explication. Pie sently one observes to the other: “ I say, Tom, somebody’s in my bed.” “Is there ?” says the other ; “so there is in mine, d— him! L t’s kick ’em out!” The next remark was : u Tom, I’ve kicked my man overboard.” “ Good r says his brother toper; “ bet ter luck than 1; my man lias kicked me out—right on the floor!“ Their “relative |Hisitiotis” were not apparent until the next morning. MORE CHOICE SPECIMENS OF VII LAINY. In the Boston Alunicipnl Court on Fri day a “practising lawyer” from New York was tried lor conspiracy lo cheat publishers and other traders. He ap pears to have been a piecious operator, but he was one of a class still extant in that city. The Boston Post gives the following report of his trial, with some of his edifying and instructive corres pondence : TRIAL OF THEODORE J. MARTIN, ESCt, FOR A GENERAL CONSPIRACY TO CHEAT. The operations of Daniel L. Patterson, last winter, are doubtless particularly fresh in the recollections of several pub lishing houses and merchants in this ci ty. From Alessrs. Blake & Trumbull and others he obtained goods to the a nrount of $17,1)00, for which he paid some $3,000, and our dealers became minus the difference. Four indictments resulted from these speculations: Ist. Against Patterson for cheating Crocker Brewster; 2d, ditto ditto, for cheating Little & Brown ; 3d, ditto ditto, for cheating James Alunroe & Cos.; and 4th, against Martin & Patterson jointly, for conspiring, on the Ist bf Dec., 1842, to cheat Charles C. Little, James Brown, James Munroe, Win. 11. Dennett, Uriel Crocker, and Osmyn Brewster. To these four indictments, Patterson, last May, pleaded that he would not con tend against the commonwealth ; and since then he has been kept iu jail, to be used as a witness against Martin, who was arrested in New York in June. Yesterday afternoon Martin was put on trial; and the fact that he was, at the time of the traifsactions last winter, con nected with Patterson, was fully estab lished by Air. Blake and other witnesses. Patterson’s testimony was long, but clear, and amounted precisely to this : He entered into an arrangement with Alartin to cheat as many people in Bos ton as-he could. The first step was to establish a credit, by making purchases, and promptly paping up; and' at the same time representing himself to be con nected with Martin, a man of capital in New York. His first drafts on Alartin were duly honored, and iu this way Pat terson, in a month or so, established a crcditthrough which he obtained $14,000 worth of books and merchandize upon drafts on Martin, which have never been paid. Some of the property has been traced to New York auction rooms. Pat terson was to push on his purchases till he obtained $50,000 worth of goods. Mcses Clark constable—testified that yesterday, when he took Patterson and Martin out of jail, Martin said to Patterson—“ Dan, if it hadn’t been for you, these damned Yankees would not have bad me.” He further said—“l don’t know but these damned Yankees will make me work a few years for them; but if they do, I shall make atrood thing out of it. I shall make a thousand dol lars a year out of it, and I don’t care a damn.” Another portion of the evidence con sisted of the following choice business like letters from Martin to Patterson : New York, Jan. 2, 1543. Dear Dan—-I believe it is all O. K. I think I have arranged the matter; when B. returns just set about it and fix mat- ters straight. I have fixed C. and Blake, and 1 guess between the two you will be able to fix matters so as to give you a breathing spell. So push on, and I hope that you and L will be able to do something so os to get me out of this fix. We have got to pay B. &, T. 850—and all the rest we can get we must get to pay our other debts. lam a great loser by this business, and I hope you will yet be able to make me whole ; at all events you must try; and, therefore, get up and go out aud lace the whole damn squad as I do; and if they wont renew at GO days, every damn farthing falling tine this month, let them all go to hell—and now recollect you must get all the draffs re newed. Blake will assist you and so will C. So push on my boy, and we will yet be conquerors. Don’t be discour aged, and dont say any thing about what takes place here—you must be ignorant and leave it all to me to say; I know ex actly what to say; ask Blake if I dont. Now Daq, recollect—B. & T. 850—T. J. M. 23G2—D. L. P. 1000, and then we will get along better. T. J. AJ* Second letter, without date: “Dan—Dont make any statement of yonr affairs to any person ; tell them that you cant tell till I furnish my account current. Let them go to hell. Blake will try this, and dont you do a damn thing till you write me first, and 1 will tell you whether It will do or not. Now recollect, Dan—dont do a damn thing. Dont say a damn thing till you first let me know. I have taken the helm and therefore you have nothing to do but coil down the rigging and stand by the bra ces. 1 will sail the ship hereafter myself. All I want you for is a foremast hand, and to obey your captain’s ofders. T. J. MARTIN. My respects to L For the defence, Charles Hutchinson, clerk for Alartin, in New York, tostified t NO-21. that Martin, by the sale of lands in Ten nessee, did laise between S2OOO and s3oo ) for Patter on, aud that it was em ployed to meet the Boston drafts of the latter. [This was a fact, however, not in any way incompatible with the conspiiacy, as the very money thus raised might have been used in carrying the conspira cy into effect.] After charging the Jury, Judge Cum mings adjourned the Court. In about 45 minutes the Jury agreed and sealed tip their verdict, which will be tendered this morning. Martin has been a practising lawyer in New York. 'l’he Boston Evening Transcript of Saturday, contains the result as follows : Theodore J. Alartin, a gentleman from the New York bur, for conspiring to cheat James Alunroe, and other book-sel lers, was this morning sentenced to two days and five years in the House of Cor rection. He would have been sent to the State Prison had the Court possessed the power to do so. TWELVE REASONS FOR PAYING YUOrt DEBTS. 'J he Christians Reason. 1. The Christian member of society pays his debts, first, because he is order ed to do so in the Bible, where we are told to “Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s;” and to “Owe no man any thing.” 2. 'File Christian hears the Eighth Commandment every Sunday, “ Thou shalt not steal ;” and defrauding a man of his due is stealing ; lor the irndesmau elnds upon his faith aud honor, and does not give. 3. The Christian pays regularly all he owes, because he is a friend to justice and mercy; he wishes both to love and succor iiis neighbor, and will not have the ruin of others on his conscience. The Patriot's Reas ns. 4. The patriot knows that one act of justice is worth six of charity—that jus tice helps the worthy and corrects the unworthy, while charity too often suc cors but the latter. 5. The patriot considers the evils that ensue from the more wealthy man leav ing his poorer neighbor unpaid ; that by that means the steps of the great ladder of society are broken ; the first ruin be ginning with the merchant, who can no longer pay his workmen, and continuing to the workman’s child, who is deprived of clothes, food, or instruction ; or to the aged father and mother, left to die on a bed of straw. 6. The patriot pays his debts from a love of his country; knowitig that the neglect of so doing brings on Democracy, Chartism, and a hatred of the upper ranks. 7. The patriot also pays, because the system of non-payment, pursued lo a cer tain extent, would bring a general bank ruptcy on the nation. The Man of the • orhl's Reasons fer Paying his Debts. 8. The man of the world pays, be cause he is convinced that honesty is the best policy. 9. The man of the world pays, because he knows that curses will go with his name, if he does not pay, instead of good will and good words, which last he se cures with a certain class by paying. 10. The man of worldly calculation is aware, that by the immediate payment of his debts, as fast as they are incurred, he purchases a peace of mind, and be comes acquainted with his income, his means, and resources. 11. The man of the world wishes for a comfortable old age, and knows that he has but little chance of it from his surrounding family, unless he trains up his children in habits of order and econ omy. 12. The man of the world knows the full force of the term “being an hoflest man”—that it will carry him through po litical dcmeles and family disputes ; and he cannot make claim to that name if he is the ruin of others. The crying sin of either international or thoughtless debt in an heretofore hon est nation, is a disgrace to the very name of England or Englishmen, and demands a remedy from a thinking and enlight cd public. —London ■''pect .tor. Ascension Extraordinary. —The Courier des Etats-Unis relates a curious incident, which occurred near Paris, in consequence of a balloon starting on its own hook, without the consent of the proprietor. A large concourse of people had assembled to see an mronaut take flight for the regions of upper air; but, unfortunately, before he took his seat in the car, the aerostat got loose, and the grappling hook, which was dangling from the machine, hitched in the trows ers-seat of a boy who was gazing open mouthed at the ascending mass, and car ried him up molens volens. After a short voyage, the balloon descended, and deposited the little fellow safe and sound on terra firma. A family of Gypseys, from Bremen, ar rived at Baltimore a few days since—the first of the tribe that ever came over.