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ilic Most perfect Gore nine t noiild lie that which, emanating direct]) from the People, Governs least —Posts least—Disposes Justice to all and confers Privileges on None.—BEST'! >,
YOL. I. ' Dll. WM. GREEN EDITOR.
D2HO3P.AT.
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To Vearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made.
50“ N. U dales of I.AND, by Administrators, Executors
■or Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the firs
Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the fore
noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Coun.
ty in which the property is situated. Notice of these must
be given in a public Gazette, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the
day of sale
Sales of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must be advertised in
,ha same manner, FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must be pub'
lished FORTY Days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ortli
ury, for leave to sell LAND, must be published FOUR
MONTHS.
Sales of NEGROES, must he made at public auclion, on
,he first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours of
sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the leu
ters testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall
have been gra. ted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously
given m one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the door
of the Court-House, where such sales are to be held.
Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for
FOUR MONT.IS, before any order absolute shall be made
th reon by the Court.
A.I huduess of this nature, will receive prompt attention, at
he Oili -e of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT
REMITTANCES BY MAIL.— “A Postmaster may en.
~.p money iu a letter la the publisher ot a newspaper, lo
pay te subscription ni a third person and frank the letter, if
written ttv himself.” A nas K'n !ai : , 1 * M U.
CO IMENH.'aTIONS a.hire -re I to the Eoiro'. P.et
Pate
TO THE PEOPLE OK VIRiiIYIA
NO 111
f ’c!hic-Citi:tns .
T have frankly suited my |>rfmiice
lbr Mr. Ua'hoim over all competitor* tor
the Presidency. 1 have a painful impres
sion of the necessity of restraining the ju
risdiction of the Federal Government to
subjects of general or national concern,
in which all parts of the Confederacy
have a co iimon and simi'ar inter *st. And
of excluding from its authority all local
and peculiar interests; so as to prevent
tli-* combination of local factions to ac
co liplish the o jects of injii lice and op
pression.
'l’lie history of the Union is replete
with examples of insufferable wrongs to
whole classes of our People, resulting
from a neglect of the princip e for which
1 contend. 'Pile inhabitants of extensive
regions comprised within the limits of
our confederation of States, are supposed
to h ive a peculiar interest in the con
struction of works of internal improve
provement. The manufacturing capital
ists of the north have not an identical in
terest in the system, but they are greatly
concerned in securing a monopoly of the
American market, in which to vend their
fabrics at prices higher than the. natural
cob of production, and higher than could
be obtained in any market of fair compe
tition.
The farmers and planters of the Smith
have no peculiar interest iu auy artificial
system. They arc indebted to the cour
age, virtue and wisdom of their ancestors,
for all the advantages of good govern
ment, and under its operation they arc
content to rely on the assiduous and judi
cious application of honest labor, to se
cure every blessing, which a beneficent
Providence graciously vouchsafes, to the
temperate enjoyment of social man.
The Representatives of these three dis
tinct classed assemble in the halls of Fed
eral Legislation. The manufacturing in
terest introduces a Bill for a Protective
Tariff. But they have not the numeri
cal force to pass it. It is so clearly wrong
for Congress to adopt a system of Law,
the object of which is to enable a favor
ite and favored ciass, to extort from all
other classes of American citizens, a
higher price for their commodities than
they are really worth, when there are
numbers of people anxious to furnish
them at prices much lower, that the tin
ted proposition would find few advocates,
if it could derive no aid from adventitious
circumstances. Few men would counte
nance a member of Congress who would
advocate a naked proposition to compel a
Virginia Planter to pay seven cents a
pound for Lon to a Pennsylvania Iron
monger to add to his affluence, when
there are men in Richmond who would
be glad to furnish him better Iron from
abroad, at the reduced price of three cents
per pound.
Nor would such a member secure grea
ter favor if he should piopose to compel
a Virginia P ant:r to pay $2 50 fora
blanket for his laborer, to secure tho pros
perity of a .Massachusetts Woollens Fac
tory, when there are men in Richmond
or Petersburg who would he glad to fur
nish him a better blanket at the reduced
price of $1 25. Yet these and similar
propositions are introduced and triumph
antly passed into Law by shameless com
bi .aliens of local factions. 'The Iron in
terest and Woollens interest unite in their
applications, and associating with them
selves a great many others, who arc de
sirous of appropriating to their own uses,
the proceeds of the labor of other men,
DEIHOCKATIO JK-HHEIt - imitmi MW POTIES, WO DEBT; SEPABATION FEOIO BAKSS; BOOBOittS, MMeSt 03EUEJIT;
JkXX) A STIUOT ADBSXUBHOE TO THE CONSTITUTION.-- J C. tVJi.Jlol.v.
they introduce a Kill which they denom
inate a protective Tariff—or a Kill for the
protection of American Industry, the ob
jects of which is, to enable each of the
favored classes to extort inordinate gains
from their own countrymen. To secure
the passage of this Bill, they vote for the
appropriation of large sums of money
from the Federal Treasury, to construct
roads through the wilderness—or over a
morass—or a mountain cliff—or perhaps
to construct tin Appiau Way between two
prosperous aud proud cities, abounding
with gorgeous palaces of marble!
“One good turn deserves another,”
and in return for such important favors,
the Representatives from regions interest
ed in works of Internal Improvement,
cast their votes for the Protective Tariff.
Thus majorities are formed for the sys
tem of Internal Improvements, and the
Protective Tariff, to the utter sacrifice of
the Planters and Farmers, whose Repre
sentatives stand by in helpless impotence
—a melancholy group—witnessing the
tyranny, and deploring the outrage by
which their constituents are flayed, hut
utterly unable to extend to them even the
semblance of protection.
To prevent the recurrence of similar
evils, 1 hold it to he indispensable, to es
tablish that rightful construction of the
Constitution, which withholds all local
interests from the authority of Congress,
and confines its actions to measures of a
general and national character, in which
all the People of the Union have a simi
lar interest. If such were the practice,
the representatives from Maine or Massa
chusetts could not vote for a measure
destructive of the Virginia Planter, —
without, at the same time, expo-ing his
own constituents to similar evil. We
should then l ave the security of similar
ity of interest, between the representative
and constituent bodies, and tllici nt res
ponsibility on the part of the representa
tive, to those who ir • iijuri nisly iffxited
bv hi- legislation. We have not these se
curities under tie* construction which
sanctions legislation on local and peculiar
interests.
The Tariff was j«ss<d against the will,
against the vote and in defiance of tfie
most determin and opposition, and solemn
protest of the delegation from the South
ern States, which suppose themselves to
Ix3 injuriously affected by the measure.
Our entire representation in congress was
utterly unable to extend to us the prot< *-
tioti which is the design of all represen
tation. They could exert no other influ
ence on the question, than to afford to our
oppressors, by th.'ir presence, the consti
tutional pretext for the outrage. That
outrage was perpetrated by a majority
composed of the Representatives of the
People, who on this subject, are supposed
to have no identity of interest with the
South. Indeed they are supposed to
have an interest adverse and antagonistic
to ours. We are therefore, without all
manner of remedy, as those who passed
the act are not responsible to us, or to
men who have an interest similar to ours,
but to constituents who derive advantage
from the wrong which we suffer ! If we
complain, they mock our calamity, and
laugh us t» scorn. They have the bold
ness to tell us, we know not what is for
our own good, and would convince ns
that the Tariff’ is a benefit to the South!
Would such he their language if they
were responsible to us? No. But if we
invoke the protection of the representa
tive principle—involved in the doctrine
of representative responsibility—they ap
peal to their constituents, and found their
appeal on the service rendered them, by
the very injury inflicted upon us! and
readily securing their re-election, they
return to Congress to scoff’ and deride us,
and to add to our suffering, the misery
and oppression of increased taxation.
The recurrence of these evils must be
prevented. The limited construction of
the Constitution—the rightful exposition
of the instrument, must be established,
j and recognised, throughout the length
! and breadth of the land. The Southern
i people cannot submit to this degrading
inequality. Legislativedispensation must
lie equal. We cannot recognise our own
inferiority. If we have the patience to
j endure the torture, we must find the
courage to throw off’ the despotism. The
Government must be administered in the
| spirit iu which it was conceived, and on
the principles of which it was founded,
j Generality of Interests—equality of Fa
vors—it is for this I bare my sword. To
accomplish this I prefer Mr. Calhoun,
because I believe he is the truest and pu
rest exponent of the Principle.
1 find another strong ground of pref
erence, in the firm conviction that, if
nominated by the National Convention,
he would receive a larger vote than could
lie secured tor any' other candidate whom
the Convention could select. It is true,
I may deceive myself. ‘The wish” may
be “father to the thought,” but the opin
ion i sincerely entertained. In ventur
ing to express it, it is due to candor to
state, that the comparison is intended as
between himself and Mr. Van Buren a
lone. Because they occupy most prom
inent |>ositions before the country ; and
it is not expected that another can re
ceive the nomination, unless through
! dissentions among their friends.
In making the selection between them,
I if the right of choice were con-
MACON, U EDNESDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1843.
fined to the Van Buren party of 1810, a
majority wight decide in favor of the
candidate for whom they registered their
votes, in that eventful and disastrous cri
sis. But even that would not he intend
ed as homage to superior personal quali
ties. In that regard there are none, who
rate Mr. Calhoun inferior to any other
statesman. The preference would he
determined I y that feeling, to which Mr.
Ritchie so artfully appeals—the desire to
“be righted through whose sides we were
wronged.” A feeling which cannot Ixj
vindicated, when subject to the test of
pure ethics, or right reason. It is not
known that such would be the result.
It is not certain that Mr. Van Buren,
when compared with Mr. Calhoun,
would command a majority of the votes
cast for him in 1840. Many then voted
for him with reluctance. A yet greater
number voted for the cause and not for
the man. And not a few, have since
expressed a preference for another. But
if it were an ascertained and a conceded
fact, that he would command such ma
majority, it might yet be maintained, that
Air. Calhoun, competing with Mr. Clay,
I would receive a larger vote, than Mr.
Van Huron could command in such a
contest. By consequence, the Republi
can party would be stronger with Mr.
Calhoun as their candidate, than if head
ed by tlie vanquished champion of IS4O.
It would be a great error to take Mr.
Van Buren, even it he were known to be
the “first choice” of a majority of Demo
crats, if it can be shown, that Mr. Cal
houn would receive a larger vote, when
competing with our political and danger
ous adversaries. If we will learn wis
dom from experience and adversity, we
must know that it requires ali the strength
at our command to ensure a victory over
the great enemy. If there be a patriot
and sage who can carry to the war, a
larger force than can be mustered for
Mr. Van Buren, we owe it to the coun
try to make him our leader, even though
\*e might prefer the chief, under whom
we encountered former sufferings.
In the circle of my acquaintance, l
have instituted a general inquiry into
the comparative popularity of the two—
and I am led to the conclusion, that, if
nominated, Mr. Calhoun would receive
every vote which could be secured for
Mr. Van linen, in addition, he would
receive the votes of many gentlemen,
who con’d not lie induced under any cir
cumstances, to record their suffrages for
Mr. Van Huron. If it were proper, it
would be easy to designate by name,
many gentlemen, of the highest aespcct
ahility and intelligence—of the most hon
orable character and deserved influence,
who openly declare a preference for Mr.
JJalhotm over any and every competitor,
and who are yet deterred from forming a
connexion with the Republican party, by
the apprehension that, under certain cir
cumstances, they may be expected to re
cord their suffrages for Mr. Van Buren.
The writer speaks from personal knowl
edge when he affirms this remark to be
true as applied to gentlemen of Peters
burg aud the adjacent counties. He has
reason to believe it true, when applied
throughout trie broad limits of the Com
monwealth.
It may he stated as a fact worthy of
notice, that in one of the Congressional
Districts of Virginia, the gentlemen who
were candidates on the White Electoral
ticket in 1836, and the Harrison Electo
ral ticket in 1810, being different indi
viduals, are now both professed and de
voted friends of Mr. Calhoun, and will
give him an earnest and efficient support,
even though lie should be nominated by
a party with whom they have formed no
political connexion ; and they' cannot be
induced, by any possible combination of
circumstances, to record their suffrages
for Mr. Van Buren.
“Os the first class, and better than”
their “class,” these gentlemen are honor
able specimens of a whole class of culti
vated and influential Virginians, who
cherish the same feelings, and are ani
mated by the same spirit, towards the
great Statesman of South Carolina, whose
talents they ad nire, and whose virtue
they revere.
It is notorious that there are in Vir
ginia, largo numbers of meritorious and
enlightened men, who will swell the
numbers of the Republican party', if we
have Mr. Calhoun as our candidate, who
would be repelled from our ranks by the
nomination of Mr. Van Buren, and be
left to linger reluctantly in the ranks of
the enemy', or to loiter in society, in sul
len inactivity', content like Achilles to
hang up their armor.
It is believed that a similar state of
facts is co-extensive with the Union, .md
that, to select .Mr. Van Buren as the nom
inee of the National Convention, is to go
into the contest with numbers volunta
rily reduced.
It can scarce Ix3 denied that the nomi
nation of Mr. Calhoun would give satis
faction to the greatest number of persons
in the South ; and it is known that there
are many votes which would he given
to him, which could be secured to the
Republican ticket, by no other device
than his nomination. In that entire re- j
gion, it follows, that our strength would
be greatest-with him as our candidate, j
In a previous number, it has been j
shown, that, we gain nothing in the Ptorth
by the nomination of Mr. Van Buren.
Our party, it is true, may triumph there.
But it will be the triumph of Democracy,
I and not the triumph of Martin Van Bu-
I ren. No regiment follows his banner to
jour camp, llis name lends no force to
j our cause. It nowhere awakens the en
thusiasm of the People. Os the eleven
States north of Virginia and east of the
Alleghanies, he received but New Hamp
shire alone—and even in that single
I State his majority was less by two thous
\ and votes , than the majority of the Dem
ocratic Governor of the same year.—
; Which proves that eyen in New’Hamp
shire, Mr. Nan Buren was weaker than
: his party, and could not command the
full V'ote ol his party. Hence it appears,
j that, throughout all the Atlantic States,
from Maine to Georgia, both inclusive,
we are without motive for the nomina
tion of Mr. Van Buren.
Let us push the investigation over the
Alleghanies.—West of that great chain
of mountains, and north of the Ohio riv
er, there are four nou-slave holding
States. Os these, Gen. Harrison received
three ; Mr. Van Buren only' Illinois 1 —
one 1
They were entitled to give thirty-eight
votes in the Electoral colleges, of which
Gen. Harrison received thirty-three, Mr.
Van Buren only' five! (5) Computing
the aggregate | opular vote of the four
States, Mr. Van Buren was beaten by the
noririous majority of thirty-six thousand
nine hundred and thirty-nine votes (36,-
j 939 1)
| He was “run to the tliroal-latcli” even
in the single State of Illinois, which he
carried. The popular vote of that State
: being (93,013) ninety-three thousand aud
thirteen, of-which Mr. Van Buren receiv
i ed the leau majority of ninetceu-huudred
j and thirty-nine !
West of the Alleghanies and cast of
the Mississippi, there are five slave holtl
: ing States—including Alabama and Lou
: isiana. Os these Gen. Harrison received
J four, Mr. Van Buren only Alabama a
lone. They were entitled to east forty
; six votes in the Electoral colleges, of
which Gen. Harrison received thirty
nine, Mr. Van Buren only seven !
Computing the populaiwote of the five
| States, Air. Van Buren was beaten by the
enormous majority of thirty-eight thous
i and one hundred and forty-eight 1 (38,-
148 i)
Missouri, the residence of Mr. Benton ,
gave to Mr. Van Buren a majority of six
thousand six hundred—being the larg
est majority' which he received in any
State of the Union.
He carried the State of Arkansas by a
meagre majority of sixteen hundred and
eighty-five votes.
Os the eleven States west of the Alle
ghanies, which spread themselves over
so vast a domain, Gen. Harrison received
seven 1 Mr. Nan Buren received Ala
bama and the three small of Illi
nois, Missouri and Arkansas.
These eleven States were entitled to
ninety-one (91) votes in the Electoral
colleges, of which Gen. Harrison receiv
ed seventy-two, (72) Mr. Van Buren only
nineteen! (19!)
In the seven Western States which
Gen. Harrison received, his aggregate
majority amounted to eighty-two thous
and five hundred and forty-six, [82,51 6.J
lu the four Western States which Mr.
Van Buren received, his aggregate ma
jority amounted to fifteen-thousand se
ven-hundred and forty-three, [15,713.]
In the eleven States west of the Alle
ghanies, Mr. Van Buren was beaten by
the enormous majority of sixtv-six thous
and, eight hundred and three 1 [66,503 1]
There are five Southern States on the
Atlantic, of which Gcti. Harrison receiv
ed three—Mr. Van Buren two.—They
were entitled to (70) seventy' votes in the
Electoral colleges—of which Gen. Har
rison received thirty'-six (36) —Mr. Van
Buren thirty-four (34.) Gen. Harrison
received large majorities in Maryland,
North Carolina and Georgia. Mr. Van
Buren received in Virginia a miserable :
majority of 1392—thirteen hundred and
ninety-two, which was nearly equivalent j
to a defeat, it being the first time the Re
publican party was ever brought into
difficulty in the Old Dominion. No oth- i
er Republican Candidate was ever suffi
ciently odious, to bring into doubt the j
result of a Presidential election in Vir
ginia.
In South Carolina the vote was given
by the Legislature, and there is no mode ;
of ascertaining the popular suffrage. But
the vote was certainly given to the He- ;
publican cause and not to Mr. Fan Bn- |
ren , personally, whose friends will not j
pretend to claim for him, the existence j
of personal popularity in South Carolina.
Excluding her from the calculation,
and computing the popular vote of the j
five Southern States on the Atlantic, and
Mr. Van Buren was beaten by' the great j
and decided majority of twenty four
thousand three hundred votes, which ex
ceeds the aggregate of Mr. Van Buren’s
majorities received in all the States of
the Union !
In the six States which were recorded j
for Air Van Buren (exclusive of South |
Carolina) he received an aggregate ma- !
jority of twenty-three thousand, five j
hundred and seventy-four.
Os these 6602 were given by Missouri,,
the residence of Mr. Benton.
6436 were given by' N. Hamp
shire, the residence of jSIr. oodbnry.
3520 were given by Alabama,
the re-idenee of Mr. King.
Leaving 1937 for Illinois,
1685 for Arkansas,
1392 for Virginia,
and on these three small majorities, lie
received 31 votes in the Electoral Col
leges.—Being more than one half of his
whole poll !
j Having thus made the circuit of the
: Union in an unavailing search fora soli
tary spot on which to rest his claim to
i personal popularity—and having cvery
! where encountered, plain, positive, palpa
ble proof, of general and overwhelming
unpopularity, it may'he safely confided
to the intelligence and prudence of the
Republicans of N irginia to decide, wheth-
I er they shall discharge their duty to
their principles, by selecting him as the
Republican candidate for the Presidency.
'l’he partisans of Mr. Van Buren rea
-1 son inconclusively, and argue sophisti
cally, when they would persuade us to
disregard these clear and unequivocal
j indications and proofs of public aversion ;
because, they' say, it is unjust, unreason
able and founded in prejudice. That
this aversion exists in the public mindjis
undeniable. If it exists, the effect on our
I cause is precisely the same, whether it
be just or unjust. The Statesman who
forms his systems, aud-prosecutes his pol
icy', without regard to the influence of
the evil passions, his plans
I terminate in disappointment. The polit
ical party', which under similar fatuity,
disdains, in the adoption of itsmeasures,
to estimate the power of folly and preju
dice, will he forhmate'to escape a similar
fate. Folly', prejudice and evil passions,
, as well as the purer feelings of tile heart,
1 are elements which propel the public
I mind, and demand to be cautiously ex
amined and philosophically treated, in
: projecting the great affairs of State, or
planning the operations of a political
campaign. And no matter how unjust
the prejudice, and no matter how unrea
sonable the aversion—if they have a po
tential existence—if they have taken firm
hold on tiie public mind, they cannot be
disregarded with impunity.
It is sornetirnesjargued with'irnpregna
ble.force, that when enjoying the ad van- |
ininienscTpatrouage, Mr. Van Buren was j
unequal to the task of maintaining and
defending his position. Far less able
will he he, to 1 reconquer hisjlost eleva
tion, now that the powers of the office
have been turned against,liim.
But if there be those to whom this
| view of the subject is inconclusive, even
such must acknowledge the impolicy of j
going before the country with the iden- j
tical, unmitigated, issues on which we j
encountered defeat so complete, as to j
throw us into actual consternation. An j
j election between Air. Van Buren and the
probable candidate of our adversaries,
will be nothing more nor less, than anew
trial of the issues of 1840, in which the
former opponents of Air. Van Buren, if
they come forward to record their votes
in his favor, will feel that they are malt
ing a bold admission of former error ,
and present inconsistency. It would
also afford every facility of fevading'the
great issue of principle, and conducting
the canvass on personal issues, to be in
fluenced, if not decided, by violent prej
udices against our candidate. However
great file injustice which he has received
at the hands of his foes, we shall be gross
ly deceived, if we suppose that there
were not many honest men who voted
against him under the firm conviction, j
that he stood before the country convict- j
ed of null-administration. If such im- i
pression could he made by the artful I
collocation and imposing array of the evi- 1
deuces which his enemies could then |
command, will he occupy a better posi- j
tion time that his conquerors have had
possession of the' capitol, and for two :
long years, by Congressional Commit
| tees, have pushed their examinations |
through all the Departments and all the
ramifications of Government, in quest of
new proofs of alleged delinquencies ?
The evidences produced in 1840, were
deemed by the country sufficient to jus
tify his condemnation. He was con
demned. I think unjustly'. But the
Nation was satisfied with the sentence, i
Nothing exculpatory has been adduced
since. His accusers have enjoyed full
opportunity of collecting (and collating
their proofs. They are bctter.prepnred
to sustain their accusation, and enjoy a
yet more important advantage, in the
fact that a large majority of the voters
are committed against him, and cannot
vote for him without exposing them
selves to the charge of inconsistency.
The force of these circumstances may be
obviated entirely, by' the simple operation
of changing our candidate. The policy
is too obvious to bo neglected.
RIP RAPS.
T.ie Vatican.— The Vatican, in the
“Eternal City,” is more than 1,000 feet
long, nearly BGO feet wide—contains 8
grand staircases and 200 smaller qp ies .
20 courts and 4,422 apartment; and a
library of 387,000 print* s *! volumes and
23.000 manuscripts. So says a foreign
corraspomtent of the New York Tribune
(NO 23.
I’ioni the cw Vorlk Journal of Commerce.
SIIL CALIICUX.
The political position of this gentle
man is, and always has been peculiar.
He has commanded the votes of the
whole country at mi-election, and been
chosen by unanimous acclamation A ice
■ President of the United States ; yet ho
never had a party, iu the common no*
ceptation of that term. There never has
been, between him any set of politicians.
through the country', any arrangement
for mutual support. If lie were elected
President lo morrow there would not bo
a man in the whole country to whom ho
would owe the least obligation, or who
could claim any thing of him. Air. Cal
houn has never taken auy part in arrang
ing elections ; he has never had wires to
pull, or machinery to manage, but has
been a mere spectator, and lias always
treated his own prospects when he has
been a candidate, with less interest than
almost any other man has treated them.
His friends have hever done much to or
ganize themselves. They were in old
times the whole country, and so needed
no organization. The support given to
Mr. Calhoun has always been, to an un
usual extent, the impulse of personal es
teem. At home it is so peculiarly', —
There he mingles not at nil with politi
cal partisans. From Congress he goes
home and busies himself upon his farm
and in his family, and scarcely is seen at
all in public until he returns to his offi
cial position, lie will not conform to
the Southern custom of stump canvass
ing lor votes, nor do any tiling which
looks like seeking for office. lie was
educated at Yale College, and studied
law at Litchfield, yet he lias never visit
ed those places since his youthful educa
tion was completed, and chiefly because
his position has been such, fora series of
years, that lie could not travel through
the country without exposing himself to
tho charge of seeking for votes. During
the whole course of his life we do not
recollect that he has ever been charged
with unfaithfulness to any of his engage
ments of any sort. liis political opinions
have always been frankly avowed; and
when avowed there has never been any
doubt as to what they were, or whether
they would be adhered to. He has nev
er waited for public sentiment to be form
fl i p 1 _1 1. Ti 1 - -
opinions, but whenever a subject has
come before the Ixxly to’which lie belong
ed, lias taken his ground respecting it r
and uniformly with so thorough a com
prehension of all its bearings, that his
opinions have wanted no modification
afterwards. In this way he has been
much the most consistent of all our lead
ing public men. It is not at at all dis
reputable to any man that he is some
times in error, nor that when he perceives
the truth, lie avows the change which
his opinions have undergone. It is al
leged, we know, that Air. Calhoun is in
consistent because he advocated the stim
ulating of American manufactures into
existence as a reason for increasing the
tariff at one time, and now advocates free
trade upon its broadest and most uncom
promising principles. Air. Calhoun him
self, in his late letter, seems to allow that
his position is not now exactly wliat it
was once, but it seems to us that he made
the concession more as a matter of mag
nanimity', than because it was really de
manded by the circumstances; At a time
when threatening war was gathering n
routid our infant country', Air. Calhoun
did propose that duties should be advanc
ed some two to live per cent, making
them up to fifteen or seventeen per cent
in all, and lie gave as one reason for do
ing so, that it would stimulate manufac
tures into existence ; hut he never advo
cated any other tariff than onejof ade
quate revenue. A man who drinks a
glass of wine nt the table of his friend,
might as well he taunted with inconsist
ency because lie protests against drunk
enness in the streets. It is not for us
certainly to call this inconsistent,?for it is
just what we have agreed to. There are.,
modifying circumstances almost always
attendant upon the practical application
of great principles, and yielding to them
in a practical spirit is not apiedge to car
ry out those modifying, circumstances
until they' become nsceudant’principles
and destroy the fundamental rule, it is
true that as a fimdrim.ental principle,
trade should be left free altogether, and
entirely free ; yet it would l>e any thing
hut practical wisdom to determine that
nothing should ever modify this prinefo
pie in its practical operation.
In his personal character Air. Calhoun
is a model for statesmen. Amid all the
bitterness with which he has been assail
ed, the purity of his life was never ques
tioned. lie professes to make the pre
cepts of the Bible his rule of life, and no
one ever questioned the sincerity of his
profession. Alany men who stood repu
tably in our churches, have fallen under
the temptations of publicjlife, made ship
wrecks of the faith, become vicious iu,
their personal habits, raid unworthy of
trusts in their political associations. But
Air. Calhoun has never been charged
'with personal vice or political treachery.
Although w© do not think that personal
piety should be a test for office, yet it is
right that Christian men who have been
praying that we may hare rulers “who
Jeer Gc>d and hate covetousness,” should,