Newspaper Page Text
s y or,iP,L j icg?AJr.
Fnm tlie Missouri Krporltr.
District Action—Mr. Van Mirer*.
“ He was satisfied that there was no
one point on which the people of the Uni
ted States were more perfectly united,
than upon the propriety, not to say in
dispensoble necessity, of taking tlie elec
tion of President from the House ofßep
resentati ves- The experience under the
Constitution, as it stands, as well former
ly as recently, had produced thatirapresi
sion, and he considered the vote of the
Honseof Rejiresentatives(on Mr, Me 1 inf
lie’s proposition, similar tot 'ol, Benton's,)
its tlie strongest manifestation of its exist
ence. In that respect it would be of
value, but beyond that it could produce
no results. [Two-thirds not voting for
the amendments.] Although it could,
he thought, he satisfactorily shown that
the small States would, if nothing was
done, be better olf than they were under
the Constitution, as it stands, still til I ex
perience has shown that they do not
think so. There is no reason to believe
that they will ever consent to give Up
the power they now have, without any
equivalent, without a resort to the prin
ciple upon which the Constitution was
founded — that of compromise, The
equivalent with which they would be
satisfied, with which they ought to he
satisfied, in the breaking up* of the
CONSOLIDATED STRENGTH OF THE
large States, HY THE ESTAB
LISHMENT OF THE DISTRICT,
SYSTEM. It is 7i, vain, therefore, for
gentlemen to he, or to affect to be, in \
favor of taking the election from the [
House , unless they are willing to do \
that also, without which the leading oh- !
ject cannot be effected —without that, all
is empty profession. Ii e must, for the \
purpose of ]hc election, make ull the
States of the same size, which, would be
the affect of the District System, and
then, AND THEN ONLY, can we give
the election of President and Vice Pre
sident to the PEOPLE, preserve the
purity of the system, and, in reality,
restore the balance of power among the
States to the fooling on which it stood
at the adoption if the Constitnti n. —
Believing that the desire to take the elec
tion from the House had sunk deep in
the public mind—knowing the albpow
erfu! ngeuey which public’sentiment for
tunately bad in our Coverninent—lie
had the strongest hopes that the correct
sentiment which now happily existed
upon this one point, would be able to
carry the other [the District System]
with it. Ho hoped, and believed, th»»
•he people of the United States would, in
the coming recess, iu all constitutional
forms, express their opinion on this sub
joc*. Ii they did so, and if they really
desire theeleclion of their ('hi f Magistrate
and were true to themcelves, another
session would not pass by without on
opportunity being furnished by the States
to express their opinion upon this most
important subject; a subject with which,
in his opinion, the future ml fare or the
country, and the liberties of its citizens,
were more closely connected than any
other which had been agitated in Con
gress since the adoption of the Constitu
tion.”
We entreat every fair minded man to
consider earnestly the present slate of
politics in this country. Three parties
present themselves; the Whigs who have
a set of distinct principles, Bank, Protec
tion, Distribution, and Assumption ; the
last, however, perhaps fair to lay upon
them all : then the Democrats, who are
against all this; and then the party
whose principle is that Mr. Van Buren
ought to be President. 'Phis battle the*
Evening Post fights under free trade
colors, and the Albany Argus under those
ot Protection, and under these two heads
all the Northern Van Buren men march
up in parallel columns. Mr. Vim Buren
is fully committed in both ways. He
lias written to the Indiana Convention
adopting as the true principle in the
plainest terms the rate of protection at
present afforded ; and he has written to
the Richmond Enquirer, that he is hos
tile to the present tariff, both in principle
and detail. We have called repeatedly
on his friends here, and especially on the
Evening Post, to reconcile this contra
diction, but they confess by their silence
that they cannot. Here then is Mr. Van
Buren fully committed on the only part
of the game which is really to be played,
lor Bank and the rest are now all dead
letters. Here is Mr. Van Burep’s opin
ion, black on «ne square and white on
another like the beginning of a chequer
Can any body doubt, who sees
this, that he wold say black and white
alternately through all the rest of the
ehatechism. If Bank came in play would
lie not make play with it ? Would he
be wanting'at Assumption, or backward
at Distribution ? Not he : lie holds fast
the one principle of his party ; that Mr.
Van Buren ought to be President.
We ask his friends again if they can
deny what we charge; or if they can
confess it and defend it. And we call on
evoiy man who is not a fool, nor a party
hack, nor willing under any circumstan
ces lo lie made an instrument to record
such duplicity its this; to join one or
other ot the two great real parties; let
him work out his views to a principle
and enlist under that; not under its coun
terfeit personated in aside light by Mr.
Van Buren. Let him not he twisted in
to the black and white cords of that gen
tleman’s ladder ; let him not believe, in
short, that Protection and Free Trade
are the Siamese Twins, and Mr. Van
Buren, that indescribable membrane
which unites thorn, and by whose aid
they can act, and oven rule harmonious
ly together.—TV. Y. Daily Gazette.
* on Kng a»i(l,
A friend stopped yesterday t.msk what
was meant by claims on England, thro’
Deutiiaik, alluded lo in some New York
r n f r r- We did not know; Luton
cotid thought, we have some indistinct
recollection that Paul Jones earned into
some Danish port of the Baltic certain
prizes which he bad taken from the Brit
ish. The war-ships of the latter re-took
them while iu port. The Danish Go
vernment was informed that the United
! States would hold that power responsible
and claims were set up : but in the treaty
this was over-looked, and the claim is
now renewed with reference to Great
Britain. We are not certain that we are
quite right in our statement, nor that the
New York editor had .reference to this
circumstance.— Philadelphia U Stales
Gaze lie.
> The prizes in question were sent into
j Berghen, in Norway, partly as info a port
truly neutral, partly from stress of weath
er. They were there delivered up, by an
i order of tlie Danish Government, to, on
a demand to that effect from, the British
I representative,—on the ground, as alled
ged that the Independence of the Uuiteu
States was not, at that lime, acknowledg
ed, by Denmark. Thcfollowing isjran
sciibcd from Dr. Pranklin's remon
strance to the Danish Minuter of Foreign
Affairs, Count Btrnsirojf, ou that occa
sion :
“ The United States, oppressed by,
and in war with, one of the most power
ful nations in Europe, may well be sup
posed incapable, in their present infant
state, of exacting justice from oilier na
tions, not disposed to grant it; but it is
in human nature, that injuries as well as
benefits, received in times of weakness
and distress, national as well as personal,
make deep and lasting impressions; and
those ministers are wise who look into
futurity and quench the first spark of mis
understanding between two nations,
which neglected, may in time, grow into
a flame : all the consequences whereof
no human prudence can foresee ; which
may produce much mischief to both, and
cannot possibly produce any good to
either.”
This claim (not, ns it seems, against
Great Britain,) but on Denmark, was
subsequently, and at various times, re
newed by the Government of the United
States; the last time, we believe, iu 1819,
to which demand for indemnity no reply
was, nor, it is believed, has since been
made, —although the subject has never
ceased being submitted to the notice of
Congress, by individual claimants, justly
alive to the distinguishing preference a
wariled to Peter Landers, (in 1806,) iu
anticipation of final satisfaction from the
Danish Government.
To the present head of the Executive,
through the Secretary of State, the late
Mr. I egare, those interested are indebt
ed, we learn, fora renewal ofnegociation
on this subject, with Denmark at the
present time. — Charleston Courier.
ILilMv liitcrf icrsce as:rin.
It is difficult to divine at what point
British interference with us is to stop.—
New instances of it seem (o occur as re
gularly as the seasons roll round. Ou
the northeast and on the northwest, our
boundaries are brought in question. On
the shores of the Pacific, our harbors at
the Columbia, and our settlements at
Oregon are disputed. On the Atlantic
seaboard the Bahama islands are declar
ed to be a refuge, from which our ship
wrecked slaves cannot be reclaimed.—-
On our southern coast ands rontier, secret
intrigues to obtain influences uulhvorable
to us at Havanna, iu Mexico, and in
Texas, are notoriously in progress. In
Europe, efforts nearly successful have
been covertly carrying oq lo enlist all
nations in a crusade against us about the
right of search. In England itself, con
ventions are held to promote dissensions
among us, under the pretext of abolishing
slavery. Look where we will—at home
or abroad—-in our domestic relations or
in our loreigu intercourse—and we see
every where and iu every thing, tue de
signs of this restless and jealous nation
against our institutions and our rights.
It seems now, that half the circumfer
ence of the globe is not a distance far en
ough for American citizens to move un
watchcd or unmolested 1 and that the
peaceful pursuits of unarmed commerce
iu the remotest seas, when conducted
by Americans, are a sufficient pretext for
new and impudent interference. The
London Standard, an accredited organ of
the Tories now in power, complains that
the wlialefishoryof the Pacific ‘is almost
monopolized by the ship owners of the
United States, and it cannot be repeated
too often, that they employ six hundred
and fifty ships, or 193,(160 tons and 10,-
UUU seamen” in this trade. And how do
they propose to compete with this mono
poly l Do they propose lo send out bet
ter seamen themselves, or more vessels,
or to carry oil the trade more cheaply,
profitably, and skilfully? Not at all.—
There is to be anew right of search, and
that search is to be carried on under the
superintendence of ‘ The Board of Trade
and the Louis oithe Admiralty !’ The
bleeding grounds of the whales, near
New Zealand, are lo bo “ preserved with
as much care and jealoilsy as the best
game-preserve in Great Britain!” We
are, besides, favored with discussions ou
the bull-whale, tLo cow-whale, and the
calf-whale—the places of the resort—
and tiia improper mode in which they
are yursued and captured. All that the
American whalemen do in the premises
seems tc be wrong, and it is only to be
set right by a British maritime police tn
those seas, which, while it generously
protects the fishes, will, at the same time,
supplant the “American monopoly,” by
mploying “ twenty thousand British
seamen” in this ichyological police. A
right of search in the Atlantic, from the
latitude of Carolina to that of St. Helena,
to protect the negroes; and a right of
maritime police in the Pacific, over “ the
breeding grounds” of the whales, to pre
serve the fish, would very rapidly result
in something quite digereut fromihe pro
tection of. American commerce and the
preservation of American honor. — Petui
sjlcauiun.
'
J
AViiCTbXi o’JYri/ C iJTCA'-I't.
dscb.mssk *5, tsi*.
roil PRESIDENT OF TUE UNITED STATES.
JOHN U. CALHOUN,
FOR VICE PRESIDENT:
MiVI %T* OItfiSIJKY.
FOft CONGRESS,
J«;3A \Y. A. &AAFOKD,
OP BALDWIN. *
President"* Messa je.
We are indebted to the polite attention
of 1 lon. W. T. CoLacrrr of the Senate,
and lion. A. 11. Chappell of the House
of Representative, for copies of President
Tyler’s Message to Congress.
The South Carolinian, vs. Tha Mjsteries of
Paris.
For the vigorous and pungent critique,
that appeared in our last number, on
Mon:innr Sue’s Mysteries of Paris, we
are indebted to our esteemed cotempora
ry, the South Carqliniau, the able and
faithful sentinel, not only over the rights
and interests of his country, but also over
the morals of the press.
We regret, that in our columns, it was
unaccompanied by the- acknowledgment
of ifs paternity, dictate and at once, both by
courtesy and justice.
Concerning the work in question, the
opinions of our friends whose taste and
judgment we respect, are so exceedingly
discrepant and contradictory, and our
own glance over it so slight and hasty,
as not to warrant, on our part, any defin
ite expression of opinion on the subject.
But on general principles and knowledge
of the world, we may say, that if the
Mysteries of Paris, or any other great
capital, were portrayed by the pencil of
truth and in their natural colors, the
picture would he appropriate, only to
embellish the saloons of a Pandemonium*
The exhibits of vicious indulgence and
vicious characters, however, glowing
with the bright lints of genius, piquant
with wit, or touching by the depth of
their pathos, are in their ellects on the
young and inexperienced most perni
cious. Their circulation poisons the
streams of virtue at the source—it is a
treason perpetrated against social happi
ness, an outrage against the purity and
dignity, against all in human nature,
that assimilates man to his Maker, and
should be visited by unsparing denuncia
tion, and confined lo the narrowest bounds
practicable. For the poet spake true,
when he said—
“Vicr is a morn*Ur of such bkicous mein,
That to l>c lulled needs Iwt ti> ! e seen,
But seen too oft, familiar with her face,
We fi.st c i*lure, then then embrace.”
Oar readers will recollect these re
marks are general and not specially
pointed at thy Mysteries.
Having looked over the rabkhabolition
epistle, the scene of which Sue locates
among the planters of Florida, we do not
wander at the warm censure the Caroli
nian lias bestowed on it. The niter false
hood, the wanton exaggeration of the
statement, can here, where their charac
ter is fully understood, do comparatively
but little mischief, but abroad it is far
otherwise. A libel on a whole popula
tion tends to aggravate dangerous
prejudices, jeopardizes tlie safety of com
munities and places us when ainyng
strangers in an invidious and degrading
position and should not be viewed with
indifference.
The intimation, that means might be
employed to exclude incendiary publica
tions, is not so empty and ludicrous, as
might at first sight appear. For wheth
er tlie danger approach in its naked atroc
ity, or like poison in a cup of Tokay, be
found mingled in fascinating narrative,
laws both state and national exist on the
subject, every way competent to check
the evil aud punish attempts to violate
them.
The Globe and Governor Sli.vi uon.
Governor Shannon of Ohio, not hav
ing the fear of “Blair’s Great Globe” be
fore his eyes, has actually had tlie au
dacity to write a tetter to a Committee of
Mr. Tyler’s friends in Ohio, in which he
speaks in deservedly high terms of the
President, and eulogises in no stinted
terms, the Roman firmness he displayed
iu saving the country from “the blight
ing curse of an irresponsible moneyed
oligarchy.” This ns might have been
expected lias excited to renewed activity
the never slumbering wrath of tlie great
dictator F. P. llluir, who
“Aesutnes the God, affect* to nod.”
and seems to think that he not only
shakes the spheres, but can frighten Gov
ernors, Members of the Cabinet, Editors,
and large portions of a great political
party, into the most implicit obedience to
his lugh behests, “by dragging them to
the stake ol jKilitical martyrdom and
emptying a lew phials of his editorial
wrath upon their devoted heads.
How long, O, Cataline, wilt thou n
buse our patience? How long will the
Democratic party submit to these inso
lent attempts at* dictation, from die whi
lom coalition bargainer, between the
great Presidency seeker of the West,
and the blood-thirsty abofitfonist of the
North ; but now the" most puissant edit
or of “Blair’s Great Glolie.” We should
like to ktfow what authority elevated
the editor of the Globe into the political
conscience keeper of the democratic par
ty, and gave him the touchstone of polit
ical infallibility which lie so officiously
thrusts at us on alt occasions. Elect me
public Printer and Mr. Van Buren
President, if you do not, woe unto you
and your generations for all time to
come. Is this the Alpha &, Omega, the
beginning and the end, the one great
principle for which the Republican party
has contended from 1798 down to the
present time.
The Legislature.
The committee on Internal Improve
ment, both of the House and Senate, have,
as we learn from their able reports and
accompanying bills, reported in favor of
completing our great work of Internal
Improvement, the Western and Atlantic
Rail Road. The committee of the House
recommend that the Governor be author
ised to borrow ,8506,000, to complete the
road to Tennessee, and that the road be
pledged as security for the debt. We
are gratified to bear that there is every
probability that the bill for the creation
of a Court of Errors, will become a law,
and that Georgia has determined to lin
ger no longer behind iter sister States iu
this respect.
We are informed that the bill appro
priating 8290,000 for tlie States subscrip
tion to the Monroe Rail lload will pass,
and thus ensure the completion of this
important link in our grept Rail Road
chain.
The Legislature has passed a law giv
ing the election of Majors, and Brigadier
Generals, &c., to the people. We are
also indebted to this Assembly for a cap
ital law authorising the Inferior Courts
to charter Churches, Ice, trading aud
oilier Companies. These two latter laws
will save immense expenditure of time
and consequently money.
Congress.
The Senate has been organised aud
elected their printer. The House was
organized by the election of John W.
Jones, of Virginia, who received the
unanimous vote of the Democratic party
12S, Wh>te 59, and Wilkins 1. The
democratic, party, though so largely in
the majority, have resolved to abolisli
the one hour rule of Judge Warren, es
tablished by the Whigs to gag the mi
nority. The fanatical old Abolitionist, J.
Q.. Adams, tha old man eloquent & tlie
Richmond Whig’s candidate for the V.
Presidency on the Clay Tioket, has com
menced his usual vindictive and malig
nant crusade against the rights and in
terests of the South, on the subject of Ab
olition petitions. The admission of those
members who have been elected by Gen
eral Ticket, (from Georgia, Mississippi,
Missouri and New Hampshire) is a vexed
question which has already engaged the
attention of tlie House and will occupy
much time.
[fob TUB AMERICAN DEMOCRAT.]
Variety in Correspondence.
New York, Dec. 2, 1543.
Os all places in the world for excite
ment, News, Wit, Fun and Folly, New
York unquestionably stands prominent,
the Plashes of all Nations Flash most
resplendent in this metropolis. Here
may be daily heard recitations from
Shakspeare down to Old Dan Tucker,
Irom the Arch Fiend to tlie Mysteries of
Baris, from Franklin to Espy, from Black
stone to the Egyptian Tombs, and from
the Immortal Jefferson to Slamm, all, all
in variety. The great school for teach
ing the young Idea to shoot is ever ready
for instruction. In fact, in this City we
(that is the people) think ice can carry on
the Government separate and alone, ’tis
true ice act in concert with twenty-five
other States, still we view them as lilbre
automatons, as useless as the fifth wheel
to the great vehicle; in fact, their effect
is like an incubus upon our giant strides.
Calhoun’s State Right doctrine we brand
ed as a dastardly act of usurpation, what!
any other State talk of guch a right ex
cept New York, prejiosterous. Ii tiiat
doctrine is to lie promulgated it must em
anate from the great Chapel at Syracuse,
there the modern Romans congregate and
issue the edicts for the Government of
seventeen and a half million of people,
they knew their power and disdained the
councils of the sovereign people. But
hold there are other signs breaking forth
iu the firmament and a writ of error may
yet l»e granted.
Ere this reaches you, tha twenty
eiguth Congress will have entered upon
its duties, some speculation is ou foot
here in relation to the manner in which
tlie House will decide upon the right of
those members to seats wlro were elected
by the General Ticket, this, however
should create no enigma to the political
philosopher; the ouly question will be,
are they Democrats? if so, they will \>g
admitted en masse. The two great ques
tions before Congress, will the annexa
tion of Texas to the Union and tlie per
manent throwing of the rain bow banner
over the Oregon, and upon these ques
tions it will be difficult to keep up party
lines, so many deep rooted prejudices ex
ist in relation to the slavery of Texas
and tlie tear of fatal eonsequencesthrough
hasty actions with the Oregon, again,
there exists a large class particularly in
this section of the Union, who prize free
dom so high that they think it ought to
he made a monopoly of and the partici
pants of the luxury confined to a com
pass of about twenty-five square mites.
You have doubtless been apprised
(that js if you have seen the U. .8. Her
ald) tiiat this city is entirely in the hands
ol anew party called the “Native Amer
icans,’’ the fact of the matter is simply
this, we have “always on hand” about
five thousand disappointed office seekers
who are ever ready to join any suction
or get up any rise for the purpose of ac
complishing their honorable and patriot
ic desires (the filthy lucre.) Above and
beyond this, Daniel O’Connell saw fit to
castigate Mr. Dennett of the Herald
hence the hostility of tlie Herald to eve
ry thing foreign. It is even feared that
the next case of absence of mind will be
that James Gordon Bennett will rise some
night in his sleep, his mind laboring un
der the allurements of Nativeism and
quit tins country himself. But the just
cause of the rapid rise of this party has
been tiiat the democracy of this city
have been so hunkerish for the last
twelve months, that thousands are wil
ling to slip their necks front the galling
yoke under any garb. This bubble will,
however, soon burst when the name of
Lindenwald shall cease to.aggravate the
ear.
Amusements iu this city seem to be at
the present quite monopolised at tlie Bark
Theatre, by the great (newly imported)
Fiddler, Ole Bull, he seerns to possess
the faculty of drawing from the Violin a
sort of unknown tongue, one which
throws an electricity over the soul and
robs even Cupid of bis nestly bod,
and for ah, O, that he’s nothing but a
man. The Bowery and Chatham The
atres are doing a mysterious business.
They are both endeavoring to get up a
run with the “Mysteries of Paris,” but it
all seems too much enshrouded in my s
tery to take.
Our Court of General Sessions com
mences the December term, on Monday
next, during the term, Moses Y. Beach
of the New York “Sun” will unquestion
ably be sentenced for the libel published
by him some years since, upon the ac
complished lady of James Gordon Ben
nett of the Herald : tlie libel was proba
bly tlie most dastardly that ever found
its way into the columns ol any Journal,
and when the immense circulation of the
Sun, and the in which it circulates
is taken into consideration, it can hardly
be expected the crime will be lightly
passed over. The public mind in this
city is on tiptoe in the matter—(his state
of feeling has been increased since the
example made of Mike Walsh of the
Subterranean, who is now paying the
penalty of his imprudence, and his was
mostly ot a political character. Some of
onr wise solous think that incarc-ration
in the Penitentiary too severe for a libel,
that a wide distinction should be drawn
between a felon and libeler. But you
remember Old Shakspeare argued the
analogy in this wise—
“He that steals my purse steals trash,
Rut he that filches from me my good name
Takes that which nought enriches him,
Cut makes me poor indeed.”
But stay ! I have already filled my
limits, and must bringt])isbroken epistle
to a close. ALPHA.
[for THE AMERICAN DEMOCRAT.]
Tkemncrntic Meeting of Houston.
At a Meeting of a portion of the Dem
ocratic party of Houston county, on the
sth Dec. 1843, James M. Keliy, Esq.,
was appointed Chairman, and James B.
McMurray, Esq., was requested to act as
Secretary.
'l’he object of the Meeting having been
explained by the Chairman, Mr. Rice of
fered the following preamble and resolu
tions, and after the choosing,of the Dele
gates therein named, by Ballot, the same
were unanimously adopted, to wit:
/iareas, It is expedient that the
Democratic Party of Houston should be
fully represented in the Convention pro
posed to be held at Milledgeville on the
second Monday of this inst., upon the
Presidential question.
11a it therefore Resolved, That Isaac
Holmes. John Woodard, Morris Pollock,
and Sheppard lingers, Esqs., be, and
they are hereby appointed Delegates to
represent the Democratic Party of the
county of Houston in said Convention.
And be it further Resolved , That in
our opinion the Delegates from this State
to represent the Democracy of Georgia
in the Baltimore Convention, in the no'rn
ination of suitable candidates for tlie
Presidency and Vice Presidency of the
United States, ought not to be transmit
ted by instructions to cast the vote of
Georgia lor any particular candidate for
those offices, but that said Delegates
should be left free to exercise their own
discretion in voting in. said nomination,
keeping constantly in view, as we have
no doubt they will do, the promotion of
the success of our principles and of the
harmony of the Democratic party through
out tlie Union.
On motion of Dr. Clark, Resolved,
That in case of any vacancy in the Del
egates appointed by this meeting, tlie re
maining Delegates are authorized to fill
such vacancy.
Resolved, 'Hint the proceedings be
signed by the Chairman and Secretary,
and published in the Democratic papers
of the city of Macon.
On motion the Meeting then adjourned.
JAMES M. KELLY, Chairman.
James B. McMurray, Secretary.
Note. — Upon the Presidential question the fifecL
ing was mainly divided as-Uctwcen Messrs. Van Bu
ren and Johnson—the former receiving a plurality
of the votes of the Meeting.
The .HesvAiie.
We have received copies of President
Tyler’s Message to the Senate and House
of Representatives of the United States—
. crowded state of our columns will
prevent us from laying it entire before the
reader. Below we subjoin extracts in
allusion to the Oregon, Texas, and oth
er questions, which from their import
ance are likely at no very distant period
to attract much of the public
Tiie Message is an able paper, frank/
manly, ' and thoroughly American in
its general tone and opinions. After
an appropriate and eloquent adjuration
to the Author of all Good for the parent
al care and protection so visibly vouch
safed to us as a nation and as individuals.
President Tyler offers his congratulations
to botli Houses of Congress for the re
newed Activity which has been imparted
to the commerce and business of the
country? for the continued health of our
fellow citizens during the past year? for
abundant harvests—an i the rewards of
industry and euterpriza every where
throughout our widely extended Repub
lic, and for the continued growth, pro
gress and prosperity of our common
country.
Upon tiie settlement and limits of tlie
Oregon territory, President Tyler holds
the following language:
“A question of much importance still
remains to be adjusted between them.—
The territorial limits of the two couti
tri *s in relation to what is commonly
known as the Oregon territory, still re
mains in dispute. The U. States would
lie at all times indisposed to aggrandize
themselves at the expense of any other
nation; but while they would be restrai
ned by principles of honor, which should
govern the conduct of nations as wed as
that of individuals, from setting up a de
mand for territory which does not belong
to them, they would as unwillingly con
sent to a surrender of their rights. Af
ter tlie most rigid, and as far as practi
cable, unbiassed examination of the sub
ject, the United States have always con
tended that their riglfts appertain to tlie
entire region of country lying on the Pa
cific, and embraced within the frirty-sc
condand fifty-fourth 40’ of North lift.tide.
This claim being controverted by Great
Britain, those who have preceded the
present Executive, actuated, no doubt,
bv an earnest desire to adjust the matter
upon terms mutually satisfactory to both
countries, hdve caused to be submitted
to the British Government, propositions
for settlement and final adjustment,
which, however, have not proved here
tofore acceptable to it. Our Minister at
London has, under instructions, again
brought the subject to the consideration
ot that Government; and while nothing
will'be done to comproinit tlie rights, or
honor of the United States, every proper
expedient wfll be resorted to in order to
bring the negotiation now in the progress
of resumption, to a speedy and happy
termination, lti the meantime it is pro
per to remark, that many of our citizens
are either already established in the ter
ritory, or are on their way thither for
the purpose of forming permanent set
tlements, whiie oiheis are preparing to
follow—and in view of these tacts, 1
must repeat tlie recommendation contain
ed in previous messages, lor the estab
lishment of military posts, at such pla
ces, on the line of travel, as will furnish
security and protection to 'our hardy ad
venturers against hostile tribes of Indi
ans inhabiting those extensive regions.
Our laws should also follow them, so mo
dified as the circumstances of the case
may seem to require. Under the influ
ence of our tree system of government,
new republics are destined to spring up,
at no distant day, on the shores of the
I'acitic, similar iu policy and teeling to
those existing on this side of the Rocky
Mountains, and giving a wider and more
extensive spread to the principles of civil
and religious liberty.
( 4k‘, relations with Mexico and Texas
and file peculiar condition and prospects
of the latter country in connexion with
our own institutions and the political,
social aud commercial intercourse of the
two republics in which all are so deeply
interested, —but especially we of the
South, it is thus felicitously introduced
in the Message.
The war which lias existed for so long
a time between Mexico and Texas lias,