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AJMMUUOAM 1 iiMOilim
'ihe most perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least —Costs least—Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None. —BENTHAM.
VOL. I.S DU. WML GREEN - EDITOR.
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The last hours of Rand Iph.
In the spring of 1833, it was very evi
dent to Randolph’s friends that his days
1 were numbered. Indeed, he had him
self given up nearly all hopes of recove-
I ry, and yet he still talked of another voy-
I age to England ; but when he reached
j Philadelphia Ins strength completely fai
led him, and he sent for the late Dr. Par
ish, a physician in whom he had implicit
confidence, and who was also his person
al friend.
'Phe doctor finding him grow weaker
and weaker, and not wishing to have the
whole responsibility of attending upon
j him himself, suggested the propriety of
calling in another physician. To this
1 .Mr. Randolph objected, saying:
i; In a multitude of counsellors there is
not always wisdom, hut sometimes con
fusion ; and, sir, the patient may die
while the doctors are looking at each
other.”
In the course of the morning Dr. Par
ish requested Randolph to permit him to
go away for an hour or two, to visit
some of his other patients. Randolph
objected, and turning to his faithful man
John, lie said:
“ John do not yon let the doctor leave
me. I cannot spare him.”
After a short time he added: “Did
you understand me, John?”
John replied, “Oh yes, master; I have
I locked the door and put the key in iny
I pocket.”
This prompt attention to his orders
brought forth a smile of approbation, es
pecially when Dr. Parish very good hu
inorediy and kindly seated himself at the
lieddde, and made no further effort to get
away.
Sometime later in the day, Randolph
turned towards the doctor and said :
I “ I wish you to remember, sir, that I
confirm all that I have done in ernanci-
I pating my slaves, for whom I have made
provision.”
Dr. Parish expressed his sincere grati
[lica'ion at hearing this declaration, but
expressed a wish to call in some oilier
witnesses, who might afterwards share
with him the responsibility of making it
public after his decease. Randolph then
assured him that he had already men
tioned it to others. The next day, liow
| ever, in the presence of another gentle
man, he again said:
“I confirm all that l have done re
specting the freedom of my slaves, and
making provision for them;” adding em
phatically, “ and especially for this man !”
laying his hand on the shoulder of his
faithful John.
Finding himself growing weaker, and
believing his end to be approaching, he
called to John, and desired him to bring
his father’s broooh or shirtpin, and place
it in the bosom of his shirt, which was
|done, and evidently gave him pleasure.
! During the morning he said to Dr. Parish:
“lam afraid, sir, you do not under-
I stand exactly about my slaves ?”
The doctor replied, that he believed
j he understood him fully.
“ No, sirsaid Randolph, “ you do
[not quite comprehend the case; for, ac
cording to our Virginia laws, you must
not leave me until I die, or my declara
tion may lose its force, as you could not
prove that I had not subsequently made
a counter declaration.”
f Whilst the doctor was reading for
j Randolph, the word “ impetus” occurred.
Dr. Parish pronounced it “ impetus,” lay
[ nig the accent on the second syllable.—
Randolph, weak and dying as he was,
immediately interrupted him with—
“ Wrong doctor; ‘ impetus’ if you
please,”
DEMOCRATIC BANNER FREE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; NO DEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT;
AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION. C. C.H.IKi L.Y.
Shortly afterwards, while reading a
chapter in the Bible, lie read the word
“omnipotent,” accenting the third sylla
ble. Randolph exclaimed :
“ Wrong again, doctor; ‘omnipotent,’
is the word.”
Randolph lay very quiet for some time,
and then repeated the word “ remorse !”
with great emphasis. Turning to Dr.
Parish, he added solemnly :,
“ Bring me a dictionary, doctor, you
do not understand that word ; you can
not comprehend its full meaning.”
There was no dictionary in the room,
and he then requested Dr. Parish to
write it down on paper. No paper being
at hand, the doctor asked him if he
should write the word on one of his
(Randolph’s) old cards, which lay on the
table, to which he replied:
“ Nothing more proper, sir.”
When this was done, Randolph look
ed at it, and after a pause desired his
man John to draw aline under
the word. When this was finished, Dr.
Parish not knowing what it meant, or
what Randolph wished to he done with
it, asked him if he should put the card
in his pocket; to which he simply as
sented, without any further directions.
After Dr. Parish had finished reading
the hihle to him, lie said :
“ I have looked to the Lord Jesus
Christ for mercy, and have hope, sir.”
Next day he gradually grew weaker
and weaker until death at last released
him from his sufferings.
It is a pleasant reflection to his friends,
, that almost his last wishes were express
jed on behalf of his slaves. And I may
| add here, that when we crossed the At
[ lantic together in 1822, he told me ex
i pressly that he was determined to free
j his slaves and provide, for them after his
I death ; and that he would have made
them free during his lifetime, if he could
be convinced that their real happiness
would be increased by it; but he said he
thought they were happier under his
own potent government, whilst he lived.
Thus died Jdhn Randolph of Roa
noke, and it may truly he said that Vir
ginia lost in him one of her most faithful
children and brightest ornaments. That
he had hisfuults and his failings, his best
friends must admit; but they who knew
the nature of his physical sufferings,
were ever willing to cast the mantle of
charity over these weaknesses of poor
human nature. No matter what differ
ence of opinion there may he as to the
nature of his political course, there is
none as to his extraordinary talents.—
Friends and foes alike bear witness to
the charms of his eloquence and the po
tency of his satire. In conversational
powers lie was surpassed by none, and
rarely equalled by any of his distinguish
ed cotemporaries. * lie had a memory of
adamant, and a classical taste for the
beauties of English literature. Quota
tions were always at his commands, and
almost invariably aptly applied. If such
a thing were possible, I cannot imagine
a greater delight than it would be to me
to repeat our voyage of 18-2. In the
preceding numbers of the New Mirror I
have endeavored to recall some of our
conversations, but they afford a very im
perfect idea of the rich store house of his
mind. Those who have heard his fas
cinating eloquence in the Senate or in
the parlor, can never forget him ; and by
them, perhaps, alone, these anecdotes
will he appreciated, for they alone can
picture to themselves his peculiar man
ner and voice, such as they remember
them.
I must confess my surprise, that ten
years have been allowed to pass away
since his death without any biography
having appeared from the pen of some
distinguished Virginian. There are yet
living, among his intimate friends, seve
ral gentlemen who hold “the pen of a
ready writer,” and I wish their state
would induce them to do full justice to
his memory.— New Mirror.
Library in Jail.
“The Exeter News Letter says the
lawyers of that county have established
a library in the jail for the benefit of the
prisoners. Good.”
Yes, It isindecd good—excellent! And
will not the charitable and benevolent of
all classes in our District, imitate the ex
ample? Would it not be well, too, for
the Legislature to make a similar provi
sion for each Jail in the State, by requi
ring the Commissioners of Public Build
ings in each District to purchase suitable
moral and religious books out of any
public funds in their hands, for the use
of the Jails under their care, and to pro
vide cases for them. and rules for their
use, preservation, &c. ? Who can tell
how many of the souls of those “poor,”
with w'hich all others have been so es
pecially charged by the Redeemer, might
thereby be saved from a fate in the next
world infinitely more terrible than their
sad lot in this?—or how far those who
are thus instrumental in promoting their
salvation, may be saved from a scarcely
less terrible accountability?
They who are mercifully spared from
the many powerful and continual temp
tations of poverty, should beware how
they judge harshly, if at all, those who
are not; and remember, that poverty
was doubtless permitted, to save them, by
MACON, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 27, 1843.
its continual appeals to their better feel
ings, from that hardness of heart whifh
makes it “ easier for a camel to go through
the eye of a needle,” than for a rich man
to enter the kingdom of heaven ; and
also to bind together the rich and the
poor, and the whole world, by the pow
erful ties of benevolence and gratitude;
that if the rich but shared their superflu
ities with the poor, the poverty of the
world would be a far greater blessing to
them, even on earth, than their own
riches; and that in the next world, ‘when
the Son of Man shall come in his glory,’
to judge “all nations,” what they have
done, or neglected to do, to the “ hunger
ed,” the “thirsty,” the “stranger,” the
“naked,” the "sick” or those “in prison,”
will be held by Him as done or not done
unto Him, and rewarded with eternal
happiness or punishment.
“ Oil never fear that,” said a rich man
to a poor one who came to tell him he
could not pay his little sum of rent, with
out leaving his wife and children to
starve — I "never fear that, my good fel
low ; remember that God never sends
mouths, but he sends meat to feed them.”
“Yes,” replied the poor tenant, “no doubt
of it; but the mouths are in my house,
and the meat in yours."
Who, then, that has at his house, from
God, the means of providing “the bread
of life” for those “in prison” who may
he His representatives on earth, will re
fuse to do so ?— S. Carolinian.
Commercial Intercourse between the At'an
tic and Pacific Oceans.
Blackwood’s Magazine (the last num
ber) has an admirable article upon the
immense benefits which will accrue to
the commercial world, frotp the junction
of the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Cer
tainly the establishment of a cotnmuni
.cation across the isthmus of Panama
would be like the creation of anew geo
graphical and commercial world. It
would open to our country the portals to
anew field of enterprise, and complete
the series of combinations formingto de
velop the riches with which the Pacific
abounds, by presenting to American in
dustry anew group of producers and
consumers.
Blackwood suggests that this mighty
achievement should be undertaken by
the combined agencies of several nations.
“The best expedient (says the Maga
zine,) would he for the several rnaratime
and commercial nations interested in the
• success of the enterprise, to unite and en
ter into combinations, so as to secure for
themselves a safe and permanent transit
for the benefit of all; and then let the
work be undertaken with no selfish or
ambitious views, but in a spirit of mutual
fellowship, and when completed, let this
he a highway for each party contributing
to the expense, enjoyed and protected by
all. At first sight this idea may appear
romantic the combinations required
may be thought difficult, but every where
the extension of commerce is now the
order of the day, and the good under
standing which prevails among the par
ties, who might be united to concur in
the work, warrants the belief that at a
moment so peculiarly auspicious little
diplomatic ingenuity would be required
to procure their assent and co-operation
By means of negociations conducted in a
right spirit, trading nations would be in
duced to agree and contribute to the ex
penses of the enterprise, in proportion to
the advantages which they may hope to
derive from its completion. If for exam
ple, the estimate of the cost amounted to
half a million sterling, Great Britain,
France and the United States, might
contribute £IOO,OOO each, and the re
mainder be divided among the minor
European States, each having a common
right to the property thereby created, and
each a commissioner on the spot to watch
over their respective interests.
This would he the most honorable
and effectual mode of improving the fa
cilities to which the commerce and ci
vilization of Europe have a claim. It is
a settled conviction of the most intelli
gent persons, who have traveled the isth
mus, that (he facilities exist to the extent
herein described ; and unity of purpose
is therefore all that is wanting for the at
tainment of the end proposed. Jealous
ies would be thus obviated, and to such
a concession as the one suggested the lo
eal government could have no objection,
as its own people would participate in
the benefits flowing from it. The South
American States could not hesitate to
sanction a grant made for a commercial
purpose, and for the general advantage
of mankind. The isthmus of Panama,
that interesting portion of their Continent
has remained neglected for ages, and ro
it must continue, at least, as regards any
great and useful purpose, unless called
into notice by extraordinary combina
tions. With so many prospective ad
vantages before us, it is therefore to be
hoped that the time has arrived when
the necessary combinations will be en
tered into to establish a commercial in
tercourse between the Atlantic and Pa
cific Oceans, an event that would widen
the scope for rnaratime enterprises more
than any that has happened within the
memory of the present generation, and
connect us more closely with those arctic
countries to which we are now compara
tively strangers. — Sav. Georgian.
Ullia Abolition Rows.
Immense excitement—lmpudence of an
Ultra Abolitionist—crowding Him
se f ioto a Q nedeer Meeting—break
ing the Sanctity of the Sabbath—
his ejectment , And binding over by
Mayor Scott.
Our city, the last week, has been the
scene of ultra abolition folly, wickedness
and excitement. In the Universalist
Church, Callowhill st., a portion of very
excitable ultra Abolitionists have been
holding a Convention. Six or seven
Abolition lecturers were present, who had
been prowling about the country. They
came here to stir up a fuss, and they
have succeeded.
On Wednesday night the language of
one of the paid lecturers, (who gets his
eating that way,) Stephen S. Foster, was
so outrageous that a row was the conse
quence.* Hissing and opposition first
began in the gallery. But near 10 o’-
clock (evening,) when the meeting broke
up, about 3UO people (boys and men)
made a demonstration of rioting, by
shouting, hooting, and offering some lit
tle indignities to the retreating members
of the Anti-Slavery Convention. A gen
tleman, who was present, tells ns that
one cause of this, was the very free in
termingling of the most decided kind of
ebony-colored Africans pretty much all
through the lower portion of the body of
the Church, with beautiful youngfeinales
married and single, who appeared to
show anew love and especial taste for
the black men—and, apparently, the
darker colored they were, the more the
fair-skinned young damsels admired
them.
Sheriff McMichael was present, and
by his promptness and decision quelled
the row in its incipient state, and thus
prevented any serious consaqueuces.—
One of the rioters was arrested, and put
in the Northern Liberties lock-up. r
prisoner on Thursday afternoon had a
hearing before Mayor Cannon, and was
admitted to bail.
The next day, the Convention again
went forward in its meeting, when, we
learn, the Mayor of the Northern Liber
ties, informed the Trustees of the Church
that such was the state of the excitement,
he could not answer for the safety of the
Church, if the ultra Abolitionists did not
abandon their meetings. Accordingly,
the next day, they adjourned without
day.
But, it would appear that the rows
were not to stop here. Stephen S. Fos
ter, who appeared a sort of file-leader at
the Convention, went on Sunday to the
large Quaker" Church, in Cherry street,
below Fifth, and at the conclusion of the
preaching of George White, of N. York,
in the forenoon service, he (Foster) arose
and commenced speaking. One of the
Elders of the meeting, Mr. Martin, a very
respectable gentlemen, requested Foster
to take his seat, expressing to him that,
especially as he was not of the Society
of Friends, he had no right whatever to
speak in that Church, any more than he
could have to go into the private parlor
of any gentleman of Philadelphia, to hold
forth, without orevious invitation from
the owner of the house.
Foster—“ I claim the right to preach
everywhere.”
Elder Martin—“ Thee cannot be per
mitted now to speak in this Assembly.—
Will thee please to take thy scat?”
Foster—“ No, I will not. I will speak
in defiance of anybody.”
As if it were an overpowering wave,
the whole meeting (probably 2500) arose
to their feet. The friends of Foster
rushed around his person, to protect him
from being put out. But they wer soon
overpowered. Reuben Webb (a disown
ed Quaker) was thrown into the crowd
by a son of Mr. Thomas, the well known
auctioneer —and several other ultra abo
litionists, who had obviously come for a
pugilistic encounter, were hurled about
like chaff before the driving wind—sime
not knowing, for the time being, whether
they literally stood upon their heads or
their heels.
Alderman Mitchell then went forward,
hacked by a few friends of order, and ar
rested Foster, after he had most of his
clothing torn from him, — his hat being
scattered in one direction, his cloak in
another, and other portions of wardrobe
even not meeting that much of respect in
the excited and universal melee.
In less than half an hour, Foster was
bound over by Mayor Scott, to appear 9
o’clock, on Monday morning, to answer
(or having violated the sanctity of the
Sabbath Day, broken the jioace of the
Cherry Street Quaker meeting, and tr.un
ph and under his feet the right of American
citizens to worship God as to them shall
appear meet and acceptable in His sight.
This cannot be regarded by any good
citizen of our Republic but as an impu
dent and unparalleled outrage. The
Society of Friends are among our best
and most peaceable citizens. It is mon
strous that a madman of an Abolitionist
should crowd his person into their order
ly assembly, gathered in the house ol
God, for solemn worship ol the Most
High, and then violently persist iu utter
ing his overheated opinions—counter to
the expressed wishes of the whole meet
ing, and when lie had been politely and ,
kindly asked to desist in doing so.— ’
Much as we regret that the meeting did
not immediately adjourn and leave Fos
ter to speak to hare walls, as they did on
the preceding Sunday, when he most im
pudently and unwarrantably attempted
to speaks—we cannot, nevertheless, but
think that he had visited upon him just
that kind of instant ejectment, which his
outrageous conduct was almost certain
to provoke. No body of people, however
quiet their principles and general deport
ment, will always yield in having thus
trampled under foot, by an arrogant and
impudent perigrinating lecturer, one of
the very first rights which the Constitu
tion of the Country guarantees to them.
♦ One of the Speakers in "Ills Zeal to proaiote anti
slavery principles, was very abusive of all whose
views do not correspond w ith his own; and in the
course of his remarks, took occasion to speak do res
pect fully of the great mep of our country, from
Washington down. But that is not all. In refer
ring of tile cmanci|iatioh of the West India slaves, he
thanked God that England was too powerful fog the'
United States! Now, where is the American who
could sit quietly, and listen to tile detainer of his
country’s most sacred names! Show us the man
who would not, under these eircumstanccs, manifest
bis entire disapprobation of the course pursued by
that s|ieaker, and we will show you one whose patri
otism will not stand the test—one whose efforts in
defence of the “stars and stripes,” would not be freely
extended in case of an assault by a foreign power.
The man, of the community who will not put down
the individual, who, reared under the fusti-ring care
of cur free institutions, seeks an opportunity to de
fame his ancestors, will not, save iu self defence,
raise a hand to ward off the blow sofa foreign encr.iv.
The audience piesent on the occasion above alluded
to, did manifest their disapprobation of the remarks
ofthe speaker, and he was comp< lied to uesist. Ma
ny of our most peaceable and respectable citizens
were in the church, and their blood curdled within
their veins to hear a fillow countryman animadvert
in so disrespectful language, upon the characters of
those who “fought and hied in Freedoms cause.”
A Beautiful Centre Table.
Mr. J. Tyler Headley thus describes,
in the N. Y. Tribune, a Mosaic centre
table, which he lately saw in Rome :
‘lt was finer work than I ever saw in a
breast pin at home. It needed the closest
inspection to detect it was not a paint
ing. The man had been for years in fin
ishing it, and had just received an order
for it from a Russian Princess, who was
to give him .S4OOO. It represented Rome
in four different aspects the scenes going
round the outer edge ofthe table. First,
the Piazza del Popoio,” by sunrise, with
its gate anJ obelisk ; second, Si. Peter’s,
willi its glorious colonnade, obelisk, and
fountains, under the blaze ofn bright
noonday: next chme the Forum, the
Capitol, the mined Palace of the Caesars,
and the lonely columns standing around
this focus of old Roman glory, bathed
in the soft light of the setting sun ; last
of all came the Coliseum by moonlight,
and a more perfect moon I never saw
painted. It had besides an elaborately
wrought centre piece. I never broke the
commandment “Thou shall not covet”
so much in half an bone in my life as
during the time I was inspecting this ta
ble.”
Marquis of Waterford.
The famous Marquis of Waterford,
who figured conspicuously ill this coun
try, a few years ago, has resolved to quit
his country seat at Tipperary. lie says,
“in 1841 iny hounds were poisoned. In
1843 my stables were burnt, and but for
the prompt conduct of servants, the
I whole establishment would have been
! destroyed. The burning was malicious.
I immediately determined to leave Tip
perary, feeling that e-ucii a system of an
noyance more than counterbalanced the
pleasure of fox hunting.”
Wreck of the Missouri.
One of the officers ofthe United States
steamship Missouri, iu a letter to the N.
■ Y. True Sun, states that, by means of
submarime armor, it has been discovered
that the boilers, and much of the ma
chinery, is comparatively uninjured, and
will be recovered; and that, after paying
salvage, it is supposed that property to
the amount of $150,000 will be saved
from the wreck.
Women.
Perhaps a more just or beautiful com
pliment was never paid to woman than
the following from Judge Story :
“To the honor, the eternal honor of
the sex, he it said, that m the path of du
ty, no sacrifice is with them too high or
too dear. Nothing is with them impos
sible, but to shrink from what love, hon
or, innocence, and religion require. The
voice of pleasure or of power may pass
by unheeded, hut the voice of affliction
never. The chamber of the sick, the
pillow of the dying, Ihe vigils of the
dead, the altars of religion, never missed
the presence or the sympathies of wo
man. Timid though she be, and so del
icate that the winds of heaven may not
too roughly visit her, on such occasions
she loses all sense ol danger, and assumes
a preternatural courage which knows not
and fears not consequences. Then (she
displays the undaunted spirit which nei
ther courts difficulties nor evades them ;•
that resignation which utters neither
murmurs nor regrets; and th it patience
in suffering seems victorious over death
itself.” i
| NO. 32.
Remarks of Mr. Kennedy, of Indiana.
In the House of Representatives, Dec.
6, 1813—On the motion of Mr. Bar
nard to amend the journal of the House
by spreading upon it the protest of
several members against the organiza
tion of the House, whilst the members
from Missouri, Mississippi, New Hamp
shire, and Georgia, remained on the
floor. |p
Mr. Kennedy said :
Mr. Speaker— The twenty-seventh
Congress (of which I had the honor of
lieing a member) attempted to pass a law
commanding tlic States to send to tiiis
Congress their mejnbersby separate and
single districts. I say attempted to pass
such a law : because ! hold that the at
tempt was so clearly a usurpation of leg
islative power, ns to render the act a nul
lity : and as ?uch I shall treat it.
I hold, Mr. Speaker, that when this or
any other Congress plainly and palpably
transcends its powers, and usurps au
thority, it is right and proper, uay, it is
the duly of all good citizens, who are
called on to execute such law, to mark
it as indelibly as Cain was marked, by
spurning and trampling upon its pre
tended authority. As, by the Constitu
tion, Congress is to be the judge of the
election and qualification 6f its members,
therefore, from tho peculiarity of this
pretended law, no other than Congress
itself can be the triers of its validity.
When the law apportioning to each
State its quota of members was on its
passage through the last Congress, 1 took
occasion to say that this portion ofthe
law was without constituted warrant,
and that it was an unmitigated usurpa
tion of authority without even a “reason
of state” to excuse it. I then expressed
the hope that I should live long enough
to trample upon it, in token of the utter
abhorrence in which I held it. This, I
am thankful, has proved to he the case ;
and there is nothing gives me greater
satisfaction than the privilege I now
have of thus spurning this miserable ef
fort at usurpation. Sir, solitary and alone
among the delegation of my State in the
last Congress, I vot: and against this law ;
and solitary and alone of all the then
delegation, I am again here to raise my
voice against it. And let me add, there
was no one act of that ill-starred Con
gress which had so much influence in
sending my then colleagues to private
life as this same act. Mr. Speaker, my
State sends her delegation here by dis
tricts, not because Congress commanded
her to do so, hut because it is her good
pleasure. She did so before this act
passed ; but I now repeat what I said on
that occasion—that if she had been in
the habit of elecling by general ticket,
and had districted at the command of
Congress against her own judgment of
what was right and proper, then I would
scorn to represent her on this floor.
But it is contended that the members
from Missouri, Mississippi, New Hamp
shire, and Georgia, aretiot constitution
ally elected. Gentlemen had belter not
press this question too closely; for it
may turn out on speh investigation, that
these members are the only ones who
are constitutionally elected ; and, in that
case, the minority would oust the major
ity ! It may turn out that the Constitu
tion itself makes each State a district,
and that neither Congress nor the re
spective Legislatures has the power to
cut up and subdivide such district. But
I will not enter into the argument of this
question now: if it comes up again, I
will then claim to he heqrd on the sub
ject. What can be the reasons for press
ing this question now, even admitting
the right to district ? Why not go on in
the good old way under which we have
prospered for the last half century ?
Why attempt to steal a march on mem
bers from these States in the argument
of this question by attempting to place
this ex parte statement op the journals
of the House? Do gbntlerfien suppose
that placing it on tire journals will give
it any additional weight, or that to re
cord it will add to Us merit ? For my
part, I will do nothing that will cast the
least doubt on their right to seats upon
this floor. Sir, 1 would not even refer
the question to a committee of the House.
My course would be, after the complete
organization ofthe Hopfe, Hi tied a nee of
this pretended enactment, in good time,
to remove from the American statute
book so much of this act as I contend is
null and void ; though, in truth, it needs
no repeal. This 1 wpukl do coolly, de
liberately, and dispassionately ; so that
all the world might see with what silent
contempt the American people look upon
a usurpation of authority, whether that
usurpation be by a single ihflividual, or
by a body of men claiming to be the
Representatives of a free people.
The protest (as I believe it is called)
is a singular document. A protest, if I
understand the meaning of the word, is
a dissent from some act done. This pa
per does not complain of what is done
by the House, but it complains of what
the signers fear the House is going to do.
This is a singular protest. But let the
merits or demerits of the paper be what
they will, if I werq one of its signers, and
could not get on the journal by direction,
I would never put it then? by indirection.