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defeat of 1810 would he exclusively on
principles. This hope was greatly
strengthened by the truly repulican and
noble stand taken at the extra session
and the earlier portion of the succeeding
regular session. During that period of
rigid adherence to principle, perfect har
mony pervaded the ranks of the party. —
I beheld it with joy. 1 believed the mo
ment highly favorably for the thorough
reformation of the government and the
restoration of the constitution. To the
republican party, I looked for the accom
plishment of this great work ; and I ac
cordingly felt the deepest solicitude, that
the stand taken, and the harmony which
existed, should be preserved. In order
that it should, I made up my mind to
waive the objection, which I have long
entertained to any intermediate body, un
known to the constitution, between the
people and the election of the President,
in (he hope that the proposed Conven
tion would be so constituted that 1 might
consistently with my principles give it
mv support. In this I have been disap
pointed, and being so, l am compelled to
decide as I have done. The same motive
Which impelled me to separate from the
administration of Gen. Jackson, in the
plenitude ofits power, and to come to the
rescue of Mr. Van Huron’s at its greatest
depression, compels me now to withhold
my name from the proposed Convention.
Having now assigned my reasons for
refusing to permit my name to go before
the Baltimore Convention, it rests with
you who have placed it before the people
and 'assented to abide by a Convention
fiirly constituted, to determine what
course you will pursue.
Be your decision what it may, I shall
be content. But I regarded it as due to
the occasion, to you and myself, to de
clare that under no circumstances what
ever shall I support any candidate, who
is opposed to free trade, and in favor of
the protective policy, or whose prominent
and influential friends and supporters are.
1 hold the policy, to be another name for
a system of monopoly and plunder, and
to be thoroughly anti-republiern and fed
eral in its character. I also hold that so
long as the duties are so laid as to be in
fact bounties to one portion of the com
munity, while they operate as oppressive
taxes on the other, there can be no hope,
that the Government can be reformed, or
that its expenditures will be reduced to
the proper standard.
Were I, with the evidences before me,
to say otherwise of my course, it would
Ire practically, to declare that 1 regard the
protective policy to be an open question,
so far as the party is concerned ; which
1 would consider on my part, a virtual
abandonment of the cause of Free Trade.
That can never be. I have done and
suffered too much for it, when its friends
were few and feeble, to abandon it now
—now, when the auspices everywhere,
on this and the other side of the Atlantic
proclaim the approaching downfall of
protection and the permanent triumph of
Free Trade. I who upheld it against
monopoly and plunder, in the worst of
times, and braved the menaces of Admin
istration and Opposition, when backed
but by a single Stated-will not—cannot
abandon the glorious cause now, when
its banner waves in proud triumph over
the metropolis of the commercial world.
No, I shall maintain immoveably the
ground l have so long occupied, until I
liave witnessed its great and final victory,
If it shall please the Disposer of Events
to spare my life so long. It will he, in
deed, o victory— harbinger efa new arid
brighter and higher civilization.
Much less, still, can I give my support
to any candidate, who shall give his aid
■or countenance to the agitation of aboli
tion in Congress or elsewhere ; or whose
prominent and influential friends and
supporters shall. 1 doubt the sincerity
•or any man, who declares he is no aboli
tionist, whilst at the same time; he aids
or countenances the agitation of the ques
tion, be his pretext what it may. If we
have a right to our slaves, we have the
light to hold them in peace and quiet.
It t!ie Constitution guarantees the one, it
guarantees the other; and if it forbids
the one from being attacked, it equally
forbids the other. Indeed the one stands
to the other, as means to an end, and is
so avowed by the abolitionists ; and on
the plainest principles of morals, if the
end he prohibited, the means of effecting
it also are. Ofthe two, T regard the de
luded fanatic far less guilty and danger
ous than he, who, for political or party
purposes, aids or countenances him, in
what he knows is intended to do that,
which he acknowledges to be forbidden
by the Constitution.
It is time that an end should be put to
this system of plunder and agitation.—
They have been borne long enough.—
They are kindred measures and hostile,
as far, at least, as one port ion of the Union
is concerned. While the tariff takes
from us the proceeds of our labour, aboli
tion strikes at the labor itself. The one
robs us of our income, while the other
aims at destroying the source from which
that income Is derived. It is impossible
for us to stand patiently much longer,
under their double operation, without
bein'* - impoverished and ruined.
JOHN C. CALHOUN.
Sudden Perth in West Jersey. —A
venerable Methodist clergyman, Rev.
Jolm Boqua, aged 75 years, fell dead in
one of his fields near Salem, West Jer
sey, about fifteen minutes alter leaving
the house, on the 9th inst., with a disease
of the heart. He was soon discovered
by bis son-in-low, who sent for Dr. Mul
ford—but lie was dead. He has been a
faithful preacher for half a century.
Mint o f the United States, Ph iladel
phia.—By a report from Dr. Patterson,
UuecJptof the Mint, it appears that the
whole coinage in the United States, dur
ing the past year, amount to within a
9 nail fraction of twelve millions of dol
lars, and exceeds by more that; one half
that of any former year.
POLITICAL.
From the Globe.
The Tariff of the Clay Congress.
The people of the United States would
never endure th e fleecing to which they
are subjected by the manufacturers, if
they were once initiated into the myste
ries of the tariff. The art of cheating
by law, through the use of a phraseology
not understood by the people, is a trick
of the trade —or rather of the two crafts
united in Congress, by the adepts in chi
canery and machinery—that does more
for the monopolies than anything else.
The American system lawyers in Con
gress under their minimum and specific
duties, levied in terms that none but the
inflated can understand, and the manu
facturers, by their technical description
ofthe articles‘they propose for taxation,
make the whole tariff to an unlearned
man, as inscrutable as a doctor's bill, or
prescription. The public has no more
idea of the drench that is forced upon it
in a tariff, than the patient who is
dosed to death by his physician knows
of the ingredients which he swallows,
and by which his body is wasted. The
effect is perceived in the loss of flesh
and of strength; but the quack is
certain it is good because the con
sumption of his compounds improves
his own condition ; nnd the constitution
of the patient surviving surh adminis
tration of the remedy, he looks upon his
rising up from its prostration as a getting
better that gives hope of perfect recov
ery. The poisoner who makes the dis
eases gets the credit of a Cure because he
does not kill. If the ingredients of his
mysterious compound, and their opera
tion, were understood by the sick man,
he would follow with prosecution the
empyric who preyed at once upon his
constitution and his purse.
Who knows what the nation has been
taxed by the enormous tariff'of the Clay
Congress? We confess that we did not
see half the extent of its extortion until
Mr. McDrffie eviscerated the subject a
few days since. The prospect of obtain
ing some relief from the present Congress
has, however, induced practical business
men to enter into an analysis of the new
impositions; and, before Mr. McDuffie’s
speech goes to the press, he will have
the satisfaction of seeing the actual ope
ration of the tariff, as shown from the
merchants’ books, dated in tables, sustai
ning his positions.
The New York Evening Post of yes
terday contains the tables to which we
refer, which are thus introduced :
From the New York Keening Post.
Worse and worse. —The more we
look into the rate of taxes recently laid
on imported goods, the worse we find it.
We publish to-day an alysis of the duties
on the various descriptions of cotton nnd
woollen goods, prepared by an accurate
hand, which will astonish our readers.
Duties, in various instances, of nearly
two hundred per cent.! The heaviest
duties upon the goods used by the poor
er classes!
There never was a more foul combi
nation of selfish cunning on the one
hand, and corrupt connivance on the
other, than that which produce*] the op
pres ive revenue law under which we
live. The majority in Congress were
resolved to gratify the manufacturers, a
body of most active and powerful can
vassers inflections. The manufacturers
took advantage of this disposition, to an
extent of which even the political lead
ers, unjust as they were, are not aware ;
and, by craftily asking for specific duties,
obtained a tariff .which almost puts an
embargo on our ports, brings down the
prices of country produce almost to no
thing, raises the prices of manufactured
goods enormously, and runs up the prof
its of the factory owners to thirty per
cent, on the capital. There is not a
man of all those who voted for the tariff,
who, if he knew what he was doing—if
he did not utter his ay in pure ignorance
ofthe effect of the law to which he gave
his approval—does not deserve to be an
object of public contempt, and to walk
the streets amid the hisses of his coun
trymen for the rest of 1 1 is life.
We desire the attention of our reedars
to the tables we lay before them. They
will not find the examination of them ve
ry intricate. They show what manu
facturer-ridden people we are; and how,
between the knaves of the mills on the
one hand and the knaves of the halls of
Congress on the other, we are fleeced
and peeled as mercilessly as if we had a
conquering army in the land laying us
under forced contribution.
Look at the rates of duty; duties of
fifty per cent, duties of a hundred per
cent, duties of a hundred and fifty per
cent duties of a hundred and eighty per
cent, and more. See how prodigiously
the prices of good manufactured in the
American mills have risen since the tar
iff was laid—in some cases nearly to six
ty per cent.
From t e New York Evening Post.
To The Editor.— Sir : As the rates
of duties under the present tariff law are
but little known to the pubic, 1 hand
you some statements which clearly elu
cidate the per centage paid on cotton
manufactures and some other goods; and
if to these you could get added similar
tables os to glassware, hardward, iron,
salt, in fact everything, save such as are
useful to the manufacturers, I am of o
pinion that you would open the eyes of
the public to the public to the most infa
mous act which ever disgraced our stat
ute book.
The fact is, that, had the manufac
turers asked for these rates of duties
plainly and openly, they knew well that
;no member of Congress would have
l dared lj support so disgraceful a propo-
I sition: they knew better; they determined
; to humbug and blind both Congress and
the peoplf. Take cotton goods for in
stance : had they said “place an average
dpty of ope hujifjrcd per cent, upon cot
ton goods, and double the high tariff of
1828, which caused the nnllific«ation ex
citement,” they would have plainly asked
for what they wanted, and what they
have got; but they knew that such a re
quest would have been refused them,
even by their complaisant friend the late
Secretary of the Treasury.
They therefore said, “Value cotton
goods, colored, at thirty cents a square
yard, and charge thirty per cent, upon
that minimum—we don't ask for more
than thirty per cent.;” taking good care
to keep the secretary and committees of
Congress ignorant ofthe fact, that thirty
cents a square yard on colored cottons
was three times the price they were then
getting for their own goods, and that
thirty per cent, on that price was, on av
erage, over one hundred per cent, ad va
lorem on the goods.
Thus it was with cottons: a higher du
ty per square yard was put upon them
than was imposed by the tariff law of
1828, although the value of the goods
had fallen one-half, consequently that
high duty was doubled; doubtless all the
other goods subject to minimums and to
specific duties were managed in the same
ingenious manner.
The first table I hand you is the price
current of Messrs. Steward, Thomson &
Lav, an eminent Manchester house, and
is dated 31st January last. (1 could get
none of a later date.) I have appended
to every article in it the rate of duty un
der the present tariff; I have omitted no
article, save a few of York-shire manu
facture, which come more properly un
der another head, and to which I shall
allude in my next. You will observe
that, in the unbleached goods, few ar
ticles pay less than one hundred per
cent. duty.
The printed eotfcms are quite as high,
and so are the yarns. I hand you also
tables showing the enormous tax on car
pets, flannels, baizes, cotton and worsted
goods, twine, bale rope, &c., <fcc., &c.;
and it is worthy of remark, that all goods
suited to the mass of the people, in fact
necessary to the comfort of the mechani
cal and laboring classes, are charged
with prohibitory rates, whilst those used
by the wealthy .alone are, without excep
tion, charged at a much lower rate.—
Take carpets for instance • ingrain car
pets pay 103 per cent. and Wilton, the
the finest, pays 31 percent, This differ
rence is not confined to carpets, it applies
to almost every thing subject to duty, and
it is certainly anew principle in taxa
tion.
I have only one other remark to make.
When the tariff was under discussion,
we were promised by its advocates cheap
er goods ; it is true that we get all the
produce of the soil cheaper. This tariff
is a most effectual bar to any prominent
ri.se in the value of the products of the
farmers, and planters, and mechanics ;
btt not so with their goods: they have
secured the monopoly of this great mar
ket, and they are now getting profits un- (
heard of in a regular and steady trade.
If the operatives in their employ shared
the spoils, we might have some satisfac
tion in this result; but it is not so : the
wages of die spinners, the power-loom
weavers, and the printers, have been in
creased but little, if any ; and the whole
of these ill-gotten gains are pocketed by
some few bundled individuals.
To show yon the profits now making
by the manufacturers, I hand you a ta
ble of prices in May last, and in this pres
ent month. I have rather understated
the difference : the rise in value is great
er. That they were not losing money
by their goods last year, is made evident
by the very handsome dividends lately
declared ; so their gains now can easily
be calculated. With these remarks, I
leave the subject in your hands, and
hope you will not abandon it untill you
fully expose the nefarious nature of mo
nopoly and the pestilent influence of this
tariff law.
MERCATOR.
We have not room or time this eve
ning to furnish these tables, giving by
“Mercator.” We therefore state the re
sults shown by them, as exhibited by the
actual price-currents, and the rates of
duty paid on the articles specified under
the existing tariff.
Os the various kinds of unbleached
cottons, amounting in all to thirty differ
ent sorts, ranging from the highest to
the lowest priced, 90 percent, is the low
est tax levied ; and it runs through all
the grades until it reaches, on several
classes, 160 per cent. Twenty different
kinds exceeds 100 per cent; the average
being about 120 per cent. •
Os the ten kinds of printed cottons,
the per cent-age is set down thus : 162—-
141-130—123-135-62—107—45
157. We do not give the descriptions,
or the prices set down in the table,as we
aim only to show the resulting per cent
age on all sorts, from the highest to the
lowest on the scale.
Os the Bleached and finished cotton
goods—thirty three kinds.containing all
the varieties—the range of duties is giv
en ; and on more than half of them ex
ceeds 100 per cent., running up to 190
per cent, on some—a very few being less
than 50 per cent.
On the various kinds of cotton yarns,
embracing twenty three different quali
ties, the average duties on fifteen classes
are between 117 and 60 per cent; on six
sorts, between 40 and 60; one only is as
low as 30 per cent.
On carpetings, the per centage ranges
thus: 102-76-89—60—46—-35—31
40. On the cheapest kinds, the highest
per cent.; Wilton and rugs being 31 and
40 per cent.
On cotton and worsted manufactures,
the per cent is from 70 to 105. For the
most part, it is above 60 per cent.—only
three kinds tailing below 50 per cent.
On hemp manufactures, the per cent
age ranges, according to the kind, from
115 to 40 per cent; on cotlon bagging
it is 70 per cent; on bale-rope, 115.
On flannels and baizes, the per cent
age is graduated from 130 to 40 per cent.
For the most part, it exceeds 50 per
cent.
No one can doubt, on a glance at the
two columns of the Evening Post filled
with these tabular statements, that, for
all the necessaries of life taxed by the
tariff of the Clay Congress, the peojde
pay two prices—the cost of the manu
facture —the other resulting from the
impost.
, From the Alabama Tribune.
The pre-eminent popularity of Mr.
Van Buren in Ohio has been claimed by
the friends of that gentleman, because
more than two-thirds of the counties in
that State recently expressed a preference
for him. The deduction is a non sequi
ler. Mr. Van Buren may be able to car
ry a majority of his old party friends, but
will that elect him? He must do more
—he must carry all those friends and
make a good many besides (some 145,-
000) or he’s a lost man, and his party is
lost with him. In relation to Ohio, we
have some facts which show how fallaci
ous is this party caucus mode of estimat
ing popularity. Or. the 26th ultimo, a
States meeting ofthe friends of Cass was
held in Columbus the capitol of Ohio.—
From the report of a speech delivered by
Governor Shannon, we extract the fol
lowing :
“ Great doubt, he said, must rest upon
the severest efforts to re-elect Martin Van
Buren. He showed the indications to
be adverse to the latter gentleman in
Ohio, and claimed, that with the influ
ence of the name and character of Cass,
we could secure the ascenoancy of the
democratic principles in our State for
years to come—with any other candidate,
we risked the defeat of our principles,
and the motto of every good democrat
should be ‘principles not men.’ ”
Mr. Spalding, another gentleman of
great popularity and influence, spoke.—
VVe extract the follewing :
“ Mr. S. claimed to have been the firm
and uncompromising supporter of Mar
tin Van Buren in the campaigns of ’36
and ’4O, and knowing and appreciating
all the difficulties and embarrassments
and surrounded a contest under his ban
ner, gave it as his decided opinion that
Ohio could not be saved to the democra
cy of the Union in ’44, unless anew
leader should be selected.”
In Pennsylvania,he said, our prospects
were even worse, and as evidence of this
truth, read to the assembled multitude
the following extracts of a letter recently
received from Harrisburg:
“ We would have cheerfully acquies
ced in the nomination of Mr. Van Buren
and even have been reconciled to the loss
ofourGovernor, U. S. Senator, Congress
man, ( 'anal Commissioner, and Legisla
ture, if the States that are so anxious to
see him nominated could elect him with
out our aid. But this thej cannot do,
and speak of Pennsylvania as the ‘battle
'ground.’ A great battle ground, truly,
when nearly every man out of the coun
ty bf Philadelphia, that is to fight on our
side, exclaims “ All’s lost !” and this too,
long before the contest.”
“Our most intelligent politicians in
the interior of the State, say that the
party will not rally for Mr. Van Buren
at all.”
A letter was also read from G. W.
Manypenny, an influential Democrat,
especially invited to •be present. He
says,
“Admit what many doubt—admit
that Mr. Van Buren can beat Mr. Clay
in the Union, can he carry Ohio? In
the best light I can view this Question, I
look upon it as doubtful. Mr. Van Bu
ren never has earned Ohio ; and I think
he connot enter the contest of ’44, in this
State, better than he uid in ’36; and we
all remember how it terminated.”
These gentlemen were all influential
supporters of Mr. Van Buren in 1840.
Those things show that a man may be
popular with a Majority of his party,
without having any other sort of popu
larity.
Specific Duties.
We stated in our paper day before yes
terday, some of our objections to specific
duties. There were. 1, That they
concealed the amount of taxes from the
people. 2, That they did not accommo
date the rate of taxation, as ad valorem
duties do, to the varying prices of com
modities. We add now another objec
tion : that they are the most unequal
method possible of levying taxes.
We have before us duties paid on an
importation of wood-screws and butt-lun
ges. A specific duty is laid on both;
and the duties vary, from the quality
and prices of the article, from seven to
one hundred and twenty per cent. A
specific duty is laid upon wines. Is it
not manifest that its rate will vary enor
mously with the quality of the wine ?
As the wine is costly, the duty will be
low; as it is cheap, it will lie high.—
Twenty cents a gallon oil cheap wine,
costing forty cents, will be fifty per cent.,
on wine costing $2, will be but ten per
cent. And so also with cloths, it the
duty is specific: the lower the price of
the eloths, the higher will be the rate of
duty. We have not gone into all class
es of articles, but we doubt not specific
duties have been the main instrument by
which the poor have been first oppressed
by unequal and onerous taxation, nnd
then kept ignorant of the amount they
paid. Instead of discrimination being
made in favor of the poor, they have all,
by our tariffs been made in favor of the
rich. Those who could not afford to
pay, are forced to pay enormously ; and
those who abounded in means, are ex
empted from taxation. We do not be
lieve that the history of theworld affords
the parallel of the injustice and inequali
ty which has characterized, for the last
twenty-five years, the tariffs of the Uni
ted States. A Government of the people
lias been administered as if it belonged to
the most heartless aristocracy that ever '
spurned them, and trampled on their
rights. The vilest and most unprinci
pled despot could have no motive in
wringing from the |>oor and helpless
their narrow and hard-earned means;
arid leaving the wealthy and the strong
to enjoy their rich and bloated prosperity.
He would seize from those who possess
ed abundant means, and would look for
the support of his throne to those whose
poverty might at once make them the
recipients of his bounty, and dependants
for protection against the oppression of a
proud aristocracy. It has been reserved
for that nation which boasts itself to be
the most enlightened and free .in the
world, to have the most anti-republican,
unjust, and oppressive system of taxation
which has ever disgraced it.— Washing
ton Spectator.
GENERAL INTELLIGENCE.
' ' -■ -» *
The subjoined interesting correspon
dence we take from a late number of the
Huntsville Democrat.
Mexico, Sept. 24,1542.
My Dear Sir. —l have the happiness
to inform you that Mr. Jolm Bradley, in
whose behalf you interested yourself, has
been released from imprisonment. I
had made repeated efforts before in his
behalf, backed by many of the most dis
tinguished names in the United States,
but without success. But your letter to
me, which I communicated to President
Santa Anna, immediately produced the
desired efffcct, as you will see from his
letter, a translation of which i send you.
I rejoice at this on poor Bradiey’saccount
and not less as it evinces a just apprecia
tion of your name and character in for
eign lands, which I am very sure will
increase with time—when party and po
litical ] rejudices are forgotten. Your
position, General, is indeed a proud one.
The mention of your name in a for'n land
causes a thrill o’pride in every American
heart, and has power like the command
ofthe apostles to cause the chains to drop
from the limbs of your countrymen.—
Long may you live to enjoy your well
earned fame. Santa Anna is a man of
talents and many noble qualities. You
must not judge him with reference to the
state of things in our own happy country.
He has a very different people to govern
and I think he is not only a patriot, but
that he understands his countrymen and
their true interests. A government like
ours would literally be no government
for Mexico. You do not use a tight rein
on your horse, because he is gentle and
well broke. Butitisno reason why 1
should me a similar one upon mine,
which is wild and untractable. Receive
my dear sir, the assurance ofthe high re
spect and sincere esteem of
Your oh't serv’t.
WADDY THOMPSON.
Gen. A. Jackson.
Private Sec’ry’s Office ofthe President ]
the Republic, !
National Palace of Tacubaya Septem- j
ber 21st, 1843,
To His Excellency Mr. Waddy
Thompson , Envoy Extraordi
nary and Minister Pleni
potentiary of the Uni
ted States.
Most esteemed Sir,
I have received’your polite favor of the
13th inst., and with it those of General
Andrew Jackson, and Governor David
Campbell, who interest themselves for
the liberty of John Bradley, a prisoner in
the Fortres of Perote. The mediation
of the Honorable General Jackson, for
he is highly respectable, as much so for
his being one of the most distinguished
men of the United States, as for the
special favors which he bestowed on me
in 1836, when I returned from my cap
tivity in Texas. This interposition has
induced me to grant the order of the lib
erty of Bradley, which I enclose to you,
that you may be pleased to give it the
necessary direction, and also to manifest
to Gen. Jackson, that I shall always be
happy to be honored with his orders, in
as much as they can never give me any
molestation, what ever may be the sub
ject to which they relate, —but on the
contrary will give me great pleasure,
liecause it is always pleasing to corre
spond with persons who, like him, enjoy
a fame so highly conspicuous.
I avail myself of the occasion to renew
the high regard of your devoted servant,
Who kisses vour hands,
(Signed) A. L. LIE STA. ANNA.
Floating Alarm Whistle to give
Mariners notice on Shoals and Recks.
—Among l Mr. Hobbs’ numerous inven
tions for the preservation of life and
property at sea, is a floating alarm whis
tle, of such power as to be heard a dis
tance of many miles. It is somewhat
similar to a large barrel organ, with a
downward projection in the centre, and
moored with a check chain to the bottom
of the sea, to prevent a heavy sea from
upsetting it. The repeated motion of the
waves gives a continual seesaw motion,
and there is an arrangement of valves,
by which, at every depression the water
could he carried through the bottom
from the centre to the end of the shaft
driving out the air which had entered at
its previous rising, up a chimney. The
whistle is composed of nine powerful
tongues on the accordion principle, and
there is an arrangement by which nine
more powerful tongues act, but only in
very rough weather, thus increasing the
sound, during the further raging of the
storm. A sounding beacon is also among
his valuable inventions, for fixing on
rocks, and which, always turning its
mouth to the wind, in a small current,
makes a powerful noise.
Treatment «>t the I sane.
M iss l)ix, the philanthropist, states
that among the hundreds of crazy people,
with whom her sacred mission has
brought her into companionship, she has
not found one individual, however fierce
nnd turbulent, that could not be calmed
by Scripture nnd prayer, uttered in low
and gentle tones. The power of reli
gious sentiments over these shattered
souls seems perfectly miraculous. The
worship of a quiet, loving heart affects
them like a voice from Heaven. Tear
ing and rending, yelling and stamping,
singing and groaning, gradually subside
into silence, and they fall on their knees
or gaze upward with clasped hands, as if
they sow through the opening darkness
a golden gleam from their Father’s Throne
of Love.
G’eat Battles between the Russians and the-
Circassians.
St. PETERSBURG!!, Nov. 10
Private accounts give information re
specting some sanguinary actions which
have lately taken place between our
troops and the Avarians, a tribe of the
Circassian mountaineers, which is mak
ing attacks on the left of our line of ope
rations. Avaria is not far from the west
coast of the Caspian Sea, and forms the
northern corner of Lesghistan. The
Commissioners, Dittel and Beresin, both
belonging to the University of Kasan,
and at present on mission, at the expense
ofthe Government, which will compre
hend a tour through European Turkey,
Asia Minor, Persia, Syria and Egypt,’
have lately supplied us with a chart of
Avaria a Trans-Caucassian district
hitherto entirely unknown. The Avari
ans and Lesghis are the most cruel and
rapacious of the mountaineers. During
the rainy season they made a most vio
lent attack on a large village which holds
relations of peace with us. Colonel
Wesciowsky hastened with his detach
ment to the protection of the people. H e
found, however, an immensely superior
numbers of opponents, whom Schamil
the present leader of the mountaineers’
who has distinguished himself by un
common spirits nnd courage, personally
commanded. The force of the enemy
was estimated at from 8,000 to 10,Out)
men. Wesciowsky, notwithstanding lie
and his small party fought with the va
lor peculiar only to Russians, found him
self obliged to give way to the opposing
ferce. The loss on his side is said to
have been 1,000 in killed nnd prisoners.
Among the names mentioned in the lat
ter is that of Lieutenant Aliasa, the soil
of one of our richest spirit merchants,—
Colonel Wesciowsky is supposed to have
either been killed or taken prisoner, as
no further accounts have yet been receiv
ed here respecting him. *
The Empire of Russia.
The Emperor Nicholas of Russia, dur
ing his meteor-like flights from one part
of his empire to another, sometimes tra
vels by roads made on purpose lor him.
In most of the remote districts, the offi
cials “set their houses in order,” and
prepare for the imperial inspection.—
Roads are hastily repaired, bridges im
perfectly mended, and all the labor re
quired for these extrordinary exerfions
being forced, the hardshipsand sufferings
of the peasantry are extreme, while ev
erything being done in a hurry, is con
sequently done imperfectly. As soon as
the Imperial eye is withdrawn, every
thing fails hack into its old course, and
so remains until another Roynl visit, at
some indefinite time, may stir up the sur
face ofthe corrupt and stagnant waters.
A Cl rious Example.
The Baltimore Clipper states that a
widow woman with three small children,
having rented a cellar from “a man in
form but not in heart,” and having been
rendered, by disposition, incapable of do
ing her usual work (washing) for some
time, fell in arrears for rent about six dol
lars. Her few articles of furniture were
seized nnd sold by her landlord in Lex
ington market, where she attended with
her little offspring. The butchers in the
market having been made acquainted
with the transaction, with a feelingof
liberality that reflect oil them the highest
honor, immediately subscribed between
thirty and forty dollars, which they gave
to the poor widow, together with her
furniture, which they purchased for her,
and as much meat ns she could carry
home. It affords us much pleasure to
record such instances of disinterested
benevolence, as they tend to exalt the
human character. The heartless land
lord retreated from the scene, amidst the
execrations of the spectators. The hus
band of the poor woman was killed son*
time ago on the Philadelphia Ruit Road.
Afore Iron Steamers — lt is stated that
two iron steamers, 100 feet long, with
Erricsoa propellers, and to carry 1500
barrels each, are building at Wilmington
for the trade between Philadelphia and
the North and East. They are m a< ie
water tight and fire proof, and are to be
good sea boats, so as to take the outer
passage if necessary.
Saved by a Dog. —A Mr. Alfred Ran
dall was proceeding from Roxbitry to
South Boston, on Saturday, on the ice,
when it gave way in the channel, anu
he fell in. His dog immediately sprang
to his assistance, seized the cape of h' s
cloak, and, by great exertions, rescued
him from a watery grave. Would a matt
have done it ?
Great Power of Imagination.
A late English paper states that a
young woman, named Winfield, who
had been on a visit to Derby, returnc
home to Rndbourne, taking a little do?
with her in a string: and, on arriving
there, she informed her friends that she
had seen a gipsy woman on the ron >
who told her that if she led the dog:
the string into the house, she would
a corpse within twelvehoufs. Singudf
to relate, the young woman died ou . t
following morning! It is supposed | a
she died from the effect of imagina llo >
aided by a debilitated constitution'